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The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 14 | Issue 17 | Number 7 | Sep 2016

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Reconsidering Zen, Samurai, and the Martial Arts

Oleg Benesch

Anders Breivik at his trial

On July 22, 2011, Anders Behring Breivikcommitted one of the most devastating acts ofmass murder by an individual in history. Overthe course of one day, he killed 77 people in andaround Oslo, Norway, through a combination ofa car bomb and shootings. The latter took placeon the island of Utøya, where 69 people died,most of them teenagers attending an eventsponsored by the Workers☂ Youth League.During his subsequent trial, Breivik remainedoutwardly unemotional as he clearly recountedthe events of the day, including the dozens ofmethodical execution-style shootings on theisland. His calmness both on the day of themurders and during the trial, shocked manyobservers. It was also an important factor in an

attempt to declare Breivik insane, a move that hesuccessfully resisted. Breivik himself addressedthis subject at some length, crediting hissupposed ability to suppress anxiety and the fearof death through concentrated practice of whathe called ☜bushido meditation.☝ He claimed tohave begun this practice in 2006 to ☜de-emotionalize☝ himself in preparation for asuicide attack.1 According to Breivik, hismeditation was based on a combination of☜Christian prayer☝ and the ☜bushido warriorcodex.☝2 Bushido, or ☜the way of the warrior,☝ isoften portrayed as an ancient moral codefollowed by the Japanese samurai, although thehistorical evidence shows that it is largely atwentieth-century construct.3

The extent to which the methodical nature ofBreivik☂s terror attack could be ascribed to hismeditation techniques, ☜bushido☝ or otherwise,has been called into question by those who see itas another manifestation of serious mentaldisturbance. On the other hand, Breivik☂sstatements regarding ☜bushido meditation☝ haveparallels with the ☜Warrior Mind Training☝program implemented by the US military duringthe Iraq War. This program claims to have itsroots in ☜the ancient samurai code of self-discipline,☝ and is described as a meditationmethod for dealing with a host of mental issuesrelated to combat.4 Both Anders Breivik andWarrior Mind Training reflect a persistentpopular perception of the samurai as fightingmachines who were able to suppress any fear ofdeath through the practice of meditationtechniques based in Zen Buddhism. Zen has alsobeen linked with the Special Attack Forces (or☜Kamikaze☝) of the Second World War, whosupposedly used meditation methods ascribed to

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Zen to prepare for their suicide missions.5 Thisview of Zen as a tool for military use is found inmany works on Japanese history and culture,which tend to accept the supposedly ancientrelationship between Zen and the samurai.

Suzuki Daisetsu

The relationship between the samurai and ZenBuddhism is often traced back to the thirteenthcentury, which saw both a rise of warrior powerand the increased introduction of Zen teachingsfrom China. The affinity of warriors for Zen isgenerally explained by their ability to identifywith Zen teachings and incorporate them intotheir lives. As Winston L. King writes of Zen,☜from the beginning of Zen☂s ☁new☂ presence, itsmeditation and discipline commendedthemselves to the samurai, of both high and low

rank.☝6 The modern Zen popularizer SuzukiDaisetsu (D.T. Suzuki; 1870-1966) was one of thebest-known promoters of theoretical connectionsbetween Zen and Japan☂s warrior class. In hisbest-selling Zen and Japanese Culture, Suzukiclaimed that Zen was ☜intimately related fromthe beginning of its history to the life of thesamurai▁☝ and ☜▁activate(d)▁the fightingspirit of the Japanese warrior.☝7 The martial artsare often portrayed as an important point ofintersection between Zen and the samurai,

epitomized through a number of popular works.The most influential text linking Zen and themartial arts is Eugen Herrigel☂s (1884-1955)orientalist 1948 book Zen in der Kunst desB o g e n s c h i e s s e n s ( Z e n i n t h e A r t o fArchery).8 Herrigel☂s contentions rested largelyon a personal fascination with mysticism andZen, combined with confusion arising from aserious language barrier between himself and hisa r c h e r y i n s t r u c t o r , A w a K e n z ｧ(1880-1939).9 Through the influence of these andother modern interpreters, the martial arts havecome to be seen as a window through which Zenand the ☜samurai spirit☝ are accessible to millionsof people around the world today.

This article will show, however, that therelationship between Zen, samurai, and themartial arts is neither as close, nor as ancient, as itis widely believed to be. In fact, the acceptedconnections between the three are largelyproducts of the late nineteenth and earlytwentieth centuries, when Japanese thinkers in anera of rapid change sought answers andlegitimacy in ancient and noble tradition. To thisend, this article first considers the historicalevidence to question the supposed closeconnection between Zen and the samurai, as wellas Zen and the martial arts. It then provides anoverview of the development of bushido in thelate Meiji period (1868-1912), which completelyrevised popular understandings of the samurai.The article then considers the activities ofpromoters of martial arts and Zen Buddhism inthe development of bushido, as they sought to tietheir causes to the burgeoning new ideology.Finally, this article looks at the ways in which theZen-samurai connection became established inmainstream understandings of Japanese historyand culture in the decades leading up to 1945,and how this view continued to be acceptedlargely without question in the postwar period.

Historical backgrounds

The popular view that Japanese warriors have

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long had an affinity for Zen is not entirelyincorrect, as Zen institutions did have severalpowerful patrons in the Kamakura (1185-1333)and Muromachi (1336-1573) periods. On theother hand, recent scholarship indicates thatZen☂s popularity among the elite was most oftenmotivated by practical considerations rather thandoctrine. Martin Colcutt argues that Zenteachings were too difficult for many lower-ranking warriors, ☜most of whom continued tofind a less demanding, but equally satisfying,religious experience in the simpler Buddhistt e a c h i n g s o f S h i n r a n , N i c h i r e n , o rIppen.☝10 Colcutt further argues that even at itspeak in the late fourteenth century, Zen could becalled ☜the religion of the samurai☝ merelybecause most of its followers were warriors, butthis did not mean that most warriors followedZen, let alone reach a high level of practice.11 Asother scholars have demonstrated, the vastmajority of warriors followed other schools ofBuddhism, including both established and neworders, with more accessible teachings.12

Among elite military families, patronage of Zenwas based on political, economic, and culturalfactors that were largely unrelated to doctrine.On the political front, Zen presented a non-threatening alternative to the powerful Shingonand Tendai Buddhist institutions that dominatedKyoto and were closely allied to the imperialcourt.13 Economically, trade with China was animportant source of revenue for early medievalrulers, and Zen monks☂ knowledge of Chineselanguage and culture, combined with theiradministrative abilities, made them a naturalchoice as ambassadors to the continent. As Zeninstitutions grew, the frequent sale of hightemple offices became increasingly lucrative,eventually bringing even greater income thantrade with the continent.14 With regard to thecultural importance of Zen to elites, Zen templesconducted diplomacy with Song (960-1279) andYuan China (1271-1368), which were the primarysources of artistic and cultural innovations in thisperiod, including tea ceremony, monochromatic

painting, calligraphy, poetry, architecture,garden design, and printing.15

Political, economic, and cultural considerationswere the primary factors behind the officialpromotion of Zen institutions by the Kamakuraand Muromachi shogunates, although there werea few military and court leaders who attemptedto delve more deeply into Zen practice. Theshogun Hｧjｧ Tokimune (1251-1284) is reported tohave been a devoted student of Zen, studyingunder the Chinese monk Wuxue Zuyuan(1226♠1286). An anecdote related by Colcuttprovides a glimpse into the shogun☂s practice,including some of the difficulties experienced byhis teacher: ☜Discussions on Zen (zazen) wereconducted through an interpreter. When themaster wished to strike his disciple forincomprehension or to encourage greater efforts,the blows fell on the interpreter.☝16 The major Zentemples consolidated their positions as wealthyand powerful administrative institutions, but asthe medieval period went on, there was a seriousdecline in doctrinal content. By the late fifteenthcentury ☜little or no Zen of any variety was beingtaught in the Gozan [major Rinzai institutions].☝17

