appendix on methods

26
Appendix on Methods To date there have been two types of studies of government departments. There are a few analyses that attempt to cover all departments. These are either merely descriptive (see Chester and Wilson 1968; McLean et al. 2000) or quantitative (especially Hood and Dunsire 1981). There are more studies of individual departments; although most of these are either descriptive or partial. In con- trast, we adopt a comparative case-study approach; comparing and contrasting change in a limited number of departments (on the comparative case study method see Yin 1984). However, before justifying our choice of departments, it is worth a brief con- sideration of a broader problem. As Hogwood (1992) points out, there is little agreement as to the number of departments. So, Hood and Dunsire (1981: 40) argue that: ‘the question is a deep legal (indeed philosophical) one and there is certainly no single and all-encompassing definition of such a thing’. This is demonstrated by the plethora of definitions of, and schemas for, classifying government departments. Many authors include only the departments which are headed by Cabinet ministers (see Rose 1987; and for similar lists see Madgwick 1991: 20; Clarke 1975: 65; Hennessy 1989). Such lists, however, are partial. In contrast, a number of authors have offered much more comprehen- sive definitions of government departments (Dewry and Butcher 1988; Dunleavy 1989; Hood et al. 1978; Hood and Dunsire 1981; Pitt and Smith 1981; Pollitt 1984). Dunleavy (1989: 273), for instance, disaggregates departments, recognising that many have departmental agencies attached. Consequently, he identifies 44 ‘ministerial departments (and elements of)’ and lists a further 38 ‘non-ministerial departments, departmental agencies, and other semi-detached agencies etc.’ Hood et al. (1978), when beginning their research into the management of government, soon found that there was ‘no single or self evident definition of “a central government agency” in Britain’. They point out that different govern- ment lists offer varying lists of agencies that are attached to departments and, perhaps most ironically, the departments listed in the Treasury’s ‘Memorandum on the Estimates’: ‘are by no means the same Departments which actually appear in the estimates’ (Hood et al. 1978). Consequently, they distinguish between departments which are 5 star, i.e. the departments which appear on all five departmental lists, and departments which are 4 star appearing on four etc. They finally accept a total of 69 departments. In the end this debate can seem arcane so we settled for the most obvious list; that published in the Civil Service Year Book. In 1993, this listed 61 departments of which 19 were headed by Cabinet ministers, with a further two, the Law Officer’s Department and the Lord Advocate’s Department, defined as Departments of the State. Given this list we were still spoilt for choice. We had a clear resource constraint that suggested that we could undertake a study of only four departments. Obviously, no four departments could be regarded as representative. However, we wanted a spread of departments to ensure that any general conclusions we reached weren’t the product of choosing departments 251

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Page 1: Appendix on Methods

Appendix on Methods

To date there have been two types of studies of government departments. Thereare a few analyses that attempt to cover all departments. These are either merelydescriptive (see Chester and Wilson 1968; McLean et al. 2000) or quantitative(especially Hood and Dunsire 1981). There are more studies of individualdepartments; although most of these are either descriptive or partial. In con-trast, we adopt a comparative case-study approach; comparing and contrastingchange in a limited number of departments (on the comparative case studymethod see Yin 1984).

However, before justifying our choice of departments, it is worth a brief con-sideration of a broader problem. As Hogwood (1992) points out, there is littleagreement as to the number of departments. So, Hood and Dunsire (1981: 40)argue that: ‘the question is a deep legal (indeed philosophical) one and there iscertainly no single and all-encompassing definition of such a thing’. This isdemonstrated by the plethora of definitions of, and schemas for, classifyinggovernment departments. Many authors include only the departments whichare headed by Cabinet ministers (see Rose 1987; and for similar lists seeMadgwick 1991: 20; Clarke 1975: 65; Hennessy 1989). Such lists, however, arepartial. In contrast, a number of authors have offered much more comprehen-sive definitions of government departments (Dewry and Butcher 1988;Dunleavy 1989; Hood et al. 1978; Hood and Dunsire 1981; Pitt and Smith 1981;Pollitt 1984). Dunleavy (1989: 273), for instance, disaggregates departments,recognising that many have departmental agencies attached. Consequently, heidentifies 44 ‘ministerial departments (and elements of)’ and lists a further 38‘non-ministerial departments, departmental agencies, and other semi-detachedagencies etc.’

