architectural history thesis paper: ward 14
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Ward14 as a case study for a qualitative, cultural and architectural transformation of the historic city fabric in TorontoTRANSCRIPT
TORONTOT ORONTOTO RONTOTOR ONTOTORO NTOTRONT OTORONTO
« Ward14 as a case study for a quali--tative, cultural and architectural
transformation of the historic
city
fabr
ic in
Tor
onto
»
TORONTOT ORONTOTO RONTOTOR ONTOTORO NTOTRONT OTORONTO
by Dominika Linowska
Architectural History Thesis Paper AR2A010
September 2012
« Ward14 as a case study for a qualitative, cultural and archi-
tectural transformation of the historic city fabric in Toronto »
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To: Toronto
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CONENTS LIST
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1. Foreword 8
2. Toronto: A Brief Profile 11
3. Creation of Ward 14: Suburban Beginnings 14
4. Shaping the Urban Fabric / Infrastructure / Architectural Style 21
5. Addition of the Expressway = Cutting off from Society 27
6. The Slum Phase 31
7. Why was it a Slum? 35
8. From Slum to Urban Village, Ideals of Living in the City Center 37
9. What is Gentrification? 41
10. Why are People Moving into Ward 14 / Benefits? 44
11. Town Planning Guidelines in Effect. 47
12. How is Ward 14 Being Revitalized? Who is Behind this? 49
13. Artists as Promoters 52
14. Development Plans 54
15. Renaissance 58
16. Conclusion 61
17. Sources Used 66
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1. FOREWORD
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This paper will examine a specific district –ward 14, to be exact- in the City of Toronto
as a case study for its’ dynamic transformations of the historical urban fabric within
today’s contemporary society. The subject—analysis of a given area’s evolution from
a suburb, to a slum, and to a ‘thriving bohemia’ by means of gentrification and other
external forces, will be illustrated in the essay.
For more than two decades, Toronto has been the place of my residency—my home-
town since emigrating from Eastern Europe as an infant in 1990. I had the chance
to spend time in different parts of the city and understand the characteristics and the
compositional elements behind them. Some areas are more comfortable and pleasant to
go to than others. This phenomenon was my starting point. I want to investigate what
draws people to which districts and why. What makes certain areas more liveable than
others? What is the richness behind the historical transformation of the urban fabric in
these areas? In particular, I will focus on the neighbourhoods of Parkdale, Roncesvalles
and High Park. These areas have undergone a prominent revitalization and upgrade
in the recent years that I would like to examine. I’ve been visiting the Roncesvalles
neighbourhood often as a child because of its Polish community. There are countless
shops, restaurants and services catering to the needs of Poles—something that my par-
ents found really comforting as immigrants from Poland. A collage composed of multi-
nations has a strong charisma in the City of Toronto.
I remember my mother referring to ward 14 (especially Parkdale) as a dirty and un-
safe place. But as the years passed, this area became ‘cool’ and ‘hip’, with many bars
and cafés opening up. One could clearly see that a makeover was taking place. As I
witness these changes happening in front of my eyes, in a very short period of time,
I am curious about the story and forces behind this vibrant transformation. Carolyn
Whitzman, lecturer in Urban Planning at the University of Toronto mentions that there
is a renewed interest in longitudinal studies of neighbourhood transitions. This inter-
est is initiated mainly because of two factors: the gentrification of neighbourhoods on
Anglo-American central cities, which mystifies former theories of inevitable decline,
10
and a postmodern concern with changing discourses or images of place.1
The trend of moving back to the city is spreading rapidly. In a few decades every-
one will be living in an urban environment commonly referred to as the megalopolis.
Throughout the world, many rehabilitation and revitalization projects are under way.
The scope of these plans range from smaller, architectural renovations to full-scale
urban renewal plans. All these different methods of ‘upgrading’ a city are executed in
order to make a place more liveable or rather more sustainable for future generations.
I am writing this paper to stress how important it is to discard the notion of modern
planning (also known as ’backward thinking’) ideologies of suburbs and sprawl. Un-
fortunately many developers lean toward design ideas of the past in order to design
cities of tomorrow. Elements of a typical suburbia are not designed for humans—the
planning of these ‘ideal neighbourhoods’ does not work at all. This essay shall entice
people to move back into the city, where one can benefit from: proximity, infrastructure
and dynamics which, in the case of ward 14, were all planned in the 19th century for us
to use and not scrap. I would like to emphasize the importance of existing urban fabric
and how it is possible to preserve its qualities instead of building on green fields, result-
ing in distasteful sprawls. I approached this topic because of my dislike for generic,
identity-less suburbs which are being ‘seeded’ all over the world. I want to analyze
how and why people, especially the younger generation are moving back into cities and
what the beneficial qualities of this move could be.
1 Carolyn Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village: Transformations in Toronto’s Parkdale Neighbourhood, 1875-2002, (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2009), 192.
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2. TORONTO: A BRIEF PROFILE
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In 1793, the Town of York was founded and forty-one years later (in 1834) it was of-
ficially incorporated as the City of Toronto. This highly populated Canadian city is
located on the northwestern shore of Lake Ontario. It is known for being one of the
world’s prominent financial hubs as well as having a strong multicultural presence.
Toronto is divided into wards for electoral and management reasons. Currently there
are 44 wards, each with its own governing councillor who is in charge of a variety
of committees. Toronto’s urban fabric is organized into the commonly-known North
American grid system; a strict and easy-to-follow urban planning layout. John Graves
Simcoe—the first lieutenant governor of Upper Canada, was responsible for laying out
the urban grid which still dominates today’s street pattern.2 Assortments of neighbour-
hoods with different characteristics are present with designated industrial, residential,
institutional, commercial and recreational zones. World-renowned Jane Jacobs men-
tions that, “...many Toronto city neighbourhoods continued viable and, with passage of
time, they even grew stronger and increasingly desirable. These neighbourhoods are
not exceptional in Toronto as in so many American cities; rather, they are the rule.” 3
Traveling slightly west from Toronto’s core, one stumbles upon the neighbourhood of
ward 14 (Figure 1). The following neighbourhoods are housed within this particular
ward: West Bend / Junction, Parkdale, Roncesvalles, Sunnyside and High Park. Bor-
dered by the old railway tracks, the lake and a park, ward 14 is known to be a slightly
run-down area with a strong ethnic community as well as a growing art scene. This area
has its own distinct character—it looks nothing like the sky-scraper-filled downtown
core just a few kilometres away. “It’s a bustling neighbourhood of shops, boutiques,
cafes and bistros, in which pride of ownership and attentive personal service is stan-
dard”4, a local resident explains. During the past couple of decades, the transformation
of ward 14 was ensued by a wave of gentrification. According to Walks and Maaranen
from the Center for Urban and Community Studies, Toronto is revealed as currently
experiencing the most widespread gentrification into its stock of low-income inner-city
neighbourhoods.5 Various forces are playing a role in these dynamic changes, which
will be discussed in this paper from the year of the neighbourhood’s establishment up
until the present day.