The situation was similar in other Zen schools.These underwent a major dilution of doctrinethrough the increased displacement of Zen studyby esoteric elements and formulaic approachesthat made teachings more accessible.18

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Zen in the Art of Archery

The doctrinal connection between the Zenschools and Japanese warriors before theseventeenth century was certainly superficial,and even after this time, there is little evidence ofexceptional samurai interest in Zen doctrine. Incontrast, a number of scholars argue that samuraiengaged with Zen practice rather than doctrine,and the martial arts are often invoked assupposedly providing such a connection: ☜Theethos of modern martial arts is derived from theJapanese marriage of the samurai code to Zen inKamakura times,☝ when the ☜samurai practicedm a r t i a l a r t s a s a p a t h t o w a r dawakening.☝19 Heinrich Dumoulin☂s seminalHistory of Zen takes a typically vague approach,reflecting the lack of evidence linking Zen andthe martial arts. On the one hand, Dumoulinspeculates that ☜Long before the introduction of

Zen meditation, Japanese infantry-archers wereprobably acquainted with Zen-like♥or better,Yoga-like♥practices such as breath control.☝20 Onthe other hand, Dumoulin cites Herrigel☂sproblematic account as evidence for a Zen-archery connection, claiming that Herrigel☂sinstructor Awa Kenzｧ was ☜full of the spirit ofZen,☝ when Awa himself denied having anyconnection with Zen.2 1 At the same time,Dumoulin concedes that the evidence for a stronglink between Zen and archery is circumstantial:☜Like all aspects of Japan☂s cultural life duringthe middle ages, the art of archery also cameunder the formative influence of Zen Buddhism.Among the many famous master archers of thatperiod, not a few had had Zen experience. Theydid not, however, form any kind of association.☝Furthermore, ☜The different archery groups inJapan have maintained their independence fromthe Zen school.☝22

While many promoters of the Zen-samuraiconnection focus on the Kamakura period, otherssituate the relationship much later in theTokugawa period (1603-1868): ☜The applicationof Zen theory and practice to the training ofmartial skill and technique, and the investing ofthe warrior life with spiritual values, are reallyTokugawa phenomena.☝23 As evidence for thislatter claim, modern Zen popularizers often citethe interest in swordsmanship displayed by afew Zen figures during the early seventeenthcentury. However, this does not mean that asignificant number of Zen practitioners were alsoswordsmen, nor does it mean that a majority ofthe innumerable fencing schools had any Zenconnections. As Cameron Hurst writes, ☜We haveto be very careful with the idea of combining Zenand swordsmanship or assert ing that☁swordsmanship and Zen are one☂ (kenzenichinyo). There is no necessary connectionbetween the two, and few warriors were activeZen practitioners.☝24 Dumoulin also addressesthis subject, writing that ☜During the Edo period,t h e a r t o f s w o r d s m a n s h i p ♥ l i k e t h eindependently popular art of archery♥was

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inspired just as much, if not more, by theprevalent teachings of Confucianism.☝ Hecontinues: ☜it is clear that the military arts ofarchery and swordsmanship do not belongessentially to the world of Zen, despite certainclose relationships. Both arts maintained anindependent identity of their own.☝25 Dumoulin☂sclaims in this regard are based on the popularlyaccepted connections between Zen and themartial arts, rather than historical evidence.

The ideal of the Zen swordsman is epitomized bythe writer Yoshikawa Eiji☂s (1892-1962)influential, and largely fictional, portrayal ofMiyamoto Musashi (1584?-1645) in his best-selling novels Miyamoto Musashi, first publishedbetween 1935 and 1939. Relatively little is knownof the historical Musashi, and Yoshikawa fleshedout his narrative by adding many details andanecdotes. One of these involved having Musashistudy under the Rinzai Zen master Takuan Sｧhｧ(1573-1645), although there is no evidence thatthe two men ever met.26 Here, Yoshikawa wasinspired by modern promoters of the Zen-samurai connection, and especially the ideas ofhis close friend, the nationalist Yasuoka Masahiro(1898♠1983).27 As Peter Haskel implies, Takuanwould have to wait until the modern period tohave his greatest influence, as his writings werefirst picked up by bushid� ideologists in the lateimper ia l per iod and then rev ived bybusinessmen♥the so-called ☜economicsoldiers☝♥in the 1970s and 80s.28

With regard to the historical Takuan, while hehad no discernible connection with Musashi, andwas not a skilled swordsman himself, he didprovide guidance to the fencing instructor YagyﾅMunenori (1571-1646).29 In his writings to Yagyﾅ,Takuan explained the advantages of Zen trainingto swordsmen, stating that the concepts of ☜no-mind☝ and ☜immovable wisdom☝ applied to allactivities, including fencing, but this was onlyone of his interests.30 Takuan was not exclusivelyinterested in martial matters, and his writingswere certainly not only addressed to warriors.

William Bodiford summarizes the influence ofTakuan☂s Record of Immovable Wisdom(Fud���� shinmy �����), which was finallypublished in 1779, as follows: ☜▁Takuan☂sinstructions have been included in innumerableanthologies addressed not only to martial artdevotees but to general audiences as well, andthus they have helped promote the popularperception that Zen is an intrinsic element ofmartial art training. It would perhaps be moreaccurate to say that success in the martial artsdemands mental discipline, a topic about whichZen monks (among others) have much to say.☝31

A similar situation can be seen in the case ofSuzuki Shｧsan (1579-1655), a samurai whoexperienced various battles before becoming amonk. Suzuki is often cited by later writersattempting to link Zen and the warrior class,especially as he wrote precepts specifically forsamurai and had actual military experience.However, the image of Suzuki☂s teachings as☜warrior Zen☝ was created through carefulselection of his writings, which span half acentury and vary widely. Over his lifetime,Suzuki included e lements of Daoism,Confucianism, Pure Land Buddhism, and Shintoin his teachings, and his attitude towards deathdid not always reflect the stoic detachment laterattributed to samurai Zen. While some of histexts speak of eliminating the self and drawingenergy from death, elsewhere Suzuki wrote of hisown fears of death and argued against killing.☜What I teach is Buddhism for cowards,☝ Suzukiwrote, later adding that ☜If it was up to me I☂ds a y I p r a c t i c e j u s t b e c a u s e I h a t edeath▁.Everybody loves Buddhism. I knownothing about Buddhism. All I work at is notbeing subject to death▁☝ Of his own abilities,Suzuki stated that ☜The only thing I have overothers is the degree to which I detest death.That☂s what☂s made me practice with thewarrior☂s glare. Really, it☂s because of my verycowardice that I☂ve made it this far.☝32 Suzuki☂sprecepts for samurai should further be seen inthe context and goal of his best-known work,

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Right Action for All (Banmin tokuy �), whichaddressed all classes and sought to promote hisown interpretation of Buddhism as the correctfaith. 3 3 Like Takuan, Suzuki desired todemonstrate that his teachings could be appliedto all activities and classes, and warriors weremerely one group that he felt could benefit fromthem.

