1 IGCH, p. 243.

2 Kagan 1994, pp. 36ff.

3 IGCH 1790; the author would like to thank Andrew Meadows for making

available the manuscript of his forthcoming republication of the hoard.

4 Schlumberger 1953, pp. 31ff. = IGCH 1830.

ARCHAIC GREEK COINS EAST OF THE TIGRIS:

EVIDENCE FOR CIRCULATION?

J. KAGAN

In the landmark 1973 publication An Inventory of Greek Coin Hoards only one archaic Greek

coin fi nd east of the Euphrates was known. That was the deposit in the Foundation of the Apadana

in Persepolis (IGCH 1789). The authors went on to say that that deposit ‘served a very special

purpose and has nothing to do with monetary circulation’.1 I took issue with this in publishing

CH.VIII.19, a sixth-century hoard from the eastern Levant that contained a similar mix to that

deposited at Persepolis. Early coins of Aegina, Abdera and Cyprus were found together in both

hoards. My point was that the mix of silver coins found at Persepolis could well represent a cir-

culating sample.2

While there is similarity in composition, the Levantine hoard most probably came from some-

where near the eastern Mediterranean coast. It does not tell us how frequently Greek coins trav-

elled beyond Mesopotamia in archaic times. Before looking at some exciting new evidence, it is

worth surveying the known archaic coins with eastern pedigrees. There exist three important and

remarkably similar Eastern hoards with burial dates in the last quarter of the fi fth century that

bear discussion.

Largest of these is the Malayer Hoard, found in 1934 65km SE of ancient Ecbatana, that thanks

to the efforts of Andrew Meadows and the cooperation of the National Museum in Teheran will

shortly receive its long overdue proper publication. The fi nd consisted of almost 400 coins, with

Athens making up slightly over 40%. There is only one siglos, proving as has long been noted that

sigloi did not play a special role in the monetary system in the Eastern Persian Empire in this pe-

riod. There are coins from the Levant, including 138 coins from Tyre and Sidon and three Cypriot

coins. The hoard closed in c. 425. There are, however, a few archaic coins worth noting including

two Corcyrean coins. One of the chopped Athenian tetradrachms is archaic as are three of the

Aeginetan turtles. The solitary stater from Corinth is an early Pegasus / Aphrodite type with a late

archaic date. Naxos is represented by a fragmentary sixth-century stater with the ivy wreath. Also

archaic is the solitary coin of Clazomenae, a lion head / divided incuse square coin from Caria,

most probably Mylasa, one of the Lycian staters with the boar obverse and rough incuse and fi nally

the fi ve coins from Cyrenaica.3

The next two remarkably similar hoards come from Afghanistan. The 1933 Cabul hoard pub-

lished by Schlumberger consisted of over 115 coins, with signifi cant overlap with the Malayer

hoard. Athens again is the largest group, with 33 recorded tetradrachms compared to eight sigloi.

In addition to the worn archaic stater of Aegina, a fragmentary stater of Thasos and a worn Chiot

stater may be archaic. There are two well-preserved early classical tetradrachms from Acanthus

and an early classical stater of Corcyra. Again there is a signifi cant Levantine component repre-

sented by coins from Pamphylia, Cilicia and Cyprus, though nothing from Phoenicia.4 The early

Cilician coins probably date the hoard slightly later than the Malayer hoard.

The 1966 hoard said to have been found in Balkh, ancient Bactra, complements the group.

ARCHAIC GREEK COINS EAST OF THE TIGRIS:

EVIDENCE FOR CIRCULATION? 231

5 Troxell / Spengler 1969, pp. 1-19 = IGCH 1820.

6 Bopearachchi / Rahman 1995, p. 78.

7 The author intends to publish the hoard fully in a forthcoming AJN;

because of the different sources of photographs, some of the illustrations

may not be to scale.

8 CAH 2nd IV, p. 179.

9 See Kagan 1994 for hoard bibliography.

It consisted of more than 170 coins with the bulk - over 150 - being Athenian. No sigloi were

recorded, but 11 of the 16 recorded non-Athenian coins are from Cilicia, Cyprus and Phoenicia.

