are those different lecture1

7/29/2019 Are Those Different Lecture1

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Are those different lectures? A Need For Reform & Renewal and A Tribute To Muhammad Asad? I could

see almost the same people. Are those two events held at the same day? The date were quite different

though. 12th Dec 2009 and 13th Dec 2009.

Esei-esei di dalam antologi ini ditulis dengan mempertimbangkan perkara-perkara ini; jelas dan jujur

dalam penilaian mereka, dan bertenaga dalam penampilanya. Ia mengajak kita untuk menilai kembali

ide-ide generasi awal para pemikir Islam modernis dan reformis; juga pada masa yang sama

mengingatkan kita keperluan untuk membicarakan realiti di depan mata kita hari ini berkenaan persoalan

pluralism, demokrasi, hak-hak wanita dan keperluan untuk meletakkan keperihatinan kita pada waktu ini

dan mencari jawapan untuk masa hadapan.

[Dr.Farish A Noor]

BUKU TUHAN UNTUK SEMUA TELAH KELUAR CETAKAN KETIGA PADA 24 APRIL 2012

SINOPSIS

"Kenapa hanya Allah sahaja yang dianggap Tuhan? Bukankah itu tidak adil? Kenapa Allah ciptakan

syurga dan neraka? Jika Allah itu berkuasa, kenapa tidak jadikan semua manusia baik-baik? Adakah

benar al-Quran datang daripada Allah? Bukankah ia dilihat sebagai sebuah buku yang boleh ditulis oleh

sesiapa?"

Buku ini mengupas persoalan dan dakwaan Non Muslim kepada Islam dan menjawab persoalan ini

menurut neraca Islam, sains dan logik akal.

Turut membincangkan sifat-sifat Tuhan, kewujudan Tuhan, kesahihan al-Quran, kerasulan Nabi

Muhammad, wanita dalam Islam dan Jesus menurut Islam.

Sesuai dibaca oleh semua Muslim yang sentiasa berhadapan dengan persoalan yang biasanya

timbulkan kalangan Non Muslim dan Muslim yang mempunyai tahap penguasaan agama yang asas.

Juga sesuai untuk Non Muslim dan Awal Islam yang menghadapi pelbagai persoalan yang tidak dapat

dijawab oleh Muslim secara mudah dan konkrit.

Tuhan untuk Semua muncul berasaskan huraian sumber al-Quran dan hadis bagi membuktikan

kebenaran yang terselindung di sebalik tohmahan kepada Islam.

Harga Semenanjung termasuk Kos penghantaran menggunakan Pos Berdaftar RM15, sabah dan

Sarawak RM17.

SESIAPA YANG BERMINAT MEMBACA BUKU INI DAPAT MEMBUAT TEMPAHAN MELALUI MESEJ

KE NO HP 019 3568 602 ATAU EMAIL KE [email protected] serta PM ke inbox saya.

The Predictability of Politics, and How We Rise and FallolehFarish A Noorpada pada 30hb April 2012 pukul 10.46 ptg

The Predictability of Politics, and How We Rise and Fall.

By Farish A Noor.
http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=581202553http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=581202553http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=581202553http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=581202553http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=581202553http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=581202553http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=581202553http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=581202553


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'Public thinking was shaken, as if there had been a natural disaster;

Intelligent people became half-wits for the rest of their lives.'

(G. Flaubert, a Sentimental Education.)

I am a school teacher, and I happen to teach politics and comparative political history. Ive also dabbled in the murky

domains of religio-political violence, human rights abuses, erasure of history and other sordid subjects that account for my

fragile nerves and my suicidal tendencies. But looking at the state of Malaysia today, I cannot help but feel that a sense of

deja vu has overcome me, and unmanned my senses. All that I have learned and taught seem to come together in one

blurred vision of nations undergoing tumultuous change, and in the midst of this waking dream I see a pattern of

predictability etched before my eyes, as if it was a lesson to governments and regimes the world over. How surprising, and

yet not so, that despite the differences in language, culture, religion and ethnicity we see around us, the game of politics

seems to bear structural similarities the world over...

Act One: The dream of the younger older generation.

I have said this many times before, but it bears repeating again. Age has less to do with bodies and more to do with

subjectivities and subject positions.