A third Tokugawa-period Zen figure often citedby proponents of the Zen-samurai connection isHakuin Ekaku (1686-1768), an influential figurein the Rinzai school.34 Hakuin believed that histeachings could be useful to all classes, and alsodiscussed specific ways in which Zen practicecould be of use to samurai. However, this shouldbe seen in the context of his desire to spreadRinzai teachings, rather than as evidence of anyexceptional interest in the samurai, who Hakuindescribed elsewhere as ☜useless.☝35 Hakuine c h o e d t h e t h o u g h t s o f m a n y o f h i scontemporaries when he wrote of the ☜timid,negligent, careless warriors of these degeneratedays,☝ who had declined from a long-past ideal.☜They scream pretentiously that they areendowed at birth with a substantial amount ofstrength and that there is no need to dependupon being rescued by another☂s power, yetwhen an emergency arises they are the first torun and hide and to besmirch and debase thefame of their warrior ancestors.☝36 Hakuin☂s harshcriticisms of his samurai contemporaries havegenerally been left out of modern works seekingto place him in a ☜samurai Zen☝ tradition.

Relatively few Zen figures showed an interest inthe martial arts, and their attitudes did notnecessarily align with the interpretations putforth by modern promoters of ☜samurai Zen.☝ Onthe other hand, like samurai in general, martialarts practitioners in the Tokugawa period werelargely ambivalent towards Zen.37 Althoughmany fencing schools incorporated spiritualelements, these were typically an eclectic mix ofShinto, Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, andfolk religion specific to the individual

teacher.38 In his detailed case study of theKashima-Shinryﾅ school of martial arts, KarlFriday has argued that it was ☜compatible withalmost any religious affiliation or lack thereof,☝and various generations of masters drew upon awide variety of different religious andphilosophical traditions to construct their ownspiritual frameworks.39 This applied to manydifferent schools of martial arts in Japan.Alexander Bennett describes even early schoolsof swordsmanship as resembling ☜pseudo-religious cults,☝ a condition that became moreestablished during the peace of the Tokugawaperiod.40 Spiritual elements, especially thoseborrowed from esoteric religious traditions, wereimportant marketing tools for martial artsschools, as they promised prospective studentsaccess to unique and secret knowledgeunavailable to outsiders. Later, around the turnof the twentieth century, promoters of Zen tookadvantage of this ambiguity, and portrayed Zenteachings as having been the dominant force inthe typically opaque mixture of spiritualtraditions that coursed through the martial artsschools of the Tokugawa period.

From the various perspectives of samurai, Zenfigures, and martial artists in the Tokugawaperiod, the evidence does not support a clear andsignificant connection between Zen and themartial arts or any ☜way of the samurai.☝Conversely, the texts most frequently cited assources of bushido in modern Japan contradictmany of the assertions made by promoters ofZen. Tokyo Imperial University philosophyprofessor Inoue Tetsujirｧ☂s (1856-1944) 1905collection of Tokugawa-era documents, TheBushido Library (Bushid� s��), established thecore of the bushido canon until at least 1945, andhis selection continues to have a strong influenceon scholarship today. When Inoue was selectingtexts for this collection, promoters of Zen werestill in the early stages of engagement withbushido discourse. The texts chosen by Inouewere quite diverse in their interpretations of theduties and obligations of samurai, but were

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almost all in agreement in their rejection ofBuddhism, reflecting the dominant sentimentamong Tokugawa samurai.41 The BushidoLibrary includes writings by Kumazawa Banzan(1619-1691), Yamaga Sokｧ (1622-1685), YamazakiAnsai (1619-1682), Muro Kyﾅsｧ (1658-1734), andKaibara Ekiken (1630-1714), all of whom arefrequently cited by modern bushido theorists.42

Inoue Tetsujiro

Bushido Library (Bushido sosho), 1905

Yamaga Sokｧ, the most important exponent ofsamurai ethics in the eyes of most modernbushido theorists, dismissed Zen as useless, aview shared by his influential later student,Yoshida Shｧin (1830-1859).43 For his part,Kumazawa Banzan criticized the Pure Land,Nichiren, Shingon, and Tendai sects, and statedthat Zen was the worst of them all in the extent towhich it deluded its followers.44 Criticism of Zenby samurai writers continued to the very end ofthe Tokugawa period, with the prominentreformer Yokoi Shｧnan (1809-1869) deriding it asan ☜empty☝ teaching.45 Yamamoto Tsunetomo(1659-1719)♥the source of the famously death-focused Hagakure text♥claimed to have retiredto a Zen temple as a symbolic death after beingprevented from committing ritual suicide uponhis lord☂s passing. This choice seems to have beenmade for practical rather than religious reasons,however, and Hagakure cites a Zen priest asstating that Buddhism is for old men rather thansamurai.46 Hagakure contains little that could beregarded as specifically Zen in origin. Instead, in

keeping with similar tracts at the time, it mostfrequently mentions the ☜gods and Buddhas☝and ☜family gods (ujigami)☝ of a more generalfolk religion.47 Yamamoto☂s stated desire was notto attain enlightenment, but to be reincarnated asa retainer as often as possible in order to betterserve his lord☂s descendants.48

in Meiji

The establishment of State Shinto in the earlyMeiji period presented a serious challenge to allschools of Buddhism. This new institution wasintended to formalize and universalize emperor-worship in the new Japanese state, whilesimultaneously acting as a tool for thesuppression of foreign religions. AlthoughChristianity seems the most obvious target in thisregard, Buddhism was also fiercely attacked as a☜foreign religion☝ by state-supported Shintonationalists. Buddhism arguably suffered thegreatest shock in this period, as templessuddenly went from being the official registriesof all Japanese households during the Tokugawaperiod to being persecuted, disowned ofproperty, and even disbanded. Governmentpolicies restricting Buddhism met withwidespread protest, and the military wasrequired to quell uprisings in some parts ofJapan. The state soon realized that the harshestpolicies were not tenable, and attempted limitedreconciliation and incorporation of Buddhisminto the State Shinto structure, therebypreventing major additional outbreaks ofviolence. Buddhism remained distinctly second-class relative to Shinto in the official stateideology until 1945, but it continued to dominatepopular religious life in many areas.

Following the protests of early Meiji, Buddhistsmet the challenges in different ways. JamesKetelaar has examined the movements to create a☜modern Buddhism☝ through the reform ofsectarian academies into modern institutions ofbroader instruction, and to develop Japanese

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Buddhism into something that would berecognized internationally as a universalreligion.49 Another response, especially from the1890s onward, was one of almost aggressiveattempts to conform to the new order. Thisincluded proving to the government thatBuddhism could play a practical role within theemperor-focused order. Important activitiesincluded the United Movement for Revering theEmperor and Revering the Buddha (Sonn �

h� ���� daid����), formed in 1889 in order to☜preserve the prosperity of the imperialhousehold and increase the power of Buddhism,☝and to help Buddhists to secure governmentpositions.50 To regain national acceptance,Buddhists focused on the long history of theirreligion in Japan and the supposedly inseparableroots of Buddhism and the Japanese character.The first discussion of Buddhism☂s links withbushido in the 1890s were part of the response tonationalistic challenges that accompaniedmodernity.

