assessing life of rural-urban environmental migrants of selected slum of dhaka
TRANSCRIPT
Assessing Life of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrantsof Selected Slums of Dhaka City
Dissertation Submittedto
University of Dhaka
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the degree of
Master of Economics in Environmental Economics
byMohammad Ibrahim
Under the Supervisionof
Nitai Chandra Nag
Dhaka School of Economics(A Constituent Institution of the University of Dhaka)
November 2014
DHAKA SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS(Constituent Institution of the University of Dhaka)
(+88)02-9359628-9, Fax: 02-9345996, [email protected], [email protected], www.dscebd.orgBangladesh Economic Association Bhaban, 4/C Eskaton Garden Road (3rd Floor), Dhaka-1000, Bangladesh
i
Date: 06-12-2014
CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that the dissertation titled: “Assessing Life of Rural-Urban Environmental
Migrants of Selected Slums of Dhaka City” submitted by Mohammad Ibrahim for the
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Economics in Environmental
Economics is his own independent and original research work carried out at this School under
my supervision. This work has not been submitted in part or full to any other university or
institution for any degree or diploma. I, therefore, forward this dissertation for evaluation and
necessary action.
(Nitai Chandra Nag)SupervisorProfessorDhaka School of Economics
ii
Date: 02-12-2014
DECLARATION
This is to certify that the dissertation titled: “Assessing Life of Rural-Urban Environmental
Migrants of Selected Slums of Dhaka City” submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Master of Economics in Environmental Economics under the
University of Dhaka is a record of bonafide research work carried out by me under the
supervision of Nitai Chandra Nag of Dhaka School of Economics. I, further, declare that this
has not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship,
fellowship or other similar title of recognition.
(Mohammad Ibrahim) Dhaka, Bangladesh
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I acknowledge with utmost honesty and sincere gratitude to the following individuals andorganizations/institutions without whose help and cooperation, I couldn’t have finish thework of my dissertation.
First of all, I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my supervisor Nitai ChandraNag of Dhaka School of Economics, for his continued patience, guidance and advice from thevery beginning of my dissertation work till today. In every single day since thecommencement of dissertation he has pushed me to work hard, learn and use the acquiredknowledge in practical life.
I am indebted to Dr. Qazi Kholiquzzaman Ahmad, the honorable Director of Dhaka School ofEconomics for his generous supports and valuable suggestions.
I am especially indebted to honorable teacher Dr. A K M Nazrul Islam of Dhaka School ofEconomics and Dr. Fazle Rabbi Sadeque Ahmed of Palli Karma-Sahayak Foundation (PKSF)for their valuable suggestions, help and cooperation at various stages of my work.
I convey my sincere gratitude to honorable teachers Professor Kazi Saleh Ahmed, ProfessorDr. Rezai Karim Khondker, Mohammad Ehsanul Kabir, Dr. Narayan Chandra Sinha, andMd. Touhidul Alam of Dhaka School of Economics (DScE); Muhammad Sahadat HossainSiddiquee, Dr. Syed Naimul Wadood, Dr. M. Abu Eusuf, and Mohammod Akbar Kabir of theUniversity of Dhaka (DU); and Professor Dr. Nurul Islam of Bangladesh University ofEngineering and Technology (BUET).
I would like to thank all of my classmates for their cooperation during the course time of thiswork. I also especially thank my friends Md. Anis-Ul-Ekram Chowdhury, Md.Arfanuzzaman, Md. Hasan Imtiaj Islam and Monuar Hossen for their cooperation andparticipation in data collection process.
I am indebted to Palli Karma-Sahayak Foundation (PKSF) for the grant and scholarship tocarry out the study.
My family members, especially my parents, their prayers and love are my arms in life to fightthe way for honesty. It is their sacrifice, their supports and patience which have enabled me tocomplete this work. I am also grateful to my dear brother and sister for their continuoussupport in every aspect of my life.
I am also indebted to all the officials of DScE for their continuous support and help. I expressmy sincere love and gratitude to my friends and well-wishers.