It seems trite to note that these days we hear again and again that the younger generation are a troubled and troublesome

lot; that they are ungrateful; that they do not know what it is to suffer, to labour, to toil; etc. The litany of complaints against

the young seem endless, and they invariably emanate from the older ones.

Yet the older generation is, in some respects, younger than the young today. For they were the products of that hopeful age

of golden promise, of hope for a new society, for a newly independent nation-state. But in their youth in the 1950s they

possessed the naivete of a generation that believed, and had the will to believe; in the promises of politicians, in slogans and

banners and flags. They believed, with a simple, childlike faith that I envy, that the blueprints of technocrats and securocrats

could be translated from paper to concrete and that with a touch of nationalism here, a pinch of patriotism there, a nation-

state could be produced as a bun from an oven.

This was the older generation that was the midwife to the birth of Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Singapore,

Indonesia, Philippines and a host of other sparkling bright new postcolonial states; fresh-faced and flushed with the

confidence of youth.

This was the generation that believed in their politicians, and the constitutions they held in their hands, in the rule of law they

vowed to uphold, in the economy they promised to develop and protect.

Today, this older generation is physically older, but in terms of their beliefs they retain some of the faith that many of us have

lost.


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The younger generation in turn is born into a different age, a different world: They were born into skepticism, into defeat, into

disillusionment, into societies where the egalitarianism of the past had given way to the new social-economic hierarchies of

the present. As the writer Goenawan Mohamad once wrote in 'Cocktail Parties': "Was this what the revolution was for? To

fight against the old masters simply so that we can get into the clubs?"Yes, sadly yes. And having entered the club of the

former colonial masters - in India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Malaysia - we barricaded the doors so that the OKB - Orang Kaya

Baru - could keep out the riff raff of the other OKB-wannabes.

In so many countries I have studied - Pakistan, Indonesia, Philippines, - I have come across the familiar tale of the post-

colonial post-revolutionary elite who soon took to the pond of neo-feudalism with such ease as to defy incredulity.

Everywhere across Asia we have seen the familiar symptoms of the new rich: The biggest houses, the biggest cars, the

most vulgar consumption, accompanied by the most vulgar of company.

The first act closes, and already the nation's imaginary has become a sad, tawdry joke.

Act Two: Regime Maintenance (Or, bring out the thugs and the holy books while youre in the wine cellar please)

Across much of Asia, Asia's postcolonial development has been a textbook case of regime maintenance via the politics of

co-optation and patronage.

The primary actor is that once all-inclusive vehicle for the delivery of the nation, the national party and its ruling elite. Oh,

how they wax ever so eloquent about their great marches and herculean labours, and how they shroud themselves in the

mantle of the national imaginary. Yet the contradictions began to grow, as the 'People's Leader' soon became the 'People's

Leader for Life', 'Grand Architect', 'Sole Saviour', etc, etc.

The cult of leadership that has blighted almost every postcolonial Asian state reminds us of the proximity of the past that has

never really passed: From the panoptic gaze of the all-seeing Big Brother Suryavarman VII to the stadium-sized portraits of

the great leaders of Asia, the logic of excess has taken over; and power (and wealth) need to be demonstrated all the time.

Oh, how the postcolonial state has failed Asians! We took on the trappings of modernity without any of its attendant

complications and complexities; and grafted them onto the mindset of the slavish feudal serf instead. Across Asia magic

spells are cast via sms and internet; populist elites play roles that overlap the identities of Gods, deities, epic heroes and

public servants. Our politics is staged, theatrical and performative, and even the demonstrations we see on TV have become

stage-managed events (re: Indonesia, 1974, 1997/98, etc.) Pogroms and the destruction of holy sites (Afghanistan, India,

etc) win votes; politicians play the role of the vengeful Rama or the angry Prophet.

And when co-optation fails, call in the shamans and priests, and witness how so many states - led by ostensibly secular

nationalist leaders whose popularity levels were faltering (India, Indira Gandhi; Pakistan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) turned to

religion and called in the holy men to render sacred what could only be described, in all honestly, as profanely profane

regimes in crisis. The rise of sectarian religious violence (South Thailand, Indonesia, 1999-2003) gives a second life to the


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ailing security industry and keeps the army out of the barracks, as power - forever demonstrated - is applied at the point of a

bayonet.