The first decades of Meiji posed great challengesto Japanese Buddhism, and they were no lesstumultuous for the samurai. Sonoda Hidehirohas described the period from 1840-1880 as oneof ☜decline of the warrior class,☝ including thelast decades of the Tokugawa period in hisexamination.51 Arguments concerning intangiblechanges such as a loss of spirit or generaldegeneration of the samurai were nostalgic for anideal that never existed in that form, but they areone of the most common themes in lateTokugawa writings. The feeling of decline andnostalgia is clear in personal accounts bynineteenth century samurai, such as KatsuKokichi (1802-1850) and Buyｧ Inshi (datesunknown).52 Influential figures such as YoshidaShｧin and Yokoi Shｧnan lamented what they sawas the poor state of the samurai in the 1850s and1860s. In the early 1870s, William Elliot Griffiswrote that ☜▁the majority [of samurai] spenttheir life in eating, smoking, and lounging inbrothels and teahouses, or led a wild life of crimein one of the great cities. When too deeply in

debt, or having committed a crime, they left theirhomes and the service of their masters, androamed at large.☝53 Griffis☂ description of therecent past may have exaggerated the extent ofsamurai delinquency, but it reflected popularcontemporary views.

The samurai, who had been made effectivelyredundant by the formation of a new conscriptedimperial army based on European models,gradually had their hereditary stipends andprivileges stripped away by a series of decrees inthe years after 1868. Having lost both theideological and practical support for theirtraditional exalted position in society, manystruggled to adapt to the new order, resulting ina number of violent uprisings. These culminatedwith the 1877 Satsuma Rebellion in SouthwesternJapan, which involved tens of thousands ofdisgruntled former samurai, and was onlysuppressed by the government with great loss oflife on both sides. The conflict has been portrayedas a showdown between the Imperial JapaneseArmy, consisting mainly of conscriptedcommoners, and their ☜traditional oppressors,the samurai.☝ 5 4 While the sides were notnecessarily so clearly delineated, this portrayalreflects popular views at the time. Most Japanesehad a negative opinion of the samuraithroughout the 1870s and 1880s, combiningresentment of the ruling clique of former samuraifrom the domains of Satsuma and Chｧshﾅ withdisdain for those who had fallen on hard timesfollowing the loss of their traditional privileges.There were popular ta les o f samura iincompetence, as well as many satirical poemsabout their decline, portraying them doingmanual labor and unable to pursue their formerleisure activities.55 There was also a smattering ofappeals for compassion for the downtroddenf o r m e r s a m u r a i d u e t o t h e i r ☜ p a s taccomplishments.☝56 This poor image of thesamurai contributed to the negative popularimage of the recent past. As Carol Gluck hasargued, although nostalgia towards theTokugawa period began to increase in the 1890s,

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it ☜began its Meiji career as the bygone old order,which excited little favorable comment ornostalgia except perhaps among former shogunalretainers and other chronological exiles▁☝57

Ozaki Yukio

The notion that a samurai-based ethic couldbenefit the new Japan would have seemed aliento most Japanese until the 1890s. The first majorstep towards a positive reevaluation of thesamurai came through the work of the journalistOzaki Yukio (1858-1954). Ozaki was banned fromTokyo for three years due to his political activismin 1888, and he used this opportunity to travel tothe United States and Europe. Ozaki was mostimpressed with England, and was especiallytaken by the idealized Victorian discourse onchivalry and gentlemanship that he recognizedfrom reading English books in his youth. He wasconvinced that English conceptions of thegentleman provided the moral foundation of theBritish Empire, as this seemingly noble ethicmeant that Englishmen enjoyed great trust andrespect abroad. In a dispatch sent to a major

Japanese newspaper in 1888, Ozaki explained hisviews of English gentlemen, while lamenting thesupposed moral failings of their Japanesecounterparts. According to Ozaki, Japan wasdoomed to failure if it did not adopt an ethiccomparable to English gentlemanship.58 In asubsequent article in 1891, having returned toJapan, Ozaki cited the popular Victorianargument that English gentlemanship was rootedin medieval chivalry. According to Ozaki, Japandid not necessarily need to import a foreign ethic,as the country had its own ☜feudal knighthood☝that could serve as a model. Ozaki proposedreviving the ethical ideals of the former samurai,which had long been in decline. Here, heproposed a new code that he called the ☜way ofthe samurai,☝ or ☜bushid�,☝ which would makeJapanese merchants become ☜strictly faithful,strictly honor agreements, and avoid coarse andvulgar speech.☝ If such an ethic were notadopted, Ozaki warned, Japan was certain tofail.59

Ozaki☂s ideas resonated with many Japanese in aperiod of disillusionment with both the historicalcultural model of China and the new models ofthe West. The former was due to the precariousstate of Chinese rulership and increasinglyhostile relations with Japan, while the process ofnegotiating the unequal treaties with the Westernpowers negatively impacted public opinion. The1890s saw many new and repurposed conceptspopularized as ancient ☜native☝ ethics, andbushido was ideally suited to this purpose. Atthe same time, Ozaki☂s examination of Englishchivalry and gentlemanship legitimized the useof the samurai as a source for a new morality.The popularity of an ethic based on knighthoodin the world☂s most powerful countryemboldened Japanese thinkers to look towardsthe former samurai, even if they generally agreedthat the samurai spirit had degenerated almostirreparably over the preceding decades. Anumber of other writings on bushido appeared inthe early 1890s, generally referring to Ozaki orresponding to his arguments.60 Bushido was

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given a tremendous boost with the euphoria ofvictory in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95,setting off a ☜bushido boom☝ that peaked aroundthe time of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905.Although bushido discourse was inspired byOzaki☂s articles, he did not agree with thec h a u v i n i s m t h a t m a r k e d m a n y l a t e rinterpretations, and contributed his lastsignificant article on the subject in 1898. Instead,the militaristic and extremely nationalisticbushido promoted by Inoue Tetsujirｧ becameestablished as the ☜imperial bushido☝interpretation around the time of the Russo-Japanese War, and dominated bushido discoursein Japan until 1945.

Linking Zen, bushido, and the martial arts

The firm establishment of bushido as acommonly accepted and even fashionableconcept during and after the Russo-Japanese Warled to its adoption by a broad spectrum ofinstitutions and social groups during the decade1905-1914. By claiming a link to bushido,individuals and organizations promoted sports,religious orders, and other causes in a patrioticmanner, providing relatively recent innovationswith historical legitimacy apparently stretchingback centuries or even millennia. Promoters ofthe martial arts were among the most activeparticipants in the nationalistic bushidodiscourse that emerged after 1895. The firstdedicated periodical on the subject, titledBushid�,was published by the Great JapanMartial Arts Lecture Society in 1898.61 Whilehistorians have traditionally seen the early Meijiperiod as a nadir of the martial arts, Denis Gaintyhas recently demonstrated that martial artscompetitions continued to be popular throughoutthe period.62 As Gainty further shows, however,there was great scope for the organization andsystematic popularization of the martial arts,manifested by the Great Japan Martial VirtueAssociation, which was founded in 1895 andreached one million members by the end of itsfirst decade.63 The martial arts rode the wave of

nationalistic fervor following victory over Chinato help overcome considerable challenges frombaseball and other sports, as well as intensecompetition among schools and styles. As aresult, promoters of martial arts including kendo,judo, jujutsu, and sumo, to name but a few, werehighly active in the fabrication of supposedhistorical links to bushido and an idealizedJapanese martial tradition.64