Mohammad Ibrahim
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter TitlePageNo
CERTIFICATE iDECLARATION iiACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iiiTABLE OF CONTENT ivLIST OF FIGURE viLIST OF FLOW CHART viABBREVIATIONS & ACRONYM viiABSTRACT viii
ChapterONE
INTRODUCTION 1 - 6
1.1 Research Problem 21.2 Objectives of the Study 51.3 Scope of the Study 51.4 Limitations and Constraints 61.5 Chapterization 61.6 Conclusion 6
ChapterTWO
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 9 - 17
2.1 Introduction 102.2 Review of the Internationally Available Literature 102.3 Review of the Nationally Available Literature 132.4 Observation from the Literature Review 162.5 Research Gap Identified from Literature Review 172.6 Conclusion 17
ChapterTHREE
AN OUTLINE METHODOLOGY 20 - 26
3.1 Introduction 213.2 Research Design 213.3 Method of Investigation 223.4 Selection of Study Area 223.5 Selection of Sampling and Sampling Technique 223.6 Determination of Sample Size 233.7 Preparation of the Interview Schedule 233.8 Period of the Study 233.9 Data Sources and Acquisition Methods 23
3.10 Processing of the Data 243.11 Reliability and Validity of the Research Outcome 253.12 Conclusion 26
DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION 27 - 49
4.1 Introduction 284.2 Causes of Rural-Urban Environmental Migration 28
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ChapterFOUR
4.2.1 Environmental External Factors Forcing People to Migrate 284.2.2 Rural-Urban Migration and River Erosion 294.2.3 Rural-Urban Migration and others Environmental Factors 30
4.3 Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants 304.3.1 Demographic Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental
Migrants30
4.3.2 Origins and Destinations of Rural-Urban EnvironmentalMigrants
32
4.3.3 Duration of Leaving Village and Migrating to Dhaka 344.4 Current Livelihood Characteristics in Dhaka City’s Slum 34
4.4.1 After Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants 354.4.2 After Migration Education of Environmental Migrants 354.4.3 After Migration Income-Expenditure Patterns and Poverty of
Environmental Migrants36
4.4.4 Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Slum 384.4.5 Environmental Hazards in Slum 384.4.6 Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness in Slum 394.4.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support to Slum Dwellers 39
4.5 Before Migration Livelihood Characteristics in Village 404.5.1 Before Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants 404.5.2 Before Migration Income Pattern and Poverty of
Environmental Migrants41
4.5.3 Before Migration Property and Assets in Village 424.5.4 Before Migration Characteristics of Living Arrangement in
Village43
4.5.5 Before Migration Environmental Hazards in Village 434.5.6 Adaptation Support and Social Safety Nets in Village 444.5.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support 45
4.6 Comparison on Livelihoods Between Before and After Migration 464.6.1 Comparison on Occupations 474.6.2 Comparison on Income and Assets 484.6.3 Comparison on Living Arrangement 484.6.4 Comparison on Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness 49
4.7 Conclusion 49
ChapterFIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND POLICYRECOMMENDATIONS
50 - 53
9.1 Summary of the Study 519.2 Conclusion 529.3 Policy Recommendations 53BIBLIOGRAPHY ixANNEX xiii
vi
LIST OF FIGURE
Figure No. Title of the FigurePage
No.
4.1 Causes of Rural-Urban Environmental Migration 28
4.2 Age of the Household Heads 31
4.3 Family Members Distributed by Age and Gender 31
4.4 Districts of Migrants 33
5.5 Duration of Migration 34
5.6 After Migration Occupation of Household Heads 35
5.7 After Migration Household Income 36
5.8 After Migration Distribution of Total Expenditure 37
5.9 Before Migration Occupation of Household Heads 41
5.10 After Migration Changes in Occupational Pattern 47
LIST OF FLOW CHART
Flow chart
No.Title of the Flow Chart
Page
No.