But even then, these violent regimes fail to take note that in their introvertedness and parochialism, they were but pawns in a

Cold War not of their own making or choosing; and as that other sordid global drama came to its timely end, so did the bit-

parts they played become redundant too. (Eg: Pakistan after the Cold War, Indonesia, Philippines too post-1989)

Act Three: The Infernal Consumers' Paradise of a Capital-Driven Asia.

Ho hum. We are told that Asia is in crisis again. (When was it never in crisis?). But now the bills are mounting and

everywhere around us we see this bill being nailed on our respective doors: Decades of top-down social engineering

buffered and rendered sweet and pleasing to the eye thanks to capital-driven development has suddenly come to a standstill

and guess what? The miracle decades are over, and the foreign capital we thought would rain upon our happy lands has

moved to greener (or rather, cheaper) pastures.

The blowback is so typical that one is tempted to suggest it is archetypal: Regimes that have kept themselves in power for

so long by buying off potential opposition through modes of co-optation now realise that without that roaring river of capital to

irrigate their economies, their capacity to co-opt will be curtailed as well.

What next? In almost every country across Asia, the market-driven dream of paradise on earth was predicated on the belief

that universities would produce graduates who would all get jobs and end up being happy, consuming, Middle-class citizens.

But when the capital tap is turned off, the dreams run dry.

Decades of rural-to-urban migration has left Asia with scores of megacities and megalopolises, (Surabaya for instance, has

grown fifty times its size since 1900 while only 2 percent of Jakarta's population has access to public transport. Cities have

become modern hells) and in these cities the young are restless, tired, disillusioned and angry.

Does it come as a surprise to us that one of the last rural revolts was in Java in 1825 (The Diponogero War, 1825-1830)?

And even when we look at the insurgencies of the 1960s in Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines let us not forget that these were

countryside insurgencies that were hatched in the universities, colleges, courts of the cities. Asia is changing, and it is

changing from the metropole outwards (Manila, 1986; Bangkok, 1997; Jakarta, 1998, etc.)

One pattern seems to fit all now: Old regimes, often made up of literally old people (or rather, to be more specific, old men),

refuse to budge in the face of rapidly changing social circumstances that their own developmental policies of the 1970s and

1980s have created: New colleges and new universities giving birth to new political subjects and subjectivities who in turn

demand new changes. The age gap is the most glaring of all: Indonesia's Golkar is - literally - the oldest party in the country

with the most old Members of Parliament. India's government is also made up of old and ageing politicians, at a time when

the country's population is younger than ever. Japan and Singapore's ageing populations means that in a decade's time

scores of old people will wander about with no families to care for them; and in the meantime the younger generation bite


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and gnaw at barriers that prevent them from entering the job market, to become stakeholders in a society that calls them

lazy instead.

In the midst of this, so many of Asia's capital-driven democracies are witnessing the rise of populist politics where the tools

and rituals of democracy are used for the most undemocratic of ends: Feeding anxiety, fueling moral panics (of womens'

emancipation, of gays, of apostates, of infidels, etc) and reving the hate machine to the max.

In the midst of this monumental structural-economic crisis, national imaginaries grow more parochial. While Malaysians and

Indonesians bicker about domestic issues, we failed to notice that last week the Philippines and China nearly went to war,

and that our nation has never been more exposed to uncontrollable and unpredictable external variable factors.

But dont let any of this bother you, for there will always be the populists who will promise you bunny rabbits out of the hat,

free fuel, free gas, free water, free freedom too.

How did we get into this state of affairs? Simple enough: in our race for development we turned our eyes to the charms of

glass, steel and concrete and measured our national worth in terms of projects and skyscrapers, while neglecting basic

economic and political education. We are infants, skating on the thin ice of history, and much of what has come to pass was

predictable years ago, had we the eyes to see it.

akatan Rakyat pledges upon forming federal government, to use all necessary and required

resources available to resolve the long outstanding problem of Malaysians without

documentation, primarily birth certificates and identity cards (MyKads).

I categorically state that this will be a priority of our government; we will urgently,

expediently and comprehensively complete the documentation exercise for them.

Hundreds of thousands of Indians, Dayaks and others born in Malaysia are living without

documentation because government process failed them. Without documents they are

denied schooling, employment, healthcare, travel, social security, government aid, public

office and voting rights.

They predominately are from economically challenged backgrounds and regions, and

without documents they are further disenfranchised, falling into the fringes of society and

remaining impoverished. They are effectively removed from contributing to the countrys

economy.