Like martial artists, Buddhists came to usebushido to establish a connection withpatriotically sound ☜native☝ traditions. MeijiBuddhists often had their patriotism anddevotion to the national cause called intoquestion, and many came to rely on bushido toprove their ☜Japaneseness.☝ Vague references toBuddhism were part of bushido discourse fromthe Sino-Japanese War onward, as promoters ofbushido turned away from Western models andlooked to Japanese culture for points of reference.In 1894, Uemura Masahisa (1858-1925), aprominent Protestant and early bushido theorist,argued for a connection between bushido andBuddhism, writing: ☜[t]o understand chivalry,you must know Christianity. To understandbushido, you must know Buddhism andConfucianism.☝ This view was echoed in 1899 byMikami Reiji (dates unknown). In Japan ��

Bushido, the first book dedicated to bushido,Mikami highlighted Buddhism as a source ofbushido, along with Confucianism, Shinto, andthe Heart-and-Mind School (shingaku). 65 Thefollowing year, the Western-educated QuakerNitobe Inazｧ listed Zen as one of the primary☜sources of bushido☝ in his internationalbestseller Bushido: The Soul of Japan. 66 EvenInoue Tetsujirｧ acknowledged Buddhism in hisfirst text on the subject in 1901, followingUemura, Mikami, and Nitobe in contending that☜bushido in its fully finished form is the productof a balanced fusion of the three teachings ofShinto, Confucianism, and Buddhism.☝67

While these generic mentions of Buddhism inmore general texts on bushido were common,

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promoters of Buddhism who sought to usebushido for their own purposes could not simplyuse the ☜imperial☝ bushido interpretation putforth by Inoue Tetsujirｧ and other Shintonationalists. Instead, writers focusing on theconnections between Buddhism and bushidowere compelled to put forth new interpretationsthat downplayed Shinto, Confucianism, andother elements commonly linked with bushido.Furthermore, the early bushido promoted byOzaki Yukio, which relied on Western models,was similarly unsuited to Buddhist aims.Through careful selection and appropriation ofelements of bushido discourse, however,Japanese Buddhists were able to construct theirown bushido theories and to benefit from thebroad popular appeal of the ideology.

By the early 1900s, Buddhism had establisheditself in the popular mind as one of the thoughtsystems that broadly contributed to bushido. Inthe second decade of the Meiji bushidoboom♥from 1905 to 1914♥Buddhis tengagement with bushido discourse increaseddramatically along with popular interest.Promoters of the Zen schools expended by far thegreatest efforts to link their teachings to bushido,and current popular perceptions linking Zenwith the samurai are the result of this activity. Inspite of a dearth of historical evidence, thesupposedly close relationship between Zen andbushido became accepted due to the support ithad among some of the most influential figuresin broader bushido discourse. This can be seen inone of the most extensive early treatments of thesubject, the 1907 book Zen and Bushido. Theauthor of this work, Akiyama Goan, had workedclosely with Inoue Tetsujirｧ in compiling the1905 Collection of Bushido Theories byProminent Modern Thinkers (Gendai taikabushid� s����), which provided an extensiveselection of recent commentaries on bushido.68

Akiyama opened his Zen and Bushido with therevealing observation that although therelationship between Zen and bushido was a

very close one, few people were aware of thebackground of this connection.69 Akiyama☂sarguments were based on the historicalcircumstance that the introduction and spread ofZen Buddhism in Japan in the Kamakura periodcoincided with the establishment and growth ofwarrior power. During this period, Akiyamaargued, warriors developed a strong connectionwith Zen Buddhism. This became even morepronounced during the turmoil and constantmortal danger in the age of warring states, whenthe ☜affinity between Zen and bushido becameever closer.☝70 Akiyama countered the acceptedhistorical view that warriors were interested inZen institutions for practical secular reasons,instead insisting that Zen teachings were at theheart of warrior interest. Akiyama also dismissedthe idea that other, much larger Buddhist schoolssuch as the Pure Land or Tendai schools couldhave had a significant influence on bushidoduring the Kamakura period. According toAkiyama, these schools were nothing more thanmere ☜superst i t ion☝ and ☜reasoning,☝respectively, and ☜absolutely did not have thepower to cultivate and nurture Japan☂s uniqueethic, i.e. the bushido spirit.☝71 Instead, he wrote,Zen was fundamental to the effectiveness ofbushido, and ☜just as Kamakura Zen workedwith Kamakura bushido, we need to strive tocombine Meiji Zen with Meiji bushido.☝72 Theimportance and historical legitimacy of bushidowere largely unquestioned in Japan following theRusso-Japanese War, and the ideology providedan ideal vehicle for Akiyama and others toappeal for Zen Buddhism☂s nationalisticcredentials.

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General Nogi Maresuke

The effectiveness of these endeavors wasincreased by General Nogi Maresuke☂s(1849-1912) connection with Zen Buddhism. Nogiwas introduced to the Rinzai Zen masterNakahara Nantembｧ (1839-1925) in 1887, andstudied his teachings with such dedication thatNakahara attested to Nogi☂s enlightenment andnamed him as a successor.73 Nogi was one of themost prominent military figures of the Meijiperiod. He led the capture of Port Arthur in theSino-Japanese War, and lost both of his sons inbattle for the same city against Russia in 1904. Bythe time of the Russo-Japanese War, Nogi wasp o p u l a r l y k n o w n a s t h e ☜ f l o w e r o fbushido.☝74 Nogi☂s combined interest in Zen andbushido reflect the revisionism of many bushidotheorists at the time. He was a keen student ofInoue Tetsujirｧ☂s bushido theories, andaccordingly described the seventeenth-centurystrategist Yamaga Sokｧ as the ☜sage of bushido☝and single most important exponent of thewarrior ethic. Like Inoue, Nogi placed Yamaga☂slater interpreter Yoshida Shｧin a close second. In

line with the selective use of earlier textspracticed by many of his contemporaries, Nogitended to overlook Yamaga and Yoshida☂s harshcriticism of Zen.

Another promoter of Zen who frequentlyinvoked bushido was Suzuki Daisetsu. Suzuki☂swritings on bushido and Zen around the turn ofthe century are not extensive, but are significantin light of his later activities. Suzuki became byfar the most significant promoter of ☜samuraiZen,☝ especially for its dissemination outside ofJapan. In this regard, his writings from as early as1895 are revealing for the later development ofhis bushido thought. On the occasion of the Sino-Japanese War, Suzuki wrote that in the face of thechallenge from China, ☜In the name of religion,our country refuses to submit itself to this. Forthis reason, unavoidably we have taken up arms.▁ This is a religious action.☝75 Responding to theRusso-Japanese War in 1906, Suzuki wrote in theJournal of the Pali Text Society:

The Lebensanschauung of Bushidois no more nor less than that of Zen.The calmness and even joyfulness ofheart at the moment of death whichis conspicuously observable in theJapanese, the intrepidity which isgenerally shown by the Japaneses o l d i e r s i n t h e f a c e o f a noverwhelming enemy; and thefairness of play to an opponent, sostrongly taught by Bushido♥allthese come from the spirit of Zentraining▁☝76

In this passage, Suzuki echoed the imperialbushido view of death that had been establishedthrough a series of public debates concerning theresponsibilities of soldiers in hopeless situationsduring the Russo-Japanese War.7 7 EarlierJapanese attitudes toward surrender andbecoming a prisoner of war were largely in line

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with international norms, but Inoue Tetsujirｧ andother nationalistic hardliners carried the day onthis issue. Following the Russo-Japanese War,surrender came to be widely accepted as ☜un-Japanese☝ and in violation of supposedly ancientsamurai traditions. This ahistorical bushido-based interpretation led to countless tragedies inthe 1930s and 1940s.78