1.1 Research Design 21
vii
ABBREVIATIONS & ACRONYM
ADB : Asian Development BankBBS : Bangladesh Bureau of StatisticsBCCSAP : Bangladesh Climate Change Strategy and Action PlanBDT : Bangladeshi TakaBIET : Bangladesh University of Engineering and TechnologyCNG : Compressed Natural GasCOI : Cost of IllnessCORE : Center for Operations Research and EconometricsDCC : Dhaka City CorporationDRR : Disaster Risk ReductionDScE : Dhaka School of EconomicsDU : The University of DhakaEt.al : et alii (and others)Etc. : et ceteraFGD : Focus Group DiscussionGDP : Gross Domestic ProductGIS : Geographic Information SystemGoB : Government of BangladeshHEIS : Household Income and Expenditure StatisticsHH : HouseholdHHH : Household HeadID : IdentityIIED : International Institute for Environment and DevelopmentIPCC : Inter Governmental Panel on Climate ChangeISMW : The Inter-State Migrant WorkmenIUSSP : International Union for Scientific Study of PopulationLDC : Least Developed CountriesNAPA : National Adaptation Program and ActionsNGO : Non-Government OrganizationOECD : Organization of Economic Co-Operation and DevelopmentOMS : Open Market SalePKSF : Palli Karma Sahayak FoundationSANDEE : South Asia Network for Development and Environmental EconomicsSSA : Sub-Saharan AfricaUCL : University College LondonUK : United KingdomUN : United NationsUO : Unnayan OnneshonUSD : United Stated DollarVGF : Vulnerable Group FeedingWASA : Water Supply & Sewerage AuthorityWB : World Bank
viii
ABSTRACT
Bangladesh is one of the most disaster prone countries due to its specific geographical
characteristics and its current and anticipated vulnerabilities to climate risks. Environmental
externalities like climate change adversely affect the lives and livelihoods of the people of the
country. Rural communities are the hardest hit of any environmental externalities. Migration
is the last coping strategy in rural environmental hotspots of Bangladesh. When the
household income become lower to meet the minimum livelihoods expenses, people of rural
environmental hotspots move from their locality and migrate to crowded cities. The poor of
them then settle in urban slums. This study assessed the lives and livelihoods of the rural-
urban environmental migrants who live in selected slums of Dhaka city. It have been found
that 78% of them migrated to city after losing their land and livelihoods due to river erosion,
while others migrated after losing their livelihoods due to salinity and cyclone hit. Before
migration most of the rural-urban environmental migrants of selected slums suffered from
many environmental and climatic hazards in their village simultaneously. Their income
increases by 21% after migration to slums of Dhaka city but environmental, health and social
hazards also increases after migration. Their children have to do laborious jobs instead of
taking education in educational institutions. Their direct cost of illness and morbidity
increases after migration to slums. Poor environmental migrants living in urban slums
claimed that they do not get any direct supports from government except rice from OMS.
They did not get adequate supports from any government or non government organizations in
their village to adapt with environmental change. Considering future population growth and
consequent eco-scarcity, beside promoting salt, flood, and drought tolerant crop variety and
covering the farmers of environmental hotspots under crop insurance, creating alternative
job opportunities other than agricultural sectors in rural environmental hotspots is one of the
most effective actions.
Key-Words: Rural-Urban Environmental Migration, Environmental Migration, Climate-
Induced Rural-Urban Migration, Livelihoods, Slum Livelihoods, Bangladesh, Slums of Dhaka.
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Research Problem
1.2 Objectives of the Study
1.3 Scope of the Study
1.4 Limitation of the Study
1.5 Chapterization
1.6 Conclusion
References
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1.1 Research Problem
Bangladesh is a country of one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change.
Bangladesh is located at the top of the Bay of Bengal, between 20–26◦ North and 88–92◦East,
Bangladesh has been called a ‘country made for disasters’, due to its specific geographical
characteristics and its current and anticipated vulnerabilities to climate risks (Poncelet et al.,
2010). Almost 80 per cent of the country is floodplains and on average 20 per cent of its area
is flooded every year (Mirza, 2002; Agrawala et.al. 2003). Erosion is common along the
banks of the main rivers and into the coastal zone (Haque and Zaman, 1989). Most of the
climate models also predict that precipitation will increase, although seasonal differences are
expected (Agrawala, et.al. 2003) which can have severe consequences for a country where
around 60 per cent of its citizens are directly and indirectly dependent on agricultural
employment and production. Averages of 16 tropical cyclones develop in the Bay of Bengal
each year (Alexander, 1993).
Frequent visit with increasing trend of intensity of extreme climatic events as well as weather
variability such as temperature rising, erratic rainfall etc. and flood and drought affect the
country’s economy. Particularly the impacts are more severe to the poor community. The
1970 cyclone was estimated to have resulted in losses of USD 63 million (Haque, 1995). The
comparable figure for the 1991 event (Cyclone Gorky) is ‘more than USD 2 billion’ (Haque,
1995). Following Cyclone Sidr (November 2007), the official assessment of total losses was
USD 1.7 billion [USD 1.2 billion reported in 2010 (World Bank, 2010)], with 89% of those
losses accounted for by damage to infrastructure, of which damage to housing was the single
largest category (USD 840 million) with 450,000 houses destroyed through wind damage,
flooding and the tidal surge (UN Habitat, 2010). However, the reduction in potential GDP
associated with major disasters has gradually become smaller as the national economy has
grown and become less dominated by agriculture (Benson and Clay, 2002). But, many
households own more assets that can be damaged by flooding than they did in the past; this
means that flood damage increases through time (Islam, 2011).