It is widespread and acute in the Indian and Dayak community, and despite repeated

promises from Barisan Nasional (BN) leaders and elected representatives, their plight

continues.


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Citizenship is the most important right in a democratic society.

Part 3 of the Federal Constitution contains provisions ensuring no person shall be rendered

stateless in Malaysia. Yet hundreds of thousands are stateless because a BN government

has long forgotten them.

Further, most of these victims are citizens by operation of law under Article 14 of the

Federal Constitution, since they were born and raised in Malaysia. They are either without

documents or forced to accept MyKads designated for non-citizens.

One case has triggered the conscience of Malaysians over the last fortnight. A Form 5

student Reshina Batumanathan was born and raised here, yet she has been repeatedly

denied a MyKad. The National Registration Department has only issued her a non-citizen

permit so that she can continue her schooling. Her future is bleak and uncertain without the

MyKad she is entitled to. Reshina is a symbol and example of the stateless Malaysians.

The issue of undocumented Malaysians is a moral issue, central to social justice. Reshina

and the hundreds of thousands like her are living lesser lives in their own country. Pakatan

Rakyat will champion these Malaysians and gain them their constitutionally guaranteed

rights when we form government.

DATO SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM

LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION

UMNO ulama's racism is revolting

Dr Ahmad Farouk Musa and Ahmad Fuad Rahmat, 21 May 2012

The riot at Merlimau, Melaka by anti-Bersih, UMNO inspired youths is evidence of the increasing

degree to which intimidation and violence is becoming a frequent strategy by certain players in the

ruling power structure.

It was clear that the threat and intimidation were aimed against those who were merely exercising

their democratic right to voice their opinions on the policies of the current government.

Reports indicate the presence of police officers at the location and yet why did they not stop the riot

from happening? Is it not their duty to ensure the safety and security of all citizens, regardless of theirparty affiliations?

Will Malaysia's Muftis who so willingly spoke out against Bersih also speak out against the Merlimau

riot? Why do we not hear these Muftis now nagging about the limits of freedom and the importance of

law and order in Islam?

Or, are the Merlimau rioters somehow exempted from the standards of good conduct simply by virtue

of their racist-fascist beliefs and ethno-nationalist party affiliation?
http://en.harakahdaily.net/index.php/letter/5005-umno-ulamas-racism-is-revolting-.htmlhttp://en.harakahdaily.net/index.php/letter/5005-umno-ulamas-racism-is-revolting-.htmlhttp://en.harakahdaily.net/index.php/letter/5005-umno-ulamas-racism-is-revolting-.html


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Will we hear condemnation and obsession of what happened in Merlimau by the mainstream media?

Or will their pages and airtime be channeled entirely towards demoinizing the hard work of Malaysians

from all races who are demanding genuine democratic reforms?

Those who are more alert to the real workings of Malaysian politics will rightly read those questions

with cynicism. The point that cannot be denied is that we are witnessing is systematic terrorization to

quell democratic dissent.

Bersih was a clear set of demands for electoral reforms that have yet to be met. What happened in

Merlimau - preceded by butt exercises, sexist and racist intimidations and harassments against

innocent Malaysian citizens - is fascist inspired catharsis from unruly insecure thugs.

It does not require anyone the slightest minute of education to be racist and anti-democratic, and yet

racism and anti-democracy have been the central values that have been constantly espoused by the

ruling party.

It is also clear that the goal is not so much the enlightenment of Malaysian citizens but their

subjugation in ignorance so that the elite of that party can continue to govern and enrich themselves

with impunity.

Racism was even legitimised by a scholar of Ulama Muda UMNO recently who said that ProphetMuhammad was racist. It is not surprising then to see the escalation of prejudiced attitudes and

policies that favour a certain race over others since that is now endorsed by UMNO religious scholars

themselves.

As an Islamic organization we are deeply saddened and outraged at the complicity of certain religious

figures in tolerating UMNO's constant recourse to thug violence and intimidation. Marx said that

religion is the opium of the people. In Malaysia, we can now see who the dealers are.

* The writers represent Islamic Renaissance Front, Kuala Lumpur

As an Islamic organization we are deeply saddened and outraged at the complicity of certain religious figures in tolerating

UMNO's constant recourse to thug violence and intimidation. Marx said that religion is the opium of the people. In Malaysia,

we can now see who the dealers are.

are those different lecture1

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