The idea that soldiers should dismiss fear ofdeath became one of the primary arguments putforward by promoters of Zen, who claimed thatthis was a contribution of Zen to the samurai andbushido. The Rinzai master Shaku Sｧen(1860-1919) elaborated on this issue in a 1909book, while other texts arguing for the Zen-bushido connection included Arima Sukemasa☂s(1873-1931) 1905 ☜About Bushido,☝ KatｧTotsudo☂s (1870-1939) 1905 Zen Observations,and Yamagata Kｧhｧ☂s (1868-1922) 1908 NewBushido.79 The Zen influence on the allegedindifference to death felt by Japanese soldierswas expanded in the 1930s by Zen figures such ast h e S ｧ t ｧ m a s t e r I s h i h a r a S h u m m y ｧ(1888-1973).80 Zen master Iida Tｧin (1863-1937)even saw death as ☜a way to repay one☂s debt tothe emperor,☝ while his colleague Seki Seisetsu(1877-1945) emphasized the ☜sacred☝ nature ofthe war.81

In contrast to Suzuki☂s nativist focus on death, hisdiscussion of ☜fair play☝ reflects the stronginfluence of Western♥especially British♥ideasof chivalry and gentlemanship on certain strandsof modern bushido discourse. It is important tonote that Suzuki published this article in English,making it useful to include concepts readilyrecognizable to a foreign audience. Many ofSuzuki☂s readers would already have beenprimed through their familiarity with NitobeInazｧ☂s Bushido: The Soul of Japan, much ofwhich is Victorian moralism with an attractiveOriental veneer.82 Although foreign observersgenerally approved of Japan☂s conduct duringthe Russo-Japanese War, it was precisely theperceived lack of a ☜fair play,☝ towards both

enemies and Japanese troops in subsequentconflicts that became one of the greatestcriticisms of the Imperial Japanese Army and theZen-bushido connection in the 1930s and 1940s.

Suzuki was one of the main promoters of theZen-bushido connection both within Japan andoverseas, but he was far from alone. NukariyaKaiten (1867-1934) was another influentialproponent of samurai Zen to foreign audiences,especially through his popular 1913 book,Religion of the Samurai. Nukariya reaffirmed theclose relationship between Zen and the samuraiclaimed by many of his contemporaries, but histext was also highly revealing in other ways:

☜After the Restoration of the Meiji(1867) the popularity of Zen beganto wane, and for some thirty yearsremained in inactivity; but since theRusso-Japanese War its revival hastaken place. And now it is lookedupon as an ideal faith, both for anation full of hope and energy, andfor a person who has to fight hisown way in the str i fe of l i fe .Bushido, or the code of chivalry,should be observed not only by thesoldier in the battle-field, but byevery citizen in the struggle forexistence.☝83

Here, Nukariya concedes that Zen had beenunpopular and ☜inactive☝ from the 1860s untilthe early twentieth century. Although he impliesthat Zen had been popular before this, there is noevidence to support this contention, indeed Zenhad been relatively unimportant♥especially tosamurai♥for several centuries by this point.Nukariya☂s argument concerning Zen☂s trajectoryechoes a common trope concerning bushido inlate Meiji: that it had declined in popularity sincethe 1860s but had now been ☜revived☝ by thewars with China and Russia. In the case of both

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Zen and bushido , an essent ia l ly newdevelopment was given an idealized past fromwhich it had supposedly suffered a temporarydecline. Nukariya further drew the connectionsbetween Zen and the samurai by highlightingGeneral Nogi as the most recent ☜incarnation ofbushido.☝ Nogi and his wife, Shizuko, hadcommitted ritual suicide the previous year on theday of the Meiji emperor☂s funeral, an act thatNukariya believed would ☜surely inspire therising generation with the spirit of the Samurai togive birth to hundreds of Nogis.☝84

During and after the Russo-Japanese War, whenbushido had become firmly established in thepopular consciousness, Buddhists relied onbushido to promote their own faith and causes.Promoters of Zen most openly and effectivelyembraced the militarism inherent in the warriorethic, but interest in bushido reached acrossdenominations. This can be seen in a 1905 articleby the Buddhist scholar and member of the TruePure Land school, Nanjｧ Bun☂yﾅ (1849-1927),titled ☜Concerning the Relationship betweenBushido and Buddhism.☝ Nanjｧ argued that☜people commonly say that the basis ofBuddhism is mercy, and therefore it not onlyprovides no benefit to bushido, but there is evena danger that it will weaken the warrior spirit.☝However, continued Nanjｧ, this was only a verysuperficial understanding of Buddhism, and heproceeded to discuss Prince Shｧtoku (6 t h

century), imperial loyalist Kusunoki Masashige(1294-1336), and the late Russo-Japanese Warhero and ☜military god☝ Commander HiroseTakeo (1868-1904) as examples of brave men whoderived strength from Buddhism. ☜Our bushidohas received the Buddhism of causality spanningthe past, present, and future (sanze ���� ), andeven if the body dies the spirit continues, so thatone will be born as a human for seven lives☝ inorder to reach one☂s long-cherished goals ofrepaying the kindness of the nation (kokuon) andsupporting the imperial house.85

The patriotic propaganda and activities on the

part of Buddhists paid dividends by the end ofMeiji, although the costs were considerable. Inaddition to aiding in the colonization ofHokkaido and the other northern territories,Buddhist sects sent missionaries and medicalworkers to the wars with China and Russia. Atthe same time, they spread morale-boostinginformation and collected donations and supplieson the home front.86 While these practicalact iv i t ies contr ibuted to Buddhism☂srehabilitation in the eye of the imperial state, theskilled and consistent engagement with bushidopracticed by promoters of Zen had arguably thegreatest and most lasting effect. Their extensiveattempts to tie Zen teachings to the burgeoningbushido discourse around the time of the Russo-Japanese War created a belief that the two hadalways been linked. Through their efforts, Zenbecame the ☜religion of the samurai.☝ Theeffectiveness of this approach could be seen inthe writings of the literary scholar Tsuda Sｧkichi(1873-1961). In a harsh 1901 review of NitobeInazｧ☂s Bushido: The Soul of Japan, Tsudadismissed any meaningful connection betweenbushido and Buddhism, especially Zen. Tsudaargued that even after its arrival in the Kamakuraperiod, Zen did little more than accentuateexisting warrior thought and practice.87 Incontrast, in 1917 Tsuda maintained that bothsamurai and Buddhists rejected the notion thatsamurai should be involved with Buddhism, butamended this by stating that Zen☂s closeconnection with bushido was an exception to thisrule.88 Tsuda☂s reconsideration over the periodbetween these two texts reflects the convincingwork by promoters of Zen and bushido in theearly twentieth century. By the 1920s, manypeople were convinced of the intricate andancient relationship between Zen, samurai,bushido, and the martial arts, and this ideologicalmix became a core element of nationalist thought,as can be seen in the writings of YasuokaMasahiro and others.89

Conclusions

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The notion that Zen had a powerful influence onbushido and the samurai is a construct of theMeiji period, but has shown remarkableresilience. Even after 1945, Zen figures such asSuzuki Daisetsu and Sugawara Gidｧ (1915-1978)continued to argue for the historicity of the Zen-bushido connection, and this interpretation hasremained influential in popular literature andculture in both Japan and abroad up to thepresent day.90 Suzuki has been subjected tocriticism by scholars in recent years, but hisinfluence on popular conceptions of ZenBuddhism remains strong, especially outside ofJapan. His works are widely read, and continueto contribute to the notion that Zen formed a sortof spiritual foundation for the samurai in generaland bushido in particular. In spite of thewidespread rejection of bushido in Japan andabroad immediately after World War II, Suzuki☂sworks continued to emphasize the importance ofthe alleged historical connections betweenbushido and Zen. Partly as a result of his efforts,Zen came to be even more closely identified withthe samurai. At the same time, Zen and bushidowere detached from problematic associationswith the early twentieth century, in spite of thefact that the connection between the two was aproduct of this very period.