13
2 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 67. 3 (Foreword by Jane Jacobs) Sewell, John. The Shape of the City: Toronto Struggles with Modern Planning. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press Incorporated, 1993), x.4 http://parkdalevillagebia.com5 Timing, Patterning and Forms of Gentrification, p26 (pdf- Walk)
Figure 1. Map defining borders of Ward 14. City of Toronto Ward Profiles. www.toronto.ca, 2011.
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3. CREATION OF THE DISTRICT (WARD 14) SUBURBAN BEGINNINGS
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Between the years of 1875—1912, the development of Parkdale—High Park (previ-
ously known as wards 6 and 7) district took place. It was originally developed as a
suburb away from the city. “Although now considered part of downtown Toronto, from
1879 to 1889 Parkdale was a politically independent suburb five kilometres due west of
City Hall. Parkdale continues to have a strong sense of neighbourhood identity, partly
because of its clear boundaries.” 6 The ideal at the time was to live in a dichotomous
location from where one worked and where one lived. This ideology was commonly
referred to as the suburban dream, which according to Carolyn Whitzman was “an
Anglo-American tradition of distrust and dislike of urban life that led many middle- and
upper-class families ... to establish suburban residences at the outskirts of rapidly ex-
panding industrial cities in the nineteenth century”.7 At the time, people thought of the
city as being unhealthy, dirty and noisy and therefore wanted to live away from these
negative characteristics. Toronto-born activist, city councillor, mayor and journalist by
the name of John Sewell explains the modern portrayal of a city:
Three general strands of thought are pulled together under the rubric of modernism: a
straightforward belief that cities are bad, in and of themselves; a sense that cities are
un-healthy—physically, socially, aesthetically, and morally; and a feeling that cities
mitigate against a good family life. These ideas found expression in Western thought
from the sixteenth century onward, and fell on fertile ground in thought and deed in the
twentieth century. 8
The modern notion illustrated a stereotype that a more private and green plot of land
was sought after by families. Bringing up children away from a noisy and polluted area
was considered to be a privilege. Even in the twenty-first century, we see families with
similar ideologies. They prefer a bigger house, with three bathrooms, three parking
spots and a gated back yard. People are somehow inclined towards the materialistic and
rather unsustainable way of living in peripheral districts instead of being closer to the
city and using its’ beneficial amenities. A city encompasses a rich ‘social arena’, also
known as public spaces, third places, open spaces, all which host regular voluntary
6 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 12.7 Whitzman, 6 within: (Jackson 1985; Fishman 1987; Rybczynski 1995)8 Sewell, John. 4.
16
informal and spontaneous gatherings beyond the realm of home and work. 9
On May 17 in 1879, the Floral Suburb of Parkdale was officially inaugurated. The
name Parkdale combines two essential signifiers in the late-nineteenth-century subur-
ban culture: ‘park’ and ‘dale’— both which suggest natural beauty and seclusion from
the sights and odours of the big city.10 At the time, the district was comparable to the
luxurious Rosedale— a part of town located north east of ward 14. Nowadays, Rose-
dale is still known for its posh mansions, expensive cars and high-class boutiques. It is
recognized as a neighbourhood with the highest income rates in Toronto. When ward 14
was blooming around the 1880s, it was considered to be the ‘next Rosedale’ by count-
less critics as well as residents. Professor Whitzman explains Parkdale’s ideal qualities:
“From the first promotion of Parkdale as a place for ‘those whose avocations require
them to spend much of their time amid the bustle of Toronto [yet desire] a quiet home
in an agreeable locality’, the westernmost edge of the city (as it was then) continued to
be portrayed as a stable, wealthy, residential outer-zone suburb during the twenty years
of its initial development.”11 (Figure 2)
10 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 76.11 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 8.
Figure 2. Map of To-ronto’s western suburbs, 1878. Scanned from Carolyn Whitzman’s Sub-urb, Slum, Urban Village. p73. Original source from: Canniff 1968.
9 Bach & Pressman. Climate Sensitive Urban Space: Concepts and Tools to Humanize Cities.
17
The word suburb, derived from a Latin term meaning ‘beyond or below the city,’ has a
long history. The suburban dream itself is even older. Jackson (1985, 12) cites a letter
from a nobleman to the king of Persia in 539 BC: ‘Our property seems to me the most
beautiful in the world. It is so close to Babylon that we enjoy all the advantages of the
city, and yet when we come home we are away from all the dust and noise.’ ...the com-
bination of proximate access and psychological distance remained a common theme
in the suburban ideal for the next 2,500 years.12
Ward 14’s period as a suburb is anything but comparable to today’s dull and identity-
lacking suburbia. The development of Parkdale in the 19th century integrated many
valuable traits within the urban fabric which can still be used presently. None of the
cookie-cutter homes of today’s sprawling new neighbourhoods (Figure 7-8) are built to
last. Firstly, these developments are errected much further away from the center—ap-
propriate only for the automobile society. In The Death and Life of Great American
Cities, Jane cites: “the destructive effects of automobiles are much less a cause than
a symptom of our incompetence at city building.”13 Secondly, a proper infrastructure
of these new suburbs is lacking. There is no distinct identity or feeling of a (what is
described and or advertised as) a safe and liveable neighbourhood. A Canadian Journal
by the name of Identity attacks the negative impacts of urban sprawl: “How does one
organize form, create legibility and provide identity in such a state of ‘agonized plural-
ism’? This is most pertinent in the peripheries of North American cities that resemble
mid-20th century L.A—vast territories of homogenous and unplanned sprawl without
formal limits and without formal legibility or identity.” 14
Similarly, Jane Jacobs attacks the principles of modern, orthodox city planning and
rebuilding:
Cultural centers that are avoided by everyone but bums, who have fewer choices of
loitering place than others. Commercial centers that are lack-luster imitations of stan-
dardized suburban chain store shopping. Promenades that go from no place to nowhere 12 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 33.13 Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), 7.14 D’Hooghe, Alexander. “Public form and the periphery.” Onsite- identity. no. 25 (2011), 53.
18
and have no promenaders. Expressways that eviscerate great cities. This is not the
rebuilding of cities. This is the sacking of cities.15
In her theories, Jacobs also mentions the importance of lively streets and sidewalks
and successful districts which act as mediators between neighbourhoods and the city.
Of course, these cannot be found in the above-mentioned sprawled and newly-created
neighbourhoods. Ward 14 is a good example of all the good qualities of city life that
Jacobs refers to. This particular district is a mix of class and cultures with various ame-
nities at hand. It is perfectly situated with respect to Toronto’s heart. (Figure 3)
Throughout Parkdale’s ten years as an independent municipality, tensions between
what I will term ‘pro-development’ and ‘slow-growth’ forces helped shape the neigh-
bourhood’s physical form and social composition. Each side of the debate promulgated
an image of Parkdale’s character. The pro- development forces viewed Parkdale as
the expanding edge of a growing city, with inexpensive housing opportunities for all.