In addition to a worn archaic Aeginetan stater, there is a late archaic coin of Lete (Berge) and a

unique Thraco-Macedonian coin of a horseman that might also be archaic. Intriguingly for what

we will discuss next, the publishers of this hoard recorded a group of three well-preserved Thraco-

Macedonian archaic coins which may or more probably may not be related to the above fi nd: a

stater of Dicaea and Stagira from the sixth century and a late archaic tetradrachm of Acanthus.5

Interestingly a slightly later stater of Stagira with the lion attacking the boar obverse and an early

fi fth-century stater of Paros were found recently in Afghanistan, possibly as part of a large, much

later hoard found at Ai Khanoum.6 Yet another slightly earlier Stagira was reportedly the earliest

coin from the large well hoard at Mir Zahke.

It is tempting to see evidence here that some of these archaic Greek coins found their way to

Afghanistan shortly after their minting. All the hoards mentioned are notable in that the coins are

not as often test cut or turned into fragments as one is accustomed to in hoards found in Egypt

and the Levant. With this as background, the discovery in this region of a hoard with only sixth-

century coinage should not come as a complete surprise, yet I hope you will agree with me that the

following survival is still remarkable.7

In 2003 a group of probably as many as 50 sixth-century BC Greek coins came to light in

Turkmenistan. The fi nd details, as with all hoards discovered out of archaeological context, are

somewhat murky; but the numismatic community was fortunate in that a collector of later central

Asian coins - Hans Mondorf, who lived at the time in Ashgabat - quickly realized the uniqueness

of the fi nd and did his best to preserve a record. While the exact spot was kept secret, we know

that the coins were uncovered on the left bank of the Amudarya (the Oxus River of the Greeks)

near modern Kerki in Turkmenistan. The coins were not found in a single pot or at one time, but

rather over a period of 10-12 months. There is no evidence of a single intrusion, so the most likely

explanation is that the hoard became dispersed in the ground. There is no way to know how much

of the original hoard was recovered. It is also hard to be certain how much of the recovered hoard

was recorded. Through Mondorf’s efforts, weights and photographs of 33 coins and 20 pieces of

hacksilber now exist. At least 15 coins (reportedly Thasian in poor condition) were known to have

been dispersed without being photographed.

This is not the fi rst time ancient coins have been found at Kerki. V. Masson in the 1950s re-

ported the fi nd of a gold daric.8 Kerki was part of Central Asia added to the Persian Empire by

Cyrus in the 530s and re-conquered by Darius after the revolts that marked the start of his reign.

Kerki stands on the border of the Persian satrapy of Bactria to the south, to the east is the city of

Samarkhand, and the satrapy of Sogdiana and Margiana with its capital at Merv lies to the west.

It is at the centre of the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex, an important Bronze Age

civilization that only came to light in the 1970s. Kerki is also situated at a likely crossing point of

the Oxus.

The coins themselves bear great similarities with other sixth-century fi nds – notably Deman-

hur, Ras Shamra, IGCH 1185 in Brussels and CH VIII.19.9 Also, as seems to be the case with all

these fi nds, there is a new type, reminding us how much less complete our record of sixth-century

coinage is than, for instance, early fi fth-century coinage. Let’s take a quick survey of the fi nd. The

J. KAGAN232

10 Marconi 2007, p. 13.

11 Kagan (forthcoming)

largest component is Thraco-Macedonian. Of the 33 coins for which we have photos, 17 are from

that region. If one adds the unrecorded 15 Thasian coins to the hoard, the region’s representation

goes from half to roughly two-thirds. The mix of Abdera, Dikaia, Berge, Thasos, Stageira and the

uncertain type with the winged-running fi gure is, with the exception of Thasos, identical to the mix

in Ras Shamra (ancient Ugarit), the hoard thought to have the earliest Thraco-Macedonian coins

found in the Levant.

The running-winged fi gure (Pl. I, 1) shares dies with Demanhur (52) and Ras Shamra (nos. 5

etc). This type represented 14 of the 38 coins from that latter fi nd. It is fascinating how often coins

of Stageira, an otherwise rare mint, appear in this part of the world. The exact type we have of the

standing boar with a rose underneath was found in Ras Shamra (29), Demanhur (48) and IGCH

1185 (19). The four Berge staters are all early. None of the broad fi gured dies with the regular-

ized diagonally divided incuses are present. Illustrated are two particularly early types (Pl. I, 2-3).