These same dynamics also tied into thedevelopment of popular views of Zen☂srelationship to the martial arts. The Zen-samurairelationship was the result of conscious efforts onthe part of Zen promoters to gain patrioticlegitimacy by engaging closely with theburgeoning bushido discourse. In contrast, therelationship between Zen and the martial artswas less straightforward, and developed from aconfluence of several factors. One of these wasthat, aside from Shinto nationalists and state-sponsored proponents of the ☜imperial☝ bushidoideology, promoters of Zen and promoters of themartial arts were two of the most active andeffective groups tying their interests to bushido.As a result, both Zen and the martial arts werewidely seen as closely related to bushido, an

impression that was strengthened when directlinks between the two were drawn explicitly inpopular works by promoters of both, such asEugen Herrigel. This became especiallyimportant following the discrediting of☜imperial☝ bushido in 1945, when the morefantastical elements were stripped from theideology, leaving behind a vague associationbetween Zen, the samurai, and the martial arts tohelp revive bushido in the postwar period andcarry it on into the twenty-first century.

Notes:

I would like to thank Denis Gainty and BrianVictoria for reading and providing invaluablesuggestions on a draft of this article. Theresponsibility for any shortcomings that remainis, of course, entirely my own.

This article also draws on arguments made inChapter Four of my book, Inventing the Way ofthe Samurai: Nationalism, Internationalism, andB u s h i d o i n M o d e r n J a p a n(https://global.oup.com/academic/product/inventing-the-way-of-the-samurai-9780198706625)(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014). I thankOxford University Press for permission toreproduce excerpts from the section ☜Bushid !

and Buddhism☝ (pp. 135-140) here.

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Victoria, Brian Daizen. ☜A Zen Nazi in WartimeJapan: Count Dürckheim and his Sources♥D.T.Suzuki, Yasutani Haku☂un and Eugen Herrigel,☝

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Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, 12:3:2 (Jan. 13,2014).

Victoria, Brian Daizen. ☜When God(s) andBuddhas Go to War,☝ in Mark Selden and AlvinY. So eds. War and State Terrorism: The UnitedStates, Japan, and the Asia-Pacific in the LongTwentieth Century. Lanham, MD: Rowman &Littlefield, 2004. pp. 91-118.

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Victoria, Brian Daizen. Zen at War. Oxford:Rowman & Littlefield, 2006.

Welter, Albert. ☜Eisai☂s Promotion of Zen for theProtection of the Country,☝ in George J. TanabeJr. ed. Religions of Japan in Practice. Princeton,NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999, pp. 63-70.

Yamada Shｧji. ☜The Myth of Zen in the Art ofArchery,☝ Japanese Journal of Religious Studies,28:1/2 (2001), pp. 1-30.

Yamada Shｧji, Earl Hartman trans. Shots in the

Dark: Japan, Zen and the West. Chicago: ChicagoUniversity Press, 2009.

Yamaga, Sokｧ. Yamaga SokA (Nihon shisA taikeiVol. 32). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970.

Yamagata Kｧhｧ. Shin bushid A. Tokyo: Jitsugyｧno Nihonsha, 1908. pp. 167-223.

Yampolsky, Philip B. trans. The Zen MasterHakuin: Selected Writings. Columbia UniversityPress, 1971.

Yokoi Shｧnan. ☜Kokuze sanron☝ WatanabeKazan, Takano Ch ABCD Sakuma Sh AEFGD YokoiShAGFGD Hashimoto Sanai (Nihon shis A taikeiVolume 55). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1971, pp.438-465.

Yoshida, Shｧin. Yoshida ShACG zensh@ Volume 4.Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1940.Yu, Jimmy. ☜Contextualizing the Deconstructionand Reconstruction of Chan/Zen Narratives:Steven Heine☂s Academic Contributions to theField,☝ Religious Studies Review, 37:3 (Sept.2011), pp. 165-176.

Oleg Benesch is a Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in East Asian History at the University of York inthe UK. He holds a Ph.D. in Asian Studies from the University of British Columbia. He is theauthor of Inventing the Way of the Samurai: Nationalism, Internationalism, and Bushido inModern Japan (2014), and a co-author of Civilizing Emotions: Concepts in Nineteenth-CenturyAsia and Europe (2015), both from Oxford University Press. More information on his past andcurrent research can be found on his website: www.olegbenesch.com(http://www.olegbenesch.com) (http://www.olegbenesch.com/)

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https://www.amazon.com/Inventing-Way-Samurai-Nationalism-Internationalism-ebook/dp/B00N306Y1I

Notes1

http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/world-affairs/2012/05/breivik-remains-unmoved-his-trial2 http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/apr/20/anders-behring-breivik-massacre-court3 Benesch, Oleg, Inventing the Way of the Samurai; Friday, Karl F., ☜Bushidｧ or Bull?☝; Hurst III,G. Cameron, ☜Death, Honor, and Loyality.☝4 http://content.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1920753,00.html5 Victoria, Brian Daizen, ☜When God(s) and Buddhas Go to War,☝ p. 101.6 King, Winston L., Zen and the Way of the Sword, pp. 29-30.7 Suzuki, Daisetz T., Zen and Japanese Culture, p. 61.8 For a critical examination of Herrigel, see Yamada Shｧji, Shots in the Dark. Also: Victoria, Brian,☜A Zen Nazi in Wartime Japan.☝9 Yamada Shｧji has examined Herrigel☂s interactions with Awa to show that Herrigel read hisown ☜Zen☝ interpretations into key situations where communication failed due to the languagegap. Awa☂s accounts of these events differed considerably, and he himself had no particular