They would be ideologically aligned with the ‘big tent’ suburban promoters. The slow-
growth forces wanted physical and moral exclusivity in the suburb, by maintaining an
identity distinct from and morally and economically superior to Toronto’s. 16
As Whitzman explains in her own thesis-based book, there is a clear conflict between
these two distinct visions of a suburb within Parkdale. This conflict or rather clash of
ideas is still felt today. Perhaps that is one of the reasons why this area is so unique and
works quite well. In another excerpt, the author explains a more in-depth logic behind
Parkdale’s era as a suburb:
Parkdale’s decade-long life span as an independent municipality provides a counter-
example to the usual stereotypes of politically independent suburbs existing to protect
middle-class people’s property values by excluding non-residential uses and poor peo-
ple... the late nineteenth century was a transitional point between big tent and exclusive
15 Jacobs, 416 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 79.
19
Figure 3. Parkdale within the context of Toronto’s downtown, 1881-1922. Scanned from Whitzman’s book. Original source: Harris and Luymes 1990, Lemon 1985, map 2. Map courtesy of Ric Hamilton, McMaster University.
Figure 4. Timing & patterning of gentrification and upgrading in Toronto, 1961–2001. Calcu-lated data by Census of Canada authors. Taken from R.Alan Walks & Richard Maaranen’s Neighbourhood Gentrification document, p5.
20
suburbs, suburbs that sought growth at any cost and suburbs that marketed themselves
with race, ethnic, or class distinctions to maintain high property values. Although po-
litical power was held by small businessmen in Parkdale, both commuters and people
whose primary business interests were there, the net impact of early political decisions
resulted in the suburb being a low-cost haven for working class homeowners and rent-
ers. Land was cheap, social services were extensive, and access to jobs across the rail
tracks and within the municipality was good to begin with, and better by the end of the
1880s. Although Parkdale was the fastest-growing suburb in the greater Toronto area
during the early 1880s, large tracts of land in the west and north remained undevel-
oped at the time it was annexed by Toronto. Again counter intuitively, Parkdale was a
suburb where the wealthy predominated only after annexation by the city, during the
worldwide recession of the 1890s.17
“The conflict between Parkdale as a place morally distinct from Toronto and Parkdale
as a place to profitably purchase land persisted throughout the period of the suburb’s
development.” 18 Later on, the essay mentions again how this was one of the main fac-
tors (a profitable location) for people moving back into the neighbourhood in the late
20th century and as a result gentrifying it.
The district of Parkdale—High Park was developed as a bustling neighbourhood with
many facilities and luxurious residential units. “South Parkdale ...grew rapidly in the
late nineteenth century as one of Toronto’s first commuter suburbs, facilitated by the
development of the railway and, later, the streetcar. Streets were laid out to facilitate
resident access south to Lake Ontario and north to Queen Street that became the main
thoroughfare of commerce and trade, a condition unaltered today.” 19 First and foremost
came the railways: the Northern Railway, the Great Western Railway; the Grand Trunk
Railway; and the Credit Valley, Toronto, Grey and Bruce Railways, by 1879. Four of
these railways divided Brockton (what is now known as Parkdale). “At least two of the
railways had shunting and works yards close to the Queen-Dufferin intersection, and
17 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 89.18 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 63.19 Slater, Tom. “Municipally Managed Gentrification in South Parkdale, Toronto”, 307.
21
4. SHAPING THE URBAN FABRIC / INFRASTRUCTURE / ARCHITECTURAL STYLE
22
Figure 5. Photo of King, Queen, & Roncesvalles, looking southeast, by Alfred Pearson, April 17,1923. City of Toronto Archives, Series 71,2014. Source: http://torontoist.com/2009/09/a_community_of_tenants_in_the_city_of_homes/
23
Figure 6. Postcard of Queen Street West, looking east from Ronces-valles, c.1918. Source: Carolyn Whitzman’s Suburb, Slum, Urban Vil-lage, p 100. Original source: Baldwin Room, Toronto Reference Library, Toronto Street series, T 14029
24
This neighbourhood was planned with a well-proportioned scale in mind as well as a
healthy mix of necessary services for the residents (Figure 6). “South Parkdale became
known informally as the ‘Village by the Lake’, with fine Victorian and Edwardian
all had stations within Parkdale. By 1879, the intersection was also served by a horse
tram, which by 1887 was extended to High Park. A King Street tram reached Parkdale
by 1883.” 20 The location of ward 14 (the defined district that is being studied) within the
City of Toronto is very optimal. It benefits greatly from the surrounding services as well
as the excellent infrastructure connecting it to the rest of Ontario (Figure 3).
The character of the neighbourhood in the early twentieth century has been captured
by a local historian: ‘In the early days large homes in spacious grounds overlooking
the bay with their owners’ boats moored at the jetties characterized the scene ...Com-
fortable dwellings on large lots then began to fill up the spaces up to Queen Street
and within a few years the lofty arches of healthy trees added beauty and shade to the
avenue. Commuters from the new suburb were able to board trains ... for daily travel to
the city. It is not surprising that in the early 20th century Parkdale was considered one
of Toronto’s most desirable residential locations.’ 21
Various amenities such as the 1922 opening of the Sunnyside Amusement Park and
Bathing Pavillion marked the success of the upper-middle class neighbourhood. The
year of 1903 also marked the launch of the Toronto Industrial Exhibition which later
changed its’ name to the Canadian National Exhibition. Nowadays, various indoor and
outdoor events occur at the Exhibition Place—with a perfect location near the wa-
terfront. In 1883, the York Township Model School was opened, with the addition of
Canada’s first kindergarden school in 1886. When Parkdale became a town in 1885,
the subway opened to the public. This was a big improvement to Toronto’s infrastruc-
ture. By 1888, Parkdale was totally surrounded by the city and therefore the province
ordered another vote on annexation. The following year, annexation took place and an
elementary school was added as well as Toronto’s second High School.
25
20 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 71.21 Slater, Tom. 307 Howard Walker quoted in City of Toronto Planning Board 1976, 722 Slater, Tom. 30723 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 72.24 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 73.
terraces and some substantial mansions housing a largely elite and upper middle-class
population.” 12 (Figure 11) Everyone’s goal was to own a piece of land in this attractive
location. Housing wasn’t the only programme spreading in zones of ward 14; other
mixed uses also prevailed. “Although the vicinity of Parkdale was rapidly filling with
institutions, industry, and growing rail and road traffic to the north and east, there were
countervailing influences to the south and west. The land that became Parkdale includ-
ed the only undeveloped waterfront lots within east access of downtown Toronto.” 23
On the one hand, the new Exhibition Grounds to the east, High Park to the west, and
the waterfront to the south offered green space and the potential for pleasant walks
and prospects. The railways and horse cars provided easy commuting opportunities to
downtown jobs for the middle class. On the other hand, the railway yards, industries,
lunatic asylum, and prisons, while providing working-class employment opportuni-
ties, would be considered unpleasant neighbours by a middle-class clientele. However,
Parkdale lots could be sold to middle-class commuters and industrial walk-to-workers,
and to a certain extent, they were marketed to both. 24
This dichotomy of class, explained above by Whitzman, is still felt today when walking
down Queen Street West. The contrasting image of posh coffee shops, boutiques and
bars against the small fast food vendors and run down units is seen clearly in ward 14.