Hood et al. (1978), when beginning their research into the management ofgovernment, soon found that there was ‘no single or self evident definition of“a central government agency” in Britain’. They point out that different govern-ment lists offer varying lists of agencies that are attached to departments and,perhaps most ironically, the departments listed in the Treasury’s ‘Memorandumon the Estimates’: ‘are by no means the same Departments which actuallyappear in the estimates’ (Hood et al. 1978). Consequently, they distinguishbetween departments which are 5 star, i.e. the departments which appear on allfive departmental lists, and departments which are 4 star appearing on four etc.They finally accept a total of 69 departments.

In the end this debate can seem arcane so we settled for the most obvious list;that published in the Civil Service Year Book. In 1993, this listed 61 departmentsof which 19 were headed by Cabinet ministers, with a further two, the LawOfficer’s Department and the Lord Advocate’s Department, defined asDepartments of the State. Given this list we were still spoilt for choice. We hada clear resource constraint that suggested that we could undertake a study ofonly four departments. Obviously, no four departments could be regarded asrepresentative. However, we wanted a spread of departments to ensure that anygeneral conclusions we reached weren’t the product of choosing departments

251

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that were of the same type. Of course, any choice involves establishing criteria.Our starting point was Richard Rose’s classification (1987) of departmentswhich, in our view, is the most accessible. He categorises departments accordingto their dates of origin, resource claims and political status. His analysis focusesmainly on the period between 1945 and 1983. Of course, this means that it isdated. Some of the departments he identifies have been amalgamated (e.g.Employment and Education; Transport and Environment) and others disbanded(e.g. Energy). At the same time, the creation of separate Executive Agencies hassignificantly altered the pattern of resource claims. In addition, the politicalstatus of departments clearly fluctuates. So, for example, Hoopes’ (1996) studyof oil privatisation gives ample evidence that the political status of theDepartment of Energy fluctuated significantly between its creation in 1974 andits dismantling in 1993.

Nevertheless, Rose’s classification is a useful starting point. Figure A.1 isadapted from Rose (1987) and summarises his classification of those depart-ments that existed in 1983. We wanted a spread of departments that reflectedRose’s criteria but, given that a key focus of our research was structural and cul-tural change, we also wanted most of our departments to be ones which hadexperienced significant structural change. Consequently, we decided upon thefollowing departments: the Home Office; the Department of Trade andIndustry; the Department of Social Security; and the, now dismantled,Department of Energy. As such, we had one of the main departments of state,the Home Office, which ranks high in relation to all Rose’s criteria, but that hasexperienced relatively few structural changes. In contrast, the DTI, according toRose (1987: 49, Table 2.5) is a department characterised by almost constantchange; it had twice as many transfers of function between 1946 and 1983 as

252 Appendix

Figure A.1 Classifying government departments

Department Date of Resource Political origin (1) claims (2) status (3)

Treasury Old High HighDefence Old High MediumTrade in Industry Old Medium HighForeign Old Medium HighHome Office Old High HighHealth/Social Security Middle-aged/New (4) High MediumEducation Middle-aged Medium LowEnvironment Middle-aged Medium MediumScotland Middle-aged Medium MediumAgriculture Middle-aged Low LowEmployment Middle-aged Low MediumTransport New Medium MediumEnergy New Low MediumWales New Low LowNorthern Ireland New Low Medium

Page 3: Appendix on Methods

any other department. It was split into three in 1974 with the creation of aDepartment of Industry, a Department of Trade and a Department of ConsumerAffairs. Subsequently, it was recreated in 1983. In Rose’s classification, the DTI isan old ministry with medium resource claims and high political status,although it is probably fairer to claim that its political status has fluctuated. TheDepartment of Social Security has also experienced significant changes. It wassplit from Health in 1988 and was very affected by the move to ExecutiveAgencies. In Rose’s terms, it is young, with high resource claims and a mediumpolitical status. The Department of Energy was a very small department that wascreated in 1974 and amalgamated with the DTI in 1993. In Rose’s classificationit was new with low resource claims and medium political status. However, theminers’ strike in 1984 and the privatisations in the 1980s subsequently gave it avery high political profile. Overall, the four departments upon which we focusgive us a good spread of government departments and particularly of thosewhich have experienced structural change.