However degradation in environment and ecology due to adverse impacts of such
environmental externalities are the main causes of livelihood losses of the people of
environmental hotspots of Bangladesh. Climate change, the most dangerous environmental
externality is one of the most causes of such degradation and consequent livelihood losses
particularly in the farmer community and people depend on agriculture and allied sectors.
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The economic activity most vulnerable to floods and cyclones has been agriculture, with
substantial losses of standing crops and of livestock (Penning et.al. 2012). Haque (1995) gave
an estimate of 280,000 cattle lost in the 1970 cyclone, and over 1 million cattle died in the
1991 event, along with 51,000 hectors of crops completely destroyed and a further 156,000
hectors partially damaged. In terms of the national Bangladesh rice crop, Banerjee (2010)
found that rice productivity fell in flood years such as 1987–1988 and 1988–1989. But the
pattern is not simple. There was no such clear decline after the 1998 event, and after each
flood (including after 1998) there tends to be a productivity increase in the post-monsoon dry
season, from high-yielding boro rice production. But areas where flooding is greatest have
the greater overall average productivity rates, so food production here is threatened by the
major flood and cyclone events (Penning et.al., 2012).
Now the people of these areas are likely to migrate permanently in the crowded cities of the
country to survive. Considering the environmental and socioeconomic challenges that
Bangladesh faces, numerous studies have shown that migration, whether voluntary or forced,
temporary or permanent and internal or external, has been one of the main features of life in
the region since the 18th century (Siddiqui, 2003; Joarder and Hasanuzzaman, 2008). Various
reasons have been proffered for the internal migration dynamics in Bangladesh, such as: (i)
the high rate of urbanization, especially after the liberation of Bangladesh from Pakistan,
which affected the sex ratio around the country as the males were more likely to migrate
individually to the big cities; (ii) lack of full-year employment and unoccupied arable land in
rural areas; (iii) environmental and climatic variations; and (iv) higher wages at the
destinations, which have led to multi-locational households and increasing levels of
dependency on remittances (Afsar, 2003; Hossain et.al., 2003). Reuveny (2007) provided
theoretical arguments and case studies on how climatic and environmental factors can lead to
migration. She predicted that migration would be more likely in countries with lower levels
of development, even causing conflict between the migrant and the receiving communities.
The climate–migration link seems to be more robust in Bangladesh where it was reported that
in the mid-1980s close to two-thirds of households were displaced at least once in their
lifetimes (Zaman, 1991). The majority of studies have predicted significant movements of
people in Bangladesh, which has often been described as a hotspot case study by different
authors, citing its low adaptation capacities and likely severe climate change impacts
(Agrawala et.al, 2003; Hunter, 2005). The victims of this phenomenon are mostly poor
community who cannot adapt with such changes as less adaptive capacity in terms of
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resources, needed to adaptation process. Alam (2003) reported that land and water scarcity in
rural areas has caused inequality in employment opportunities and income, motivating
internal and international migration among Bangladeshis. Internal migration, moreover, is
more likely to be undertaken by poorer households who are not able to pay to cross the
border (Mendola, 2008).
Swain (1996) argued that flood and sea level rise would be the key drivers of migration in
Bangladesh, and Hunter (2005) emphasized the role of flood and cyclones, noting that,
although they may only cause temporary migration, even such temporary migration could
contribute to civil disorder. Kartiki (2011) also described migration as a resilience strategy
against climate change in Bangladesh. Sharma and Hugo (2009) reviewed multiple studies
and show how environmental factors have gained importance (as high as 40 per cent) in the
internal migration decision process in Bangladesh. In their review, physical factors ‘included,
but were not limited to, storms, salinity, river erosion, land degradation, loss of land due to
flooding and other environmental hazards’. They also predicted that higher sea levels,
increasing temperature and coastal damages and salinity and changes in the precipitation and
flooding would bring further migration responses in the country.