As the industrialization and development of Toronto came about, the charming suburb
of Parkdale grew to be too close to the downtown core. The trend for moving into
26
Figure 9. The demolition of South Parkdale circa 1956 to make way for the Gardiner Express-way Source: http://www.bricoleurbanism.org/whimsicality/gardiners-no-innocent/
27
5. ADDITION OF THE EXPRESSWAY = CUTTING OFF FROM SOCIETY
28
newer suburbs, which were located further away from the factory district nearby, cur-
rently known as Liberty Village, came back. “Toronto was growing outwards, Parkdale’s
lots were filling up with buildings and households, and developers were moving on to
greener pastures. Parkdale was about to undergo a radical change in image, one that
seemed equally disconnected from its residents’ lives.” 25 Up to World War II, South
Parkdale, distanced itself from the central city and an outpost of the upper middle class,
was largely insulated from an era in Toronto.26
... ‘a time of massive immigration, economic change and social ferment’. This situation
changed dramatically in the 1950s, when Toronto became a prime site of experimen-
tal modernist planning, with expressways leading to suburban expansion seen as signs
of progress, legitimised by the ideological banners of ‘slum clearance’ and ‘urban re-
newal’. South Parkdale was in the path of the construction of the Gardiner Expressway
between 1955 and 1964 and, thus, in the way of ‘progress’. In a destructive stretch of
imagination by the City of Toronto, its southern reaches were designated a slum to be
cleared.
The introduction of the massive concrete vessel (Figure 9) cut off Parkdale from the rest
of society. As Jacob’s quote mentioned earlier on in the essay, the expressway ‘eviscer-
ated’ the City. It is really unfortunate because the lovely waterfront that ward 14 was
known for could no longer be used.
By the mid-twentieth century, when the growth of Toronto had left Parkdale closer to the
center than the periphery (Figure 3), the neighbourhood was attracting very different
descriptions. The 1934 report of the Lieutenant-Governor’s Committee on Housing Con-
ditions in Toronto, known as the Bruce Report, was considered Canada’s ‘bible for so-
cial housing’ and urban redevelopment. It said Parkdale was ‘becoming a serious slum,’
due to the influx of immigrants and industry into a ‘formerly prosperous district’. 27
25 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 102.26 Slater, Tom. 307.27 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 8.
29
Figure 7. 39 Blue Grouse Road , Vaughan Typical houses in suburbs of To-ronto. Photo put up as online advertisement to sell house on Remax Homes. Source: http://kirbychan.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/39bluegroussefront.jpg
30
Figure 8. Foundation and Slabs, Lakewood, California, 1950, William A. Garnett. Gelatin silver print. 7 7/16 x 9 3/8 in. © Estate of Wil-liam A. Garnett Source: http://www.getty.edu/pacificstandard-time/explore-the-era/worksofart/foundation-and-slabs-lakewood-california/
31
6. THE SLUM PHASE
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According to Carolyn Whitzman’s definition, “slums...were considered crowded, with
high-density rental housing. They were characterized by a transient, non- English-
speaking and immigrant racial/ethnic-minority, and generally outcast society, with
little privacy and much street activity, and consequent crime, violence, and morality
concerns. Furthermore, slum inhabitants were of a low social and economic class, un-
healthy and possibly genetically inferior, backward in social norms.” 28 Parkdale was
given the label of a slum because the above description matched the description of the
current situation (at the time) of the district. The area no longer evoked the feeling of a
pleasant middle-class suburb. Instead, a clash of what some described as ‘interesting’
characters was roaming the streets—especially during late evening hours. Not only was
the neighbourhood becoming dangerous, it was also becoming overcrowded.
The area of what is now known as ward 14 was experiencing problems of overcrowding
because of substantial family homes (Figure 11) being populated with larger amounts
of families than originally intended for. Numerous families were also of foreign origin,
which in some opinions caused a greater problem for the locality. Additionally, the
presence of factories and railroads to the south and east added to the disadvantage of
causing noise, traffic and dirt. 29 In the 1950s and after the 1990s there was mass im-
migration to ward 14 namely from: Eastern Europe, Asia as well as Western Europe.30
Mini neighbourhoods were therefore developed because of these immigrant communi-
ties. For example, Roncesvalles Avenue is universally branded as Little Poland. An
Figure 11. Picture of middle-class houses on Garden Avenue. Photographed June 1972. Source: Carolyn Whitzman’s Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, p 99. Original source: Baldwin Room, Toronto Reference Library, Toronto Street Series, 979-42-3.
28 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 17.29 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 104.
33
assortment of Polish shops, butchers, offices, restaurants, salons and banks are seen
throughout this area. The Polish diaspora even has its own Credit Union and a commu-
nity centre which was opened in the late 1950s near the St. Stanislaw Roman Catholic
Church.
Immigration evidently influenced the housing typology of the area. Many large fam-
ily homes were converted into bachelorette apartments, yet this solution caused too
many problems since these homes were illegally converted and produced unsanitary
conditions. “After complaining about overcrowding and high densities in Parkdale for
close to fifty years, the City of Toronto had devised a seemingly contradictory planning
remedy: permitting the construction of forty-eight high-rise (8-23 storey) apartment
buildings in South Parkdale from 1953 to 1967”.31 Jameson Avenue, for instance, is
known for its transitional building typology. This street, filled with multi-storey apart-
ment buildings, (Figure 12) catered to new immigrants. Jameson Avenue is where Ca-
nadian life began for newcomers. 32 This area is seeded with these buildings because of
the demolition of countless homes after the construction of the new highway.
During the 1970s, according to the Onsite author Lejla Odobasic, “Parkdale went
through a large demographic change. The provincial government, in the hopes of inte-
grating many long-term mental illness patients from the two adjacent psychiatric hos-
pitals, decided to convert many old Victorian mansions into boarding houses. Many
illegal small units were also created further driving down property values.” 33 There
was a constant battle to eliminate illegal units within ward 14. These units were also
known as rooming houses (back in the 1800s), boarding houses, as well as bachelorette
apartments. The old architecture of ward 14 did not meet the needs of a new way of life,
therefore residents tried to appropriate their own needs by subdividing flats into more
rooms. According to Whitzman’s thorough research of the area, “By 1951, seven in ten
of Parkdale’s former single-family dwellings had been converted to multiple housing
units, and the area’s population continued to rise”. 34 This was a big contributing factor
of ward 14 becoming a public squalor. Very quickly Parkdale developed a reputation as
30 City of Toronto, ward 14 statistics31 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 147.32 Odobasic, Lejla. “Simulataneous cities: Migration and Identity.” Onsite- identity. no. 25 (2011). 1333 Odobasic, Lejla. “Simulataneous cities: Migration and Identity.” Onsite- identity. no. 25 (2011). 1334 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 140.