We initially collected quantitative data on the size, functions, budgets andorganisation of the four departments. This was mainly taken from official publi-cations, although we also had limited access to a number of internal, unpub-lished government documents. However, the main source of material used inthis book is drawn from 191 semi-structured interviews we conducted with min-isters, civil servants and interest group representatives (see Figure A.2) whobetween 1974 and 1997 had an association with our four departments. Theinterviews were conducted between October 1995 and August 1998.

Appendix 253

Figure A.2 The interviewees

Civil servantsGrade Retired Contemporary

1/1A 20 52 27 133 16 275 12 267/HEO 8

Cabinet ministers Interest group reps22 25

Total interviewed 191

Page 4: Appendix on Methods

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Index

268

ACPO see Association of Chief PoliceOfficers

‘action’ element of culture, 22–3, 24,38, 38

‘actors’ in society, 22–3administrative support, Prime

Minister’s, 103Adonis, A., 45, 55advisers, special, 143–4agency–departmental relations, DSS,

92–3agency development see Next Steps

programmeagency/structure issue, 3–4, 10–11,

242–3culture, 19–20, 100interest group relations, 199–200ministerial roles, 148–53structural change, 43

agenda-setting role of ministers, 133,133–9, 139, 153

‘anticipated actions’ process, 107–8appointment powers, Prime

Minister’s, 54, 105–7Armstrong, William, 39, 108‘arrogant’ features of Home Office,

78–80Artis, M., 224Association of Chief Police Officers

(ACPO), 184–6, 190–1, 197asymmetric power model, 246–50

Bache, I., 224Baker, Ken, 2, 138, 210–11, 223

dangerous dogs issue, 203, 204Home Secretary role, 73–4, 76–7,

108, 140, 160Bakvis, H., 7Bale, T., 16Balogh, T., 39Barker, A., 29

Barley, S., 20Beer, S., 39Bender, B., 214Benefits Agency, 20Benn, Tony, 7, 39, 94, 60–2, 150

agenda-setting aims, 133–4Civil Service relationship, 31–6

Benson, J. K., 24Benyon, J., 197Berger, P., 19Berlanger, G., 45Beveridge Report, 86, 88Bevir, M., 5Biddis, M., 2Blair, Tony, 109Bradshaw, J., 87Breton, A., 45British political tradition, 28–9, 180,

244, 247Brittan, S., 45Buller, J., 86, 212, 220, 241Bulmer, S., 215, 216Bulpitt, J., 51, 110, 153Burch, M., 214, 215, 216bureau-shaping model, 155, 156–64Burns, Terry, 121Burrell, G., 25, 26Butcher, T., 48, 64, 251Butler, Robin, 28

Cabinet, 105–6, 109–10, 141–2, 128‘Cabinet enforcer’, 109Cabinet ministers see ministerial rolesCabinet Office, 109, 213, 215, 216Callaghan, J., 71, 117–18Campbell, C., 41, 43, 44, 45, 52, 68,

147, 155, 164Carrington, Peter, 46–7, 141, 243Carruthers, B. G., 25Castells, M., 249Castle, B., 39, 124

References in italic indicate figures or tables

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Cerny, P., 209Chapman, J., 95Chapman, R. A., 1, 29, 30, 121Chester, D. N., 251Citizen’s Charter, 105civil servant–minister relationships

see minister–civil servantrelationships

Civil Service: Taking Forward Continuityand Change, 55

Clarke, Ken, 73, 230Clarke, R., 251Clegg, S., 26, 27, 48Clifford, J., 18Coates, D., 210Cockett, R., 45codes of conduct, 29, 30–1Conservative structural reforms, 2,