The fi rst is marked by the very large head of the satyr. The second is unusual in that the nymph’s

left hand is raised and in her lowered left hand is a wreath or round instrument. That Berge was

also represented by a fraction is notable as well (Pl. I, 4). It has already been remarked upon that

the presence of these early fractions argue against seeing the coinage’s purpose as purely tribute

payment. This may well be the fi rst Thraco-Macedonian fraction found in a sixth-century mixed

hoard, and as such it provides a valuable testament to trade rather than tribute leading to the pres-

ence of archaic Greek coins in this part of the world. It is de rigeur for an archaic mixed sixth-

century hoard to have at least one stater of Dikaia (Pl. I, 5) without any accompanying distaters.

IGCH 1185, Adana, Sahkha, Ch VIII 19 (to which we share the obverse die) all have a single sta-

ter, while Demanhur has three. Of the photographed coins, Abdera is the largest contingent. There

are six tetradrachms and one octodrachm. All are early in May’s Period 1. None bears symbols;

one of the coins shares its obverse die with a specimen from the Persepolis deposit (Pl. I, 6-7).

We have records of two coins of Thasos. If the report was right that there were another 15 coins

from the island badly corroded then this would be the largest contingent. The examples we have

are from the early stages of the mint and consistent with a sixth-century date (Pl. I, 8). An archaic

Thasos fragment we should remember was found in the Kabul hoard.

As we turn to central Greece, the fi rst thing to notice is the absence of any coins of Athens.

That Wappenmuenzen and early owls are rarely found in sixth-century hoards has once more been

confi rmed. We have a unique coin that I believe to be an early stater of Corcyra (Pl. I, 9). There are

several reasons for this. It is on the Corcyrean weight standard: 11.5g. versus a theoretical 11.6g.

The reverse star is reminiscent of Corcyra. The obverse type of the Medusa is otherwise unattested

on the island, but I wonder if the depiction of the Medusa and her child Pegasus on the pediment of

the Temple of Artemis earlier in the century might have some connection (Pl. I, 10). The argument

based on coin types that the Pegasus on the pediment represents Corinth has been made by others,

most recently Clemente Marconi.10 Was Corcyra sending her Metropolis a message by choosing

the mother of Pegasus as its coin type? At the recent congress on Epiorote coinage at Ioninna I

argued before knowing of this coin that Corcyra may have had a wappenmuenzen-like series of

staters to go with the facing cow head fractions that predate the cow/calf coinage. This coin from

Berlin may be another in the series, also on the weight standard (Pl. I, 11).11 To go with the Me-

dusa, we have a single one-sided Pegasus stater of Corinth. This coin belongs to the second class

of Ravel’s fi rst period and is similar to staters found at Mit Rahineh (four of the 23 coins in that

hoard) and Demanhur. The Aeginetan coin is, as would be expected, an early example of Group II

ARCHAIC GREEK COINS EAST OF THE TIGRIS:

EVIDENCE FOR CIRCULATION? 233

12 Destrooper-Georgiades 1993. The author wishes to thank Dr.

Destrooper-Georgiades for her helpful comments at the Congress.

with a thin collar and a windmill reverse with no indication of a proto-skew (Pl. I, 12).

From the Cyclades, only Paros is represented (Pl. I, 13). This coin should be placed in

Sheedy’s Series B group 2, the same group as the Mit Rahineh specimen. Demanhur and Sakha

had slightly later examples. Ionia is represented by fractions of Teos and Samos (Pl. I, 14-15)

and a stater of Chios. All three coins (including the fractions), were also found in Demanhur. The

solitary coin from Caria is an early lion-forepart usually attributed to Mylasa (Pl. II, 16). That

these coins are early is well-established by their presence in the Croesus-Carian hoard of c.525

(CH VIII.10) found in western Asia Minor. This is, however, the earliest mixed sixth-century

context for the mint.