34
Figure 12. High-rises on Jameson Avenue, taken from City Form and Everyday Life: Toronto’s Gentrification, Jon Caulfield. p36.
a neighbourhood with povery, crime, drugs, homelessness and numerous people with
mental illness. The Lunatic Asylum now known as CAMH is the largest medical facil-
ity for patients with mental problems in Canada. It is situated in the heart of Parkdale
(Figure 15). This negative reputation of the neighbourhood drew the real estate prices
down even further, which allowed apartment buildings in the area to become affordable
options for the newcomers in the City of Toronto.35 In a nutshell, Whitzman explains
the three stages of Parkdale’s decline: “The neighbourhood went through three changes
in the early twentieth century that could be termed decline: discursive decline, socio-
economic decline, and decline in the housing stock”. 36
35 Odobasic, Lejla. “Simulataneous cities: Migration and Identity.” Onsite- identity. no. 25 (2011). 1336 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 147.
35
7. WHY WAS IT A SLUM?
36
First, the movement from an outer-edge new suburb to the city’s aging inner ring dur-
ing Parkdale’s supposed decline was seen as a part of the despised centre. Secondly,
there was a large presence of ‘flexible houses’ on large lots, which could be effortlessly
converted into flats during times of economic recession and high housing demands.
Last but not least was the decline of the neighbourhood. Calling the neighbourhood a
slum may have depressed property values and made institutional home loans difficult...
But a bad reputation may have been a boom for lower-income renters and new property
owners, especially newcomers to Toronto who might not otherwise have been able to
buy or rent in the central city. 37
“Ironically, the streets...where wealth had been concentrated became the place where
economic and social change seemed most rapid and harmful. Once Parkdale was con-
sidered a good place to live, with good people, now it was becoming a bad place to live,
with housing forms that could make women and men go bad.” 38
37 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 148-149.38 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 106.
37
8. FROM SLUM TO URBAN VILLAGE, IDEALS OF LIVING IN THE CITY CENTER
38
As early as 1970, Parkdale, with its charming 100-year-old houses, perfect tree-lined
streets and history as a lavish suburb, was being promoted by various urban develop-
ers who were eager to attract mainly middle-class homebuyers. 39 Professor Whitzman
states that these developed suburban areas which were initially meant for the middle-
class, always seemed to decline to the point of being labeled as slums. Now, through-
out the twenty-first century, these areas are being revitalized as gentrifying neighbour-
hoods, or so-called urban villages.40 This type of transformation is evidently applicable
to the shifting status of ward 14. The revitalization effect of the defined district only
started to be felt at the beginning of the twenty-first century and is still continuing to
grow.
Whitzman writes that, “living in the central city connotes progress, moral and physi-
cal health, and social responsibility”—a contrasting outlook to the modernistic posi-
tion which regards the city as being a bad place to live. “As households move further
out into the suburbs, they are considered to lose access to the once-despised and now
sought-after attributes: land-use and social mix, and proximity to the new non-pol-
luting industries of information technology and finance. Living, working, and play-
ing in the central city is now lauded the way that strict separation of land uses in the
suburbs used to be”. 41 The move back into the city is becoming a more recurrent
theme. The city is regarded as a place to gather, to meet people, to socialize and en-
gage in the spontaneity of urban culture. People feel inclined to look for a house or
apartment within the denser city areas, closer to an assortment of services as well as a
multitude of entertainment venues—this is a new generation with new views and trends
.
According to researchers R. Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen from the Center for
Urban & Community studies, the definition of gentrification is as follows:
Gentrification is one of the most salient trends affecting the contemporary inner cities
of large metropolitan regions in both the developed and developing worlds. It is an ur-
ban phenomenon with important policy implications, associated with declining stocks
of affordable rental housing, with displacement of the working class from the commu-
39 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 3.40 Whitzman 541 Whitzman 7
39
Figure 13. Queen Street West. Typical street facades of the area. http://urbanrealytoronto.com
40
Figure 14. Aerial Parkdale 1935. http://www.trainweb.org/oldtimetrains/CPR_Toronto/aerial_park-dale_1935.htm
Figure 15. A map of Parkdale, showing precise planning of plots at the time. http://www.trainweb.org/oldtimetrains/OandQ/CVR/map_parkdale.jpg
41
9. WHAT IS GENTRIFICATION?
42
nities where they have traditionally lived and accessed services, with the conversion of
inner-city neighbourhoods from production to consumption spaces for the upper middle
class, and with speculative real-estate markets that drive up the cost of housing across
the metropolitan area. 42
The term ‘gentrification’ originated in London in the early 1960s, referencing the reha-
bilitation of working-class neighbourhoods as well as the down-grated large Victorian
homes, which were originally built by and for the middle class, but occupied with
the working class citizens. 43 Authors R. Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen state that
earlier forms of gentrification began in nearby existing middle-class and elite regions
as well as historic neighbourhoods and areas with Victorian architectural styles. Urban
revitalization also tends to occur in proximity to public amenities such as parks, water-
fronts, cinemas, and beaches, as well as institutions such as universities, museums, gal-
leries, and health centres.44 This phenomenon is palpably applicable to ward 14. With
its’ Victorian architectural style as well as situational layout in relation to the rest of the
city and lake, ward 14 is the perfect area for successful urban rejuvenation. (Figure 4)
In a document called ‘The Timing, Patterning & Forms of Gentrification & Neigh-
bourhood Upgrading’, three important processes coupled with the renovation of older
residential areas in the cores of cities:
i. A change in tenure status of the housing within the neighbourhood.
ii. An increase in both land and dwelling values as well as the associated declines in
affordability.
iii. An upgrade of the neighbourhood social class character from working class to mid-
dle class or higher.45
42 R.Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen (intro, 1) 43 R.Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen , 344 R.Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen (intro, 1)45 R.Alan Walks and Richard Maaranen , 3
43
Figure 20. Typical Victorian style architecture in the area, http://thegridto.com
44
10. WHY ARE PEOPLE MOVING INTO WARD 14 / BENEFITS ?
45
One of the main motives for residents moving into ward 14 is because of the more
affordable rent and property values. Perhaps it is the ‘slum’ label that still lingers in
the history of the neighbourhood. Carolyn Whitzman, author of Suburb, Slum, Urban
Village, validates her personal reason for young professionals moving into Parkdale:
“On this sunny afternoon in July 1986, we were newcomers to Toronto... Parkdale
was the only central neighbourhood that had a range of apartments cheap enough for
us to rent.”46 Ward 14 is currently encountering a generational swap. With younger
crowds inhabiting older and slightly run down areas, new life is being brought back
into the City. It is currently very trendy to move into these types of neighbourhoods,
mainly for artists and singles alike. The 2006 Population by Age Group statistics show
that ward 14 has the highest number of people aged 25 to 35 compared to the rest of
Toronto.47 This category of young professionals clearly values the optimal situation of
the area and transportation infrastructure—close to work, close to bars/cafés, and is
still quite affordable. A trend which many individuals are practising is the revival of the
‘eco-lifestyle’. People want to move to locations where they could bike and buy local
groceries from small family-run businesses. Many rehabilitation projects of factories
being converted into lofts/offices are also rather prominent within the district. This
kind of city life is very sought after by the younger generation, especially the creative
class—designers!