52–9, 67managerial, 55–6personnel, 52–4

consultants, Conservatives’ use of,178–9

consultationConservatives’ use of, 190–4Labour’s use of, 194–6

Continuity and Change, 55co-ordinating mechanisms, European,

214–17co-ordination within departments,

European, 227–9core executive role, 101–31, 248–9

power dependency model, 168–70,168

Prime Minister, 102–19relations between departments,

124–30segmentation, 237–9Treasury, 119–24

Cram, I., 222‘critical realist’ perspective, 3–4Cronin, J., 64Crossman, R., 39, 124Crowther Hunt, N., 7, 39, 46cultural change, 14–42, 69–100,

232–3, 244–5change within Whitehall, 37–41, 38concept of culture, 16–27, 17, 24DEn, 94–8

DSS, 86–94DTI, 80–6Home Office, 70–80Whitehall, 27–37

cultural theory, 16–18, 17‘culture’ concept, 16–27, 17, 24

dependent or independent variable,15

importance, 14–15

Daintith, T., 1dangerous dogs issue, 204Dale, H. E., 27Davies, P., 70, 116Deakin, N., 1, 120–4, 238Dell, Edmund, 107DEn see Energy, Department ofdepartment–agency relations, DSS,

92–3departmental ministers see ministerial

rolesdepartments

centrality of, 1choice of, 3, 251–3, 252cultures, 36, 69–70, 98–100, 99lack of research on, 1–2Prime Ministerial intervention,

109–10, 110–16relations between, 124–30relations with Europe, 212–18,

218–30, 241Treasury interventions, 116–24see also under names of individual

departments, e.g., Trade andIndustry, Department of

dependency model see powerdependency model

Devine, F., 3DHSS see Health and Social Security,

Department ofdifferentiated polity model, 6–8, 181,

233–42, 244, 246, 250ministerial roles, 147–8power issues, 8–9

DiMaggio, P. J., 19, 23, 42DoE see Environment, Department of

theDolowitz, D., 139Donaldson, L., 16

Index 269

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Donoughue, P., 118Douglas, M., 16Dowding, K., 7, 11, 43, 44, 56, 156, 182Drewry, G., 48, 251DSS see Social Security, Department ofDTI see Trade and Industry,

Department of‘dual polity’ model, 110Dunleavy, P., 10, 11, 43, 110, 117,

155, 156, 218, 251Dunsire, A., 251Dyrberg, T. B., 25, 26

Eagle, Angela, 29economic context

effect on policy networks’ roles, 200effect on Prime Minister’s role,

116–17globalisation, 210–11

Education and Employment,Department for, 129

education policy, 248–9‘egalitarian’ way of life, 17, 17‘elitist political tradition’, 28–9, 180,

244Ellis, R., 16Employment Department, 117, 129Energy, Department of, 59–60, 62–3,

242–3cultural change, 94–8, 98–100, 99interest group relations, 186–7,

192–3, 200, 201ministerial agenda-setting, 135–6ministerial minimalist role, 141Prime Ministerial intervention,

112–14Environment, Department of the

(DoE), 193, 225–6EU co-ordination changes, 228–9

ethical position of civil servants, 28,29–30

ethnomethodological approach, 23European Secretariat, 215European Union (EU), 209–31, 233

departments’ relations with, 218–30globalisation of the state, 209–12‘hollowing out’ thesis, 240–2ministers’ role in, 143Whitehall’s relations with, 212–18

Evans, M., 87exchange relations patterns, 239, 248‘executive dominance reassertion’

view, 155, 164–8, 175executive role of ministers, 133,

145–7external constraints, pattern of,

249–50external consultants, Conservatives’

use of, 178–9

Falklands War, 111, 116‘fatalistic’ way of life, 17, 17FCO see Foreign and Commonwealth