However an unfortunate person who lost his/her livelihoods due to adverse impacts of
environmental externality like climatic change on his/her livelihoods leaves village and
migrates to another location as the last coping strategy. Such migration may be permanent or
temporary in nature. Permanent migration occurs slowly throughout the affected community
over the time while a temporal one is rapid response to any extreme climatic event. People
take the decision of permanent migration one by one over the time but almost all people
living in a community take the decision of a temporal migration simultaneously. Permanent
migration occurs by losing livelihoods due to slow motion effects of environmental
externality like climate change such as temperature rising, erratic rainfall pattern, sea level
rising, water logging etc. On the other hand migration due to sudden environmental extreme
events such as cyclone, flood, tidal surge, drought etc. are temporary in nature. Destinations
of migration differ by nature of migration. People who take decision of permanent migration
select maximum attainable safer place with new better livelihoods opportunities. But a people
who has to move from home temporary to averse or reduce the hit of climatic extreme events
chose relatively closer destinations such as cyclone shelters, relative’s house, on the
embankment etc. However a permanent migration can be international or internal. People
who have ability to cross the border migrate to other countries while who have no ability to
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cross the border migrate to cities where they have the opportunities of getting jobs. So richer
people can migrate internationally but poor do rural-urban migration.
The primary destinations of newly migrated poor environmental migrants are the slums of
urban areas. The cities are becoming more vulnerable to providing housing, traffic system,
health services and other citizen services due to receiving big volume of these newly
migrants. These people after losing the livelihoods in their village migrate to the urban areas
with a hope of better life and livelihood. However they get a better livelihood in urban slums
in terms of income but with many environmental, socio-economical, racial, and health
problems comparing the facilities they got in their village. They live in urban slums in an
inhuman environment.
1.2 Objectives of the Study
Considering this knowledge gap, the study aims to set out the following research objectives:
To find out the major causes of taking migration decision by rural-urban
environmental migrants;
To study and identify the major hurdles of living, face rural-urban environmental
migrants in urban slums;
To make a comparison of the life and livelihood of the rural-urban environmental
migrants between before and after migration;
1.3 Scope of the Study
This study explored the issues related to livelihoods of rural-urban environmental migrants of
selected slums of Dhaka city. Such migrants are slightly different from climate migrants as
here in this study duration of migration of some migrants have been found over and above
two decades. But a migrant should be considered as a climate-induced migrant if he migrates
due to adverse impacts of climatic events during last two decades. Though simple random
sampling technique has been employed to select three slums for selecting study areas,
purposive sampling technique has been used to select rural-urban environmental migrant
households for convenient. It covered the present livelihoods characteristics including
demographic, socioeconomic, environmental hazard, and health related status of migrant’s
households. But some data and information on previous livelihoods in their village such as
expenditure, cost of illness, morbidity etc. have not been collected in numeric figure.
However, overall dynamics of the lives and livelihoods of rural-urban environmental
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migrants who live in slums are out of the scope of this study but the change in lives and
livelihoods after migration is. All the rural-urban environmental migrants except who live in
slums after migration have not been represented in this study. This study represented selected
three slums of Dhaka city only.
1.4 Limitations of the Study
For conducting the present research, the required data were collected from limited area
covering a very small number of samples. Thus, the scope of generalization from the finding
of the present study is limited. With respect to collection of data, some problems have been
faced. In an economy like Bangladesh where most of the slum household heads are illiterate,
it was very difficult to obtain reliable information. The respondents provided data from their
memories. There may be some errors in data which have been tried to avoid or to minimize as
far as it was possible. The respondents always remained busy in their works and often they
are not encouraged to provide information to an outsider. Therefore, some problems in
collecting data from respondents have been faced. Some of them told that they will provide
information if they have been paid some money for their cooperation. Some of them told that
they will provide information if their problems could be solved.
1.5 Chapterization
This study has been divided into five chapters. After this introduction, review of literature is
presented in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 deals with research methodology of the study. Data
analysis and discussion are presented in Chapter 4. And finally, a summary, conclusion, and
policy suggestions are presented in Chapter 5.
1.6 Conclusion
Bangladesh is one of the most vulnerable countries to environmental externality like climate
change. The poor communities of the environmental hotspots of Bangladesh are the most
sufferers. Their lives and livelihoods are adversely affected from environmental externality
like climate changes. The adaptation actions to adapt with such externality are inadequate
compare to actual needs. People of environmental hotspots of Bangladesh are likely to
migrate. Poor of them migrate to crowded cities and live in urban slums. This study is done to
understand the causes of environmental rural-urban migration and to understand such
migrant’s lives and livelihoods.