Not only is the location very convenient with respect to Toronto’s downtown, the west-
ern district is also equipped with an amazing urban fabric. Ward 14 is home to many
public facilities such as schools, two libraries and health centers, etc. It is known for its
abundance of unique shops, restaurants and galleries. Parkdale, Roncesvalles and High
Park are very close to the art and design district, (also known as Queen West), which
is just a block east from the border of ward 14. Excellent infrastructure (Figure 5) is
weaved into the fabric of these neighbourhoods. One has the option of using the tram,
the public bus, the metro, as well as the newly added bike routes. Thanks to the original
City Plan of the 19th century, residents of ward 14 are able to take advantage of the
proximity of the good public transportation connections.
46 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, preface vii.47 City of Toronto Ward Profiles, 2006 toronto.ca
46
Ward 14 has an abundance of public urban space—areas within the built-up pattern of
the city. These include: public parks, squares, civic plazas, streets, lanes, alleyways,
spaces between buildings (courtyards, passages). In general, these spaces are for pe-
destrian flow as well as social interaction. Ward 14 has the appropriate fabric as well
as density which help to integrate all these different typologies of public urban space.
This is a fine example of an area that Jane Jacobs or Christopher Alexander would de-
scribe as liveable. Plenty of eyes on the street watching over pedestrians make it a safe
neighbourhood (Figure 13), despite the previous connotations of the late 20th century
label of an unsafe ‘slum’.
Whitzman reflects on her experience and thoughts regarding Parkdale:
This personal story is only one of the millions of stories of home in a big city like Toron-
to. It is about a place that simultaneously contained elements of ‘suburb,’ ‘slum,’ and
‘village,’ which we had experienced as both a place of fear and (temporary) poverty,
and a place of safety and affluence. The story of Parkdale similarly seemed more com-
plex than simplistic narratives of a stable, middle-class neighbourhood gone terribly
wrong in the post-World War Two era, or of an inexorably gentrifying neighbourhood
returning to its former status as a stable, middle-class ‘good place to live.’ 48
48 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, xi.
47
11. TOWN PLANNING GUIDELINES IN EFFECT
48
According to Public Works Canada, “Town planning means the planning of the sci-
entific, aesthetical and orderly disposition of land, buildings and amenities in use and
development with a view to securing physical, economical and social efficiency, health
and well-being in urban and rural communities.”49 This government-based organiza-
tion helps to plan institutional, commercial, park and recreational zones within the City.
Zoning should prevent disorderly urban development, preserve important views and
result in non-monotonous developments.50 A collection of rules are also set by Public
Works Canada regarding height restrictions, building FSI indexes, future expansion
plans, orientation with respect to sun and wind, massing volumes as well as road ad-
ditions. All these basic policies contribute to an area’s liveability scale. The famous
architect and theorist, Christopher Alexander illustrates these types of ‘rules’ of urban
planning in his books which are clearly applied throughout the streets of ward 14.
The Public Works publication states that planning for or within a neighbourhood in
Toronto needs to incorporate principles of town planning in accordance with their rules.
“Of most importance are those principles relating to land subdivision, circulation, and
the provision of community facilities. As part of the urban whole, however, the neigh-
bourhood must not be considered out of its larger context.”51 Authors Boudewin Bach
and Norman Pressman have a similar outlook to the enforced planning department:
“Urban design should, therefore, provide social experience and interaction under posi-
tive conditions while maintaining a comfortable level of social control. City centres,
subdivisions and neighbourhoods will foster a healthier lifestyle and user response, if
they incorporate well designed public spaces.”52
49 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works. Ottawa, 1974. 10. 50 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works. Ottawa, 1974. 66-67.51 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works, Ottawa 1974, 63.52 Bach and Pressman. Climate sensitive Urban Space, Concepts and Tools for Humanizing Cities, 17.
49
49 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works. Ottawa, 1974. 10. 50 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works. Ottawa, 1974. 66-67.51 Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works, Ottawa 1974, 63.52 Bach and Pressman. Climate sensitive Urban Space, Concepts and Tools for Humanizing Cities, 17.
12. HOW IS WARD 14 BEING REVITALIZED? WHO IS BEHIND THIS?
50
Ward 14 is comprised of a number of community associations which help transmit
the needs and opinions of residents to the City of Toronto via inclusive public events,
debates and meetings. Parkdale Residents Association bears a responsibility, both per-
sonally and collectively, for the community’s well-being: “Parkdale is an uncommonly
dynamic, creative, eccentric, historic place, and it is our belief that an active and en-
gaged citizenry can make this great community even better.”53 Their intention is to
develop a distinct community spirit, to energize and inform their advocacy as well as to
promote the broader participation of Parkdale’s inhabitants in a variety of decisions that
affect their daily lives. More organizations within ward14 include: the Roncesvalles-
Macdonell Residents Association, the West Bend Community Association, High Park
and Sunnyside Community Association. The High Park Residents Association “and its
members liaise and partner with neighbouring resident and community associations,
business improvement areas, and special interest groups - in addition to elected officials
and their staffs - to promote awareness of resident concerns, and pursue solutions that
are of benefit to all.”54 All these associations work with the City of Toronto’s official
plan and co-ordinate their efforts with the Municipal Councillor—Gord Perks. On be-
half of councillor Perks, his secretary states that “Community input and conversation
is one of the fundamental things Councillor Perks strongly believes in.”55 Other wards
within Toronto should take this strong community approach and use it as an example to
help them grow and function more organically as neighbourhoods.
Many urban revitalization projects are happening within ward 14. From larger scale
modernization of the communication structure, waterfront plans and renewal of histori-
cal fabric to the smaller scale building conversions. It is very common to see adapta-
tions of new programmes introduced into older structures. For example, many unused
factories are being converted into loft apartments, condos or offices. Located on the
south east side of ward 14, Liberty Village is a popular region with many conversions of
old to new uses (Figure 16). Liberty Village used to be a primarily heavy industrial area
and is has now been profoundly gentrified since 2004. Many young professionals are
moving into this neighbourhood for the same reason they choose to make their move
51
53 www.parkdale.to54 www.highparkra.org 55 Meri on behalf of councillor Gord Perks
to Parkdale. A non-profit urban development organization by the name of Artscape aids
in revitalizing the buildings within the neighbourhood of Liberty Village. Mixed live/
work spaces are provided for local artists as well as offices for many companies.