OfficeFER see Fundamental Expenditure

ReviewFinancial Management Initiative, 2Flinders, M., 28, 53, 234Florina, M. P., 45Foley, M., 101Forder, J., 231Foreign and Commonwealth Office

(FCO), 20–1EU co-ordination changes, 228inter-departmental relations, 124–5Prime Ministerial intervention, 111relations with Europe, 213, 215,

216, 226Foster, C., 41, 44, 52, 68, 110, 147,

153, 155, 160, 164Foucault, M., 26Fowler, Norman, 87–8, 138–9, 139,

166Franklin, B., 206free trade vs interventionism, 80–4Frost, P. J., 19Fry, G., 2, 39, 40, 43, 44Fulton Report, 39, 46, 48Fundamental Expenditure Review

(FER), 121Furlong, P., 3

Gains, F., 94Gamble, A., 45, 46, 210, 212Garfinkel, H., 19, 23George, S., 241Giddens, A., 19Gilmour, Ian, 40, 46, 110

270 Index

Page 21: Appendix on Methods

Glennerster, H., 87globalisation issues, 209–12, 230, 240Goffman, E., 22–3‘governance’ vs ‘government’ debate,

6, 234–5‘grand strategy’, lack of, 44–7Grant, W., 184, 218Greer, P., 43, 91grid concept, 16, 17group concept, 16, 17Grugel, J., 212

Haines, J., 20Haldane model, 153Hames, T., 45, 55Hay, C., 10, 45, 46, 64, 169, 211Hayward, J., 231Headey, B., 70, 133, 140, 147Health and Social Security,

Department of (DHSS), 64–5,89–91, 129

Heath, E., 46Heclo, H., 1, 27Held, D., 209, 210Hennessy, P., 2, 39, 43, 48, 101, 102,

145, 251Heseltine, Michael, 145–6, 160hierarchical nature of Home Office, 78‘hierarchical’ way of life, 17, 17Hill, J., 105Hirst, P., 211Hogg, S., 105Hogwood, B., 49, 50, 251Holliday, I., 214‘hollowing out’ thesis, 7–8, 209,

239–42Home Office, 12

cultural change, 70–88, 98–100, 99,245

interest group relations, 184–6,190–1

intra-departmental relations, 125–6media relations, 202, 203–6ministerial agenda-setting, 134–5,

139, 139ministerial minimalist role, 141ministerial policy selectors, 140Prime Ministerial intervention,

111–12, 115

relations with Europe, 223, 241structural change analysis, 59, 65–7

Hood, C., 16, 17, 48, 251Hoogvelt, A., 210Hoopes, S., 152, 192, 200Hoskyns, J., 47Hout, W., 212Howard, Michael, 74–5, 76, 166–7, 230

agenda-setting role, 134–5, 139, 139Benn and Lilley compared, 150interest group relations, 185–6media relations, 205–6

Howell, David, 44–5, 113Hungerford massacre, 204–5Hurd, Douglas, 111, 140, 160, 203,

204–5, 223

Ibbs, R., 27ideas/institutions relationship, 11–12,

153–4, 243–5IMF crisis 118‘individualistic’ way of life, 17, 17Industry, Department of, 60, 80–1, 82

ministerial agenda-setting, 137–8‘institutions’ element of culture,

23–4, 24, 38, 38inter-departmental relations, 124–30,

233interest group relations, 181,

182–201, 233explanation of changes, 199–200policy network approach, 182–97power distribution, 197–9

internationalisation perspective, 211,212

interventionism vs free trade, 80–4interventions by prime ministers,

109–10, 110–16interview methods/interpretation,

3–4, 253, 253isolation of Home Office, 78–80

James, S., 2Jay, P., 45Jenkin, Patrick, 87, 114–15, 116, 141

policy initiator role, 139–40Jenkins, Roy, 71–2, 115

agenda-setting role, 133, 134media relations, 205

Index 271

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Jensen, L., 16, 17Jessop, B., 39Jobseekers’ Allowance (JSA), 117, 129joined-up government, 128–9, 249Joseph, Keith, 82, 149

agenda-setting role, 134, 137–8,139

JSA see Jobseekers’ AllowanceJudge, D., 36, 102

Kavanagh, D., 2, 45, 46, 101, 108,143, 190, 202, 238, 246

Kellner, P., 7, 39, 46Kemp, Peter, 49–50, 159, 160Kenny, M., 28Keohane, R., 211, 212, 217King, A., 2, 39, 45, 190Kingdom, J., 10knowledge and power, 25–6Kogan, M., 20Klymlicka, W., 210