The presence of four Lydian Croesids – two staters and two hemistaters - is just one more

remarkable aspect of this fi nd. CH VIII 19 had the fi rst stater recorded in a mixed context and

the large Demanhur hoard had a single hemistater (Pl. II, 17-18). What is perhaps most com-

forting about the group is the presence of an extremely worn example. Many of the coins in the

hoard suffer from a degree of corrosion and some wear, but this is by far and away the coin that

shows the most evidence of wear from circulation. We know from the recent archaeological

discoveries from Sardis that the heavy Croesids pre-date the Persian destruction. Their presence

in this hoard that I would date to between 520/515 on the high side and 505/500 on the low side

is perfectly consistent.

Lycia is represented by three boar forepart incuse staters on the local nine gram standard.

The illustrated example has the distinctive reverse type of the three solid triangles and the outline

triangle that was found in Demanhur and CH VII 19 (Pl. II, 19). Finally there is a rare coin with

a facing lion devouring a cow on the obverse and a winged solar disk on the reverse (Pl. II, 20).

Destrooper-Georgiades has convincingly attributed this type to Cyprus based on the type and date.

One of the four previously known examples comes from CH. 2.10, a small sixth-century BC hoard

from Egypt.12

Bullion was an important component of the hoard (Pl. II, 21-22). We have photographs and

weights for 20 pieces. The weights of the Hacksilber range from 2.30g to 14.95g, with an average

weight of 7.15g. There is no evidence of a denominational structure. The bullion helps us under-

stand perhaps the purpose the Greek coins served so far from their place of origin. While it seems

unlikely that the Greek coins had a value in excess of their weight, it is notable compared to coins

found in Egyptian hoards how few test cuts have been made. Also there are no fragmentary coins.

This is perhaps best read as an indication that precious metal did not change hands with a high

frequency in Central Asia compared for instance to the Levant at this date. Coins and hacksilber

were a storehouse of wealth, but not a vehicle for small commercial transactions.

The presence and nature of the bullion should also be of interest to students of South Asian nu-

mismatics. The Kabul hoard that we can now date 40 to 50 years earlier than the original publisher

is the fi rst appearance in a datable context of punchmarked coins. It is an argument admittedly ex

silentio (and Kerki may be north of the expected circulation pattern), but the absence of punch-

marks on the bullion of the Kerki hoard certainly supports the proponents of a late starting date

for Indian coinage following rather than preceding the appearance of Greek coins in the region.

This hoard leaves us with much to speculate on. When examined in the context of the Persepo-

lis Deposit, the Malayer, Kabul and Balkh hoards and other recent small fi nds from Afghanistan,

we can clearly state that Greek coins found their way to the eastern fringes of the Persian Empire

very soon after they were fi rst struck. Perhaps we can now reasonably expect to fi nd early Greek

J. KAGAN234

coins in Uzbekistan and even China. What infl uence these coins had other than as bullion again is

a matter for speculation. At least we can see that the iconography of the coins survived their travel

and were not obliterated by cuts and fragmentation. The diversity of the sixth-century hoards re-

corded from the Persian Empire is a matter of some wonder. Our ratio - 16 different mints out of 33

recorded coins - is not atypical. There is getting to be enough new evidence for the sixth century,

both electrum and silver, to warrant a new synthesis on the purpose and spread of early coinage.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bopearachchi, O. / Rahman A. (1995), Pre-Kushana Coins in Pakistan, Karachi.

Destrooper-Georgiades, A. (1993), ‘Le disque ailé inclus dans un motif geometrique sur

une série de monnaies chypriotes?’, CCEC 20, pp. 19-24.

Kagan, J. (1994), ‘An Archaic Greek coin hoard from the Eastern Mediterranean and early Cypriot

coinage’, NC 1994, pp. 17-52

Marconi, C. (2007), Temple Decoration and Cultural Identity in the Archaic Greek World, New York

Schlumberger, D. (1953), ’L’argent grec dans l’empire Achéménide’, in Curiel R. / Schlumberger

D., Trésors monétaires d’Afghanistan, Paris, pp. 5-64.

Troxell H. / Spengler W. (1969), ‘A hoard of early Greek coins from Afghanistan’, MN 15, pp.

1-19.

PLATE I

1 2 3

(1:1) 4 (2:1) 5

6 7 8

9 11 12

10

13 14 (1:1) 15 (2:1)

PLATE II

16 17 18

19 20

21 (both enlarged) 22