Another prominent example of an interesting rehabilitation project is a former church
(Figure 17) which was turned into social housing in the Roncesvalles—High Park area.
“City planners hesitate to use the word ‘trend,’ however there seems to be a movement
toward breathing new life into historic churches by converting them into residential
dwellings in Toronto’s west end”56 , journalist Lisa Rainford points out. Already four
projects similar to this one have been completed in ward 14 alone. The former Annette
Street Baptist Church at 200 High Park Avenue is now home to eight town house units.
Another conversion occurred in the former Victoria Presbyterian Church at 152 An-
nette Street. The heritage church maintains most of its original historical features while
incorporating 34 new residential lofts. The former church at 384 Sunnyside Dr. is the
most recent condo adaptation in the area.
Aviva Pelt, an assistant planner for the City of Toronto who worked on both the Victo-
ria-Royce and Annette Street Baptist church projects, says the appeal of transforming
an already existing building like a church is that a developer doesn’t have to start from
scratch. ‘It’s an alternative land use. Instead of building a new building, it’s already
there. There isn’t a lot available land for building in the city,’ said Pelt. ‘We’d rather
see something happen instead of a building deteriorating, she said. ‘It’s a good use.’ 57
Overall, one can see the structural transformation of mixed use programmes within the
area. An abundance of new galleries, bars, ice cream parlours, cafés and restaurants are
opening along the main streets of ward 14.
56 Lisa Rainford. Conversion of churches into condos a ‘labour of love’. www.insidetoronto.com. Nov 24, 2011.57 www.insidetoronto.com
52
13. ARTISTS AS PROMOTERS
53
“Artists are often considered early pioneers in the gentrification process, and are known
to prefer ‘authentic’ neighbourhoods and forms of housing, particularly those character-
ized by prewar and Victorian architecture, instead of newer and more modern forms of
housing. The trends showing the concentration of artists in gentrifying neighbourhoods
in our three cities support these assertions.”58 Walks and Maaranen investigate in their
research paper the role of artists with respect to potential future gentrification of cit-
ies. We see a similar pattern in ward 14 where initially artists started moving into the
neighbourhood around the late 70s. Even though it was still deemed an unsafe and filthy
part of town, the scruffiness and eccentric qualities of the place were of great value to
artists. Artists always tend to thrive in places like these. Art districts are situated usu-
ally in more run down areas. Prominent examples of such zones can be found in Paris,
New York, Chicago and Berlin. “People – artists, immigrants, sexual outsiders –once
considered peripheral or even threatening to mainstream society have become central to
economic growth in the beginning of the twenty-first century, and the places where they
live have correspondingly become admired.” 59 Artists have their studios in cheaper
locations because of their unstable income. They also congregate in rather ‘interesting’
and underdeveloped parts of town because they know that these areas are actually affili-
ated with unique qualities. The artists are the ones who seemingly predefine the genius
loci of a place for gentrification to occur.
58 Timing, Patterning, Forms of Gentrification 5859 Whitzman 55
54
14. DEVELOPMENT AND RECONSTRUCTION PLANS
55
There are numbers of urban plans currently under way within the ward 14 area. One of
the largest and most recent is the Western Waterfront Master Plan (WWMP) which was
approved by the council on August 5-6, 2009. The proposal aims to merge together the
tension between the waterfront acting as a destination and as a travel corridor. One of
the main problems is accessibility. Like Parkdale, the waterfront is cut off from society
because of the Gardiner Expressway and other main street arteries. This high-traffic
partitioning creates a lack of useable public spaces. According to the architectural of-
fice named as Planning Alliance, the Western Waterfront today consists of a chain of
under-developed public parks and beaches that line the water’s edge.60 The WWMP
aims to re-imagine the waterfront image incorporating a number of parks and featuring
public beaches.
Another major development in ward 14 is the rehabilitation of the Canada Linseed Oil
Mills Building (Figure 18) into a new Wabash Community Centre. The 1910 heritage-
designated factory building sited on 50 Wabash Avenue hasn’t been in use for over 40
years. Journalist, Shelley White of Toronto’s The Grid mentions that “most of the other
industrial buildings of that era have been converted to condos or torn down, but the
Canada Linseed Oil Mills building remains, sitting abandoned ever since the factory
ceased operations 1969. The City of Toronto bought the property in 2000 and decon-
taminated the site in 2004.” 61
The surrounding Sorauren Park is always filled with activities. Many facilities are
available within the park such as: a leash-free dog zone, tennis courts, a soccer field
and a baseball diamond. The crumbling building with shattered windows has great po-
tential to be given a second chance in this dynamic place. Miedema, Chief Historian at
Heritage Toronto attests to this building’s potential: “For one thing, it’s located in the
heart of a bustling, growing neighbourhood in need of community facilities. As well,
the hundred-year-old property tells a story about Toronto’s industrial and manufac-
turing heritage”.62 The High Park Residents Association along with other non-profit
community-based organizations played a big role in the renewal project for the Wabash
60 City of Toronto, Planning Alliance pdf presentation proposal, 261 The grid: Derelict Delights, Canada Linseed Oil Mills Building62 The grid: Derelict Delights, Canada Linseed Oil Mills Building
56
Community Centre (Figure 19) which is currently in the City’s capital plan for 2018.
Supplementary plans for the City of Toronto include the West End Bike Plan which will
incorporate new routes accessible from homes. Residents of ward 14 helped choose
which potential routes would be most beneficial during the countless resident associa-
tion meetings. There is also a big Roncesvalles Reconstruction Project planned in order
to reinvent the streetscape which will add new life to the public realm. “Roncesvalles
Renewed is a group of residents, business owners, politicians, city planners, and trans-
portation officials working together. Our key priority was to ensure that plans include
the conditions necessary for trees to flourish, better sidewalks and improved public
spaces to create an avenue that all would enjoy.”63 Many Business Improvement Areas
(Figure 21) are designated within ward 14 which of course aid in the process of gentri-
fication of the area.
Figure 16. Toy Factory Lofts, Liberty Village, To-ronto. 2010. Source: http://msashleylamb.wordpress.com/2010/07/30/toy-factory-lofts-liberty-village-toronto/
Figure 17. Annette Baptist Church coversion to residential use. Image taken from online source: http://www.jef-freyteam.com/blog/torontorealestateblog/annette-street-baptist-church/
63 www.roncesvallesrenewed.org
57
Figure 18. Existing state of the Linseed Mills Building. Photograph by Shelley White. Image taken from http://www.thegridto.com/city/places/derelict-delights-canada-linseed-oil-mills-building/
Figure 19. Impression of future Wabash Community Center. Generated by Oleson Worland & Taylor Smyth architects (in joint venture). Image taken from http://wabash-buildingsociety.files.wordpress.com/2012/02/coverpage.jpg
58
15. RENAISSANCE
59
Figure 21. Roncesvalles BIA plan, document.