Labour government, 122, 128–9approach to consultation, 194–6media relations, 206–7

Lawson, Nigel, 106, 107, 145, 149,160

agenda-setting role, 134, 135–6energy policy, 62–3, 96, 97, 242–3interest group relations, 186–7Prime Ministerial interference, 113,

114Lee, J., 108, 112Legg, T., 27legitimacy resource of Prime Minister,

102–3liberty vs order perspectives, 70,

71–7Lilley, Peter, 87, 88–9, 113, 141, 194

agenda-setting role, 134, 137, 139Benn and Howard compared, 150social security reforms, 173–4

Ling, T., 49Louis, M. R., 21, 25Lowndes, V., 19‘loyalty’ aspect of Whitehall culture,

33–6, 176Luckman, T., 19Ludlam, S., 46, 139

Madgwick, P., 2, 251MAFF (Ministry for Agriculture,

Fisheries and Food), 214, 217–18Major, John, 55, 56, 105, 118–19managerial reforms, 55–9managerial role of civil servants, 156,

157–9, 161–3managerial role of ministers, 133,

145–7‘managerialism’ culture, 38, 48–9

DSS, 90–1DTI, 84–6Home Office, 78–9

Mandelson, Peter, 142March, J., 19Marsh, M. J., 3, 8, 9, 28, 102, 169,

182, 201, 246D. Richards, M. J. Smith and, 1, 5,

28, 53, 109, 122, 129, 156R. Rhodes and, 7, 127, 139, 182,

235McAnulla, S., 10, 118McCaig, C., 249McFarland, A., 9McKinlay, A., 26McLean, I., 251McLeay, E., 184, 185, 190, 191, 197media, departments’ relations with,

181, 201–7Menon, A., 231Metcalfe, L., 58–9Meyerson, D., 18Migue, J., 45Milner, H., 211, 212, 217Miners’ Strike, 112–13, 116‘minimalist’ role of ministers, 140–1minister–civil servant relationships,

6–7, 8, 36–7, 53–5, 155–80, 233bureau-shaping model, 156–64power dependency model, 168–79,

168reassertion of executive dominance,

164–8Tony Benn, 31–6

ministerial roles, 132–54changing pattern of governance,

147–8changing roles, 132–47, 133, 139European roles, 229–30

272 Index

Page 23: Appendix on Methods

explaining change, 148–54Ministry for Agriculture, Fisheries and

Food (MAFF), 214, 217–18Minogue, K., 2mission statement, Home Office, 67Moore, John, 65, 141, 173Mountfield, R., 14

NACRO, Home Office relations with,191

neo-liberal policies, 46, 47globalisation, 210, 211, 240

networks see policy networksNew Deal, 122‘new institutionalism’, 19New Public Management (NPM),

43–4, 48–51and globalisation, 210

New Right ideology, 45–6, 200Next Steps programme, 2, 55–9

civil servants’ role in, 156, 159–61effect on work balances, 158

Niskanen, W., 45Noll, R. G., 45Norton, P., 133Nott, John, 145–6NPM see New Public Managementnuclear energy policy, 94–5

Office of Public Service, 105Ohmae, K., 210Olsen, J., 19order vs liberty perspectives, 70, 71–7organisation/culture relationship,