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connection with Zen. Yamada Shｧji, ☜The Myth of Zen in the Art of Archery,☝ p. 11.10 Colcutt, Martin, Five Mountains, p. 61.11 Colcutt, Five Mountains, p. 80.12 Stone, Jacqueline L., ☜Chanting the Lotus Sutra Title,☝ p. 147. This assertion is also made inTakagi Yutaka, ☜The Nichiren Sect,☝; Tanabe Jr., George J., ☜Kｧyasan in the Countryside,☝ p. 49.13 Goble, Andrew Edmund, Kenmu: Go-DaigoHI JKLMNOPQMR, p. 74; Colcutt, Martin, FiveMountains, pp. 94-95.14 Grossberg, Kenneth Alan, JapanHI JKRSQIISRTK, pp. 82-86.15 Varley, Paul and George Elison, ☜The Culture of Tea,☝ p. 205; Colcutt, Martin, Five Mountains,pp. 99-100.16 Colcutt, Five Mountains, p. 72.17 Akamatsu Toshihide, ☜Muromachi Zen and the Gozan System,☝ p. 317.18 Akamatsu, ☜Muromachi Zen and the Gozan System,☝ p. 318-9.19 Keenan, John P., ☜Spontaneity in Western Martial Arts,☝ pp. 286, 288.20 Dumoulin, Heinrich, Zen Buddhism: A History, p. 283.21 Dumoulin, Zen Buddhism: A History, p. 283; Yamada Shｧji, ☜The Myth of Zen in the Art ofArchery,☝ p. 11.22 Dumoulin, Zen Buddhism: A History, p. 28323 McFarlane, Stewart, ☜Mushin, Morals, and Martial Arts,☝ p. 404.24 Hurst III, G. Cameron, Armed Martial Arts of Japan. p. 212.25 Dumoulin, Zen Buddhism: A History, p. 28326 Hurst III, G. Cameron, ☜Samurai on Wall Street.☝27 Brown, Roger H., ☜Yasuoka Masahiro☂s ☁New Discourse on Bushidｧ Philosophy.☂☝28 Haskel, Peter, Sword of Zen, pp. 31-32.29 McFarlane, ☜Mushin, Morals, and Martial Arts,☝ p. 412.30 Victoria, Brian Daizen, Zen at War, pp. 216-217.31 Bodiford, William, ☜Takuan Sｧhｧ,☝ p. 528.32 Tyler, Royall trans., ☜Suzuki Shｧsan,☝ in Japanese Philosophy: A Sourcebook.33 Tyler, Royall, ☜Suzuki Shｧsan,☝ in Sources of Japanese Tradition Volume 2, pp. 522-523.34 Recent examples of this connection include: Cleary, Thomas, Training the Samurai Mind, pp.127-132; Besserman, Perle and Steger, Manfred, Zen Radicals, Rebels, and Reformers, pp. 152-153.35 Yampolsky, Philip B. trans., The Zen Master Hakuin, p. 69.36 Yampolsky, The Zen Master Hakuin, pp. 183-187.37 Hurst III, Armed Martial Arts of Japan, p. 194.38 Hurst III, Armed Martial Arts of Japan, pp. 70-71; Bennett, Alexander, Kendo: Culture of theSword, p. 46.39 Friday, Karl F. and Seki Humitake, Legacies of the Sword, p. 59.40 Bennett, Alexander, Kendo: Culture of the Sword, p. 66.41 Inoue Tetsujirｧ ed. BushidU IUIVM.42 Mary Evelyn Tucker has written of this group of scholars that ☜for each of them the religiousdimensions of Confucian thought were an important bridge to Shinto.☝ Tucker, Mary Evelyn,Moral and Spiritual Cultivation in Japanese Neo-Confucianism, p. 28.

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43 Yamaga Sokｧ, Yamaga SokW XYZ[\] ^[Z^W _`ZabZ cde, p. 334; Yoshida Shｧin, Yoshida ShWZ]zenshf (Volume 4), p. 240.44 Kumazawa Banzan, Ian J. McMullen trans., ☜Buddhism,☝ pp. 129-130.45 Yokoi Shｧnan, ☜Kokuze sanron,☝ p. 459.46 Victoria, Zen at War, pp. 228-229.47 Saiki Kazuma et al. eds., Mikawa monogatari, Hagakure (Nihon shisW _`ZabZ g\hi dje, p. 399(Book 6-21).48 Saiki et al. eds., Mikawa monogatari, Hagakure (Nihon shisW _`ZabZ g\hi dje, p. 218.49 Ketelaar, James Edward, Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan, Chapter Five.50 Victoria, Zen at War, p. 18; Snodgrass, Judith, Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West, p.132.51 Sonoda Hidehiro, ☜The Decline of the Japanese Warrior Class, 1840-1880,☝ pp. 73-11152 Katsu Kokichi, Teruko Craig trans., Musuik^ l_\mn; Buyｧ Inshi, Mark Teeuwen, Kate WildmanNakai, et al. Lust, Commerce, and Corruption.53 Griffis, William Elliot, The Mikadok^ opqZmb, p. 278.54 Calman, Donald, The Nature and Origins of Japanese Imperialism, pp. 141-143.55 Brink, Dean Anthony, ☜At Wit☂s End,☝ pp. 19-46.56 For example: Ikushima Hajime, Seidan tWm\] [n`ars`Z, pp. 88-89; Fukuhara Kenshichi, Nihonkeizai risshihen, pp. 17-20.57 Gluck, Carol, ☜The Invention of Edo,☝ pp. 267-269.58 Ozaki Yukio, ☜ｦbei man☂yﾅ ki,☝ pp. 743-748.59 Ozaki Yukio, Naichi gaikW, pp. 25-28.60 These texts include Fukuzawa Yukichi☂s 1893 ☜Yasegaman no setsu,☝ Suzuki Chikara☂s 1894☜Kokumin no shin seishin,☝ and Uemura Masahisa☂s 1894 ☜Bushidｧ to Kirisutokyｧ.☝ For adiscussion of the development of bushidW discourse, see Benesch, Inventing the Way of theSamurai, Chapter 2.61 For an overview of this journal, see Benesch, Inventing the Way of the Samurai, pp. 85-91.62 Gainty, Denis, Martial Arts and the Body Politic in Meiji Japan, pp. 30-31.63 Gainty, Martial Arts and the Body Politic in Meiji Japan, p. 35.64 For a discussion of these efforts, see: Benesch, Oleg, Inventing the Way of the Samurai, pp.85-87, 132-134, 164-167.65 Mikami Reiji, Nihon bushidW, p. 11.66 Nitobe, Inazo, Bushido: The Soul of Japan, pp. 9-10.67 Inoue Tetsujirｧ, BushidWi68 Akiyama Goan ed., Gendai taika bushidW ^Wm\]i69 Akiyama Goan, Zen to bushidW, p. 1.70 Akiyama, Zen to bushidW, pp. 77-85.71 Akiyama, Zen to bushidW, p. 292.72 Akiyama, Zen to bushidW, p. 293.73 Victoria, Zen at War, pp. 36-37.74 For a discussion of Nogi☂s relationship with bushido, see Benesch, Inventing the Way of theSamurai, pp. 150-156.

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75 Translation by Christopher Ives. Found in: Ives, Christopher, ☜Ethical Pitfalls in Imperial Zenand Nishida Philosophy,☝ p. 17.76 Victoria, Zen at War, p. 105.77 For an overview of these debates, see: Nakamura Yoko, Bushidt u vwxyz{x|.78 Benesch, Inventing the Way of the Samurai, pp. 207-210.79 Shaku Sｧen, Sentei roku, pp. 154-186; Arima Sukemasa, ☜Bushidｧ ni tsuite,☝ pp. 273-284;Yamagata Kｧhｧ, Shin bushidt, pp. 167-223; Katｧ Totsudｧ, Zen kanroku, pp. 22-60.80 Victoria, Brian Daizen, ☜A Buddhological Critique of ☜Soldier-Zen☝ in Wartime Japan,☝ pp.119-120.81 Ives, Christopher, Imperial-Way Zen, pp. 32, 42.82 For a discussion of Nitobe☂s role in the development of bushido, see Benesch, Inventing theWay of the Samurai, pp. 90-97.83 Nukariya Kaiten, The Religion of the Samurai, Chapter 13.84 Nukariya, The Religion of the Samurai, Chapter 13.85 Nanjｧ Bun☂yﾅ, ☜Bushidｧ to bukkyｧ no kankei ni tsuite,☝ pp. 416-419.86 Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan, p. 133.87 Tsuda Sｧkichi, ☜Bushidｧ no engen ni tsuite☜ p. 317.88 Tsuda Sｧkichi, Inquiry into the Japanese Mind as Mirrored in Literature.89 Brown, Roger H., ☜Yasuoka Masahiro☂s ☁New Discourse on Bushidｧ Philosophy.☂☝90 Victoria, Zen at War, pp. 149, 187.