60
Various sources notice the changes that took place and are continuing to take shape
within ward 14. Parkdale’s Business Improvement Area community declares: “Today,
you can see that Parkdale has undergone a renaissance, a rebirth as a unique and vibrant
neighbourhood that delights, that enthralls, and welcomes visitors seeking exciting and
wonderful sensations.”64 As I was travelling the renewed mixed-use streets of Queen
Street West on a hot sunny afternoon this July of 2012, I could see a total transforma-
tion of the district. There was a huge difference in atmosphere between now and 2005,
for example. The area really cleaned up and became livelier; residents are proud to be
from there. A typical Parkdale scenery can be illustrated like so: many youngsters fill-
ing up cafés, numerous dog walkers, vintage-shoppers and fashionable cyclists along
the human-scale streets.
Once more, Whitzman describes Parkdale’s current state:
Parkdale, like so many older districts, is now in a new phase of transition. It is no
longer simply called a suburb or a slum, but is something else, a place where decline
seemingly coincides with revitalization... Can a comparison of Parkdale’s images and
social conditions over time lead to reconsideration, not only of one neighbourhood’s
history, but of the way we generally look at neighbourhood transition over time? 65
Like myself, the author questions if the transformation of Parkdale could be used as
an appropriate case study for future analyses of neighbourhood gentrification patterns
throughout the world. According to Walks and Maaranen, “Toronto has seen the great-
est number of its neighbourhoods fully gentrify to join the ranks of middle-class and
elite neighbourhoods.” 66 In Toronto, standard forms of gentrification dominate mainly
in areas which are known to be sites of ‘classic’ gentrification, such as those found
in ward 14. The renaissance of Parkdale happened thanks to the ward system, which
focuses mainly on local issues. This type of gentrification pattern also resides in strong
political voices of middle-class gentrifiers which enabled them to preserve their locali-
ties and help limit redevelopment. 67 A community-based approach is key in order to
solve urban problems with collective ideas.64 www.parkdalevillagebia.com65 Whitzman, Suburb, Slum, Urban Village, 10.66 Timing, Patterning, 6567 Timing, Patterning, 51
61
16. CONCLUSION
62
Ward 14’s transformation into a ‘thriving bohemia’ is just one of the examples of a
typical gentrifying neighbourhood within an existing city fabric. This world-wide trend
of maintaining and upgrading a city’s historical and urban fabric is becoming a com-
monly-used approach for architectural as well as urban planning, while simultaneously
maintaining the needs and expectations of new generations to come.
The newer parts of Toronto were planned to be significantly different from the older
parts, although the reasons underlying the new kinds of plans are often weak, flimsy, or
downright unsubstantiated. The new style of city building, one might conclude, seems
to have emerged from half-baked ideas and has led to the rise of many urban problems.
These problems might easily have been avoided if more thought had been given to a city
form that would best serve the needs of its residents. 68
The above-mentioned excerpt by John Sewell refers to mainly suburbs as being the
disconnected and badly planned ‘newer’ parts of the city. Lewis Mumford, one of the
world’s leading urban critics in the twentieth century also talks about the negative attri-
butes of suburbs: “Suburbia offers poor facilities for meeting, conversation, collective
debate, and common action—it favours silent conformity, not rebellion or counter-at-
tack. So suburbia has become the favoured home of a new kind of absolutism: invisible
but all-powerful”69 In the contemporary society, many families still choose this kind of
newly-developed ‘utopian’ plot of land amid large, generic homes placed side-by-side.
Unbeknownst to these families, the type of planning they are supporting will quickly
destroy our cities. One should study the positive benefits of city living and follow the
footsteps of those who move back to a newly-thriving neighbourhood such as ward 14.
Living in a historically-rich neighbourhood with built-in infrastructure and an abun-
dance of amenities and services will connote a less isolated and better lifestyle. Authors
63
Boudewijn Bach and Norman Pressman conclude that:
...proper urban space planning has as its foundation the desire to create greater social
contact (including perceived and actual public safety) and to preserve the city-centre
as an important ‘place’, with ‘genius loci’, accommodating not only commerce but also
culture and a unique ‘joie de vivre’. Coming there and being there can be an end in
itself! The skillful integration of climatic factors into human settlement planning and
urban design will be an essential prerequisite for urban livability. 70
This excerpt concurs with the notion that living in the city center yields a better way of
life. Of course, to some, it may seem that living in the center is more expensive, but one
must realize that there will be an end to the automobile society which was put forth dur-
ing modernism, especially due to escalating gas prices as well as environmental issues.
We should begin to understand, get used to and enjoy the countless positive qualities of
urban living in the future megalopolis.
68 intro Sewell, xiv69 Sewell, xv (excerpt by Mumford 1961,513)70 Climate sensitive Urban Space, Concepts and Tools for Humanizing Cities, Bach and Pressman. p87
64
Figure 22. Artwork by Ross Racine, Golden Shores, 2009 Rossraine art: http://www.rossracine.com/artwork/subdivisions-group-2-2006-2/goldenwood-shores.html
65
66
17. SOURCES USED
Literature
Bach, Boudewijn & Pressman, Norman. Climate-sensitive Urban Space: Concepts and Tools to
Humanize Cities. Delft: Publicatieburo, 1992.
Caulfield, John. City Form and Everyday Life: Toronto’s Gentrification and Critical Social Prac-
tice. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994.
Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Vintage Books, 1992.
Sewell, John. The Shape of the City: Toronto Struggles with Modern Planning. Toronto: Univer-
sity of Toronto Press Incorporated, 1993.
Slater, Tom. Toronto’s South Parkdale Neighbourhood: A brief history of Development,
Disinvestment and Gentrification ( Excerpted, condensed, and updated from an article in The
Canadian Geographer, Fall 2004, titled “Municipally Managed Gentrification in South Parkdale,
Toronto”}
Town Planning Guidelines, Department of Public Works Canada
Walks, R. Alan and Maaranen, Richard. Timing, Patterning & Forms of Gentrification & Neigh-
bourhood Upgrading in Montreal, Toronto, & Vancouver, 1961 to 2001. Toronto: UofT, May
2008.
Whitzman, Carolyn. Suburb, Slum, Urban Village: Transformations in Toronto’s Parkdale
Neighbourhood, 1875-2002. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2009.
Western Waterfront Plan presentation. Toronto: City of Toronto, May 2009.
67
Journal / Periodical
Onsite -identity, issue no 25, spring 2011.
Rainford, Lisa. Conversion of churches into condos a ‘labour of love’. www.insidetoronto.com.
Nov 24, 2011.
Slater, Tom. Municipally managed gentrification in South Parkdale, Toronto. The Canadian
Geographer 48, no 3 (2004)
White, Shelley. Derelict Deights: Canada Linseed Oil Mills Building. The Grid. Feb 23, 2012
Online Sources
www.toronto.ca
www.blogto.com
www.parkdalevillagebia.com
www.roncesvallesrenewed.org
www.torontolife.com
68