23–4organisational change, Prime

Minister’s powers, 104–5organisational context of ministerial

roles, 151–2organisational culture, 70, 98–100, 99

DEn, 98DSS, 89–94DTI, 84–6Home Office, 77–80

Page, E., 1Parliament, ministers in, 142Parry, R., 1, 120–4, 238Parsons, W., 48

‘party leader’ basis of Prime Minister’slegitimacy, 103

‘party’ role of ministers, 143–5Payne, A., 212‘performances’ in society, 22–3Permanent Secretaries, work

preferences/balances, 157–8,161–3

personnel reform, 53–5Peters, B. G., 10Peterson, J., 210Phillips, Lord, 30Pitt, D. C., 251Plowden, F., 43, 48

C. Foster and, 41, 44, 52, 68, 147,153, 155, 160, 164

pluralist model of power, 8–9, 181,199, 207, 245–6

policing policy network, 184–6,190–1, 196–7

policy advisers, 143–4Home Office officials as, 77–8, 79

policy chimneys, 125–6, 128–9, 238policy culture, 70, 98–100, 99

DEn, 94–8DSS, 86–9DTI, 80–4Home Office, 70–7

‘policy initiatives’ role of ministers,139–40

‘policy legitimators’ role of ministers,140–1

policy-making preferences of civilservants, 156, 157–9

policy networks, 7, 181, 182–201,235–7

changes over time, 189–96changing role, 199–201policy outcomes, 196–7power distribution, 197–9

policy outcomes, influence of policynetworks, 196–7

policy role of civil servants, 156,161–3, 170–4

policy role of ministers, 133, 133–41,139

‘policy selectors’ role of ministers,140

political advisers, Benn’s use of, 32–3

Index 273

Page 24: Appendix on Methods

political contexteffect on policy networks’ roles,

200effect on Prime Minister’s role,

116–17globalisation, 211–12

political role of ministers, 133, 141–5Pollitt, C., 2, 251Ponting, C., 48, 124Portillo, Michael, 229–30Powell, W. W., 19, 23, 42power dependency model, 51–2, 68,

155, 168–79, 168core executive, 101–2Home Office, 80

power distribution of policynetworks, 197–9

power issues, 8–9culture and, 18–19, 24–7structural change, 44Whitehall culture, 28–9

powers of Prime Minister, 103–4,104–19

Prices and Consumer Protection,Department of, 60, 62

Prime Minister role, 101, 102–19, 130,237

and departments, 102–4power dependency model, 168–70,

168powers, 104–19

Prime Minister’s Office, 108Prison Service, 160–1‘Prison Works’, 74privatisation policy, DEn, 97–8, 192,

201Pryce, S., 101Public Expenditure Committee, 121public opinion, departments’

relationship with, 181, 201–7public relations advisers, 143–4public relations role of ministers, 133,

145–7public service ethos, 31, 36, 38–41Purnell, S., 219Pyper, R., 48

Radcliffe, J., 14, 60rational choice theory, 163

Rees, Merlyn, 106, 185regionalisation perspective, 211, 230Reorganisation of Central Government,

The, 44, 45research, lack of, 1–2research methods, 3, 251–3, 252, 253researcher status, 4resource use, Prime Minister’s,

117–19, 168–70, 168Rhodes, R. A. W., 5, 6–7, 44, 52, 101,

110, 181, 2091997, 5, 7, 43, 48, 168D. Marsh and, 127, 139, 182, 235

Richards, D., 3, 49, 58, 153, 167–8,238, 246

1997, 2, 14, 39, 46, 48, 54, 147,153, 178

D. Marsh, M. J. Smith and, 1, 5, 28,53, 109, 122, 129, 156

Riley, P., 19, 21, 25Rose, R., 64, 70, 103, 116, 209, 251,

252–3

Sampson, A., 39Saward, M., 53Scott, R., 27, 30sectionalism in DEn, 95segmentation of core executive,

237–9, 248–9Seldon, A., 2, 101, 108, 117, 118, 143,

202Senior Management Review (SMR), 2,

55, 86, 92, 105Sloman, A., 20Smircich, L., 21Smith, B. C., 251Smith, M. J., 7, 9, 23, 29, 86, 198,

217, 2341999a, 2, 44, 49, 52, 53, 101, 102,

168D. Marsh and, 182, 201D. Marsh, D. Richards and, 1, 5, 28,

53, 109, 122, 129, 156D. Richards and, 49, 58, 153,

167–8S. Ludlam and, 46, 139

SMR see Senior Management Reviewsocial conservatism views, Home

Office, 71–2

274 Index

Page 25: Appendix on Methods

social context, and Prime Minister’srole, 116–17

social liberalism views. Home Office,71–7

Social Security, Department of, 59,64–5

cultural change, 86–94, 98–100, 99,245

inter-departmental relations, 129interest group relations, 189, 193–4,

195Jobseekers’ Allowance dispute, 117media relations, 202–3ministerial agenda-setting, 137,

138–9, 139ministerial policy initiatives, 140power dependency example,

173–4Prime Ministerial intervention,

114–15relations with Europe, 222relations with Treasury, 120–3

social security payments reform,88–9

social welfare principles, 64, 86–7special advisers, 143–4Spence, J., 215Starkey, K., 26Stephens, P., 210Stones, R., 210Strangeways breakout, 203Straw, Jack, 75structural change, 43–69

departmental changes, 59–67lack of ‘grand strategy’, 44–7post-1979, 48–51, 52–9power dependency perspective,

51–2, 177Prime Minister’s powers, 104–5

structural context of ministerial roles,148–9, 151–2

structure/agency issue seeagency/structure issue

structured inequality perspective, 9,247

sub-cultures and sub-systems, 20–1Whitehall, 30, 36–7

‘support’ powers, Prime Minister’s,107–8

Tebbitt, Norman, 82–3, 107, 116, 118Thain, C., 1, 27, 224Thatcher, Margaret, 10, 101–2, 106,

108, 160interventions, 111–15, 118–19, 237view of Civil Service, 40, 47

Thatcherism, 39–40, 45–6Theakston, K., 48theoretical framework development,

4–5Thomas, G., 102Thompson, G., 211Thompson, M., 16timing of research, 2Toonan, A. J., 214top-down budgeting approach, 121Total Managed Expenditure, 121Trade, Department of, 60, 81Trade and Industry, Department of

(DTI), 3, 12cultural change, 80–6, 98–100, 99,

245EU co-ordination changes, 228European role, 143, 230inter-departmental relations, 124–5interest group relations, 187–9,

191–2, 195–6, 200, 201intra-departmental relations, 126–7ministerial agenda-setting, 136,

137–8, 139, 139relations with Europe, 218–22, 241structural change, 59, 60–2

transnationalisation, 210–11Treasury, 1, 17, 20

EU co-ordination changes, 227opposition to Next Steps, 56–7relations with departments, 119–24,

130–1, 238relations with Europe, 224–5

‘trust’ aspect of Whitehall culture,32–33, 163

universality principle, social welfare,88, 89

value element of culture, 21–22, 24,38, 38

Van Maanen, B., 20veto powers, Prime Minister’s, 107–8

Index 275

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Waddington, David, 73, 106, 141,160, 203, 223

agenda-setting role, 135, 139Wakeham, John, 97, 115–16Walker, D., 20Walker, Peter, 95–6, 115Watson, M., 211, 240Watt, R., 94‘webs of meaning’, 21–2welfare principles, 64, 86–7welfare to work programme, 122, 238Weller, P., 7, 48Westminster model, 5–6, 164–8, 179,

233, 247Whitehall culture, 27–41, 164–8, 232–3

changes within, 37–41, 38competing frameworks, 36–7, 38relationship with Europe, 212–18Tony Benn, 31–6

Whitelaw, Willie, 112, 115–16, 145–6,203

Wildavsky, A., 1, 16, 27Williams, Shirley, 60Wilson, F. M. G., 251Wilson, G., 29, 41, 43, 44, 45, 52, 68,

147, 155, 164Wilson, R., 14, 38Wintrobe, R., 45Wright, M., 1, 27, 224

Young, David, 83–4, 154, 160agenda-setting role, 134, 136, 138,

139, 139Young, E., 20Young, H., 20

‘zero sum game’, 7, 68, 101, 239Zey, M., 16

276 Index