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References
Afsar R., (2003), “Internal migration and the development nexus: the case ofBangladesh”, Paper presented at the Regional Conference on Migration, Development andPro-Poor Policy Choices in Asia, 22–24 June, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Agrawala S. T., Ota A.U., Ahmed J., Smith, and M. van Aalst (2003), “Developmentand climate change in Bangladesh focus on coastal flooding and the Sundarbans”,Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, Paris, France.
Alam S., (2003), “Environmentally induced migration from Bangladesh to India”,Strategic Analysis, 27(3): 422–438.
Alexander D., (1993), “Natural Disasters”, UCL Press, London.
Banerjee L., (2010), “Creative destruction: analyzing flood and flood control inBangladesh”, Environmental Hazards, 9, 102–117.
Benson C., Clay E.J., (2002), “Bangladesh: Disasters and Public Finance”, DisasterRisk Management working Paper Series 5, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Haque C.E., (1995), “Climatic hazards warning process in Bangladesh: experience ofand lessons from the 1991 April cyclone”, Environmental Management, 19, 719–734.
Haque C.E., Zaman M.Q., (1989), “Coping with Riverbank Erosion Hazard andDisplacement in Bangladesh: Survival Strategies and Adjustments”, Disasters, 13 (4), 300–313.
Hossain M.I., Khan I. A., and Seeley J., (2003), “Surviving on their feet: charting themobile livelihoods of the poor in rural Bangladesh”, Paper presented at the Conference onStaying Poor: Chronic Poverty and Development Policy, 7–9 April, Institute forDevelopment and Policy Management, University of Manchester, UK.
Hunter L.M., (2005), “Migration and environmental hazards”, Population andEnvironment, 26(4): 273–302.
Islam N., (2011), “Impacts of Urban Floods from Micro-Macro Level Perspectives: ACase Study of Bangladesh”, Lambert Academic Publishing, Berlin.
Joarder M., and Hasanuzzaman S., (2008), “Migration decision from Bangladesh:permanent versus temporary”, Asia Europe Journal, 6(3): 531–545.
Kartiki K., (2011), “Climate change and migration: a case study from ruralBangladesh”, Gender and Development, 19(1): 23–38.
Mendola M., (2008), “Migration and technological change in rural households:complements or substitutes?”, Journal of Development Economics, 85(1–2): 150–175.
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Mirza M. (2002), “Global warming and changes in the probability of occurrence offloods in Bangladesh and implications”, Global Environmental Change, 12(2): 127–138.
Poncelet A., Gemenne F., Martiniello M., and Bousetta H., (2010), “A country madefor disasters: environmental vulnerability and forced migration in Bangladesh”,Environment, Forced Migration, and Social Vulnerability, Springer-Verlag.
Reuveny R., (2007), “Climate change-induced migration and violent conflict”,Political Geography, 26(6): 656–673.
Sharma V., and Hugo G., (2009), “Exploring the population–environment nexus:understanding climate change, environmental degradation and migration in Bangladesh”,Paper presented at the26th International Union for Scientific Study of Population (IUSSP)Conference, Marrakech, Morocco.
Siddiqui T., (2003), “Migration as a livelihood strategy for the poor: the Bangladeshcase”, Paper presented at the Regional Conference on Migration Development Pro-PoorPolicy Choices in Asia, 22–24 June, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Swain A., (1996), “Displacing the conflict: environmental destruction in Bangladeshand ethnic conflict in India”, Journal of Peace Research, 33(2): 189–204.
UN Habitat, (2010), Bangladesh – 2007 – Cyclone Sidr, Natural Disasters, ShelterProject 2009, B2.
World Bank, (2010), “Proposed additional credit ($US75 Million Equivalent) for theemergency 2007 cyclone recovery and restoration project”, Report 54514-BD, World Bank:South Asian Division, Available from: http://www.worldbank.org.bd/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/SOUTHASIAEXT/BANGLADESHEXTN/0,contentMDK:22761269_menuPK:295765_pagePK:2865066_piPK:2865079_theSitePK:295760,00.html.
Zaman M.Q., (1991), “The displaced poor and resettlement policies in Bangladesh”,Disasters, 15(2): 117–125.
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CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Review of the Internationally Available Literature
2.3 Review of the Nationally Available Literature
2.4 Observations from the Literature Review
2.5 Research Gap Identified from Literature Review
2.6 Conclusion
References
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2.1 Introduction
Considering the environmental and socioeconomic challenges that Bangladesh faces,
numerous studies have shown that migration, whether voluntary or forced, temporary or
permanent and internal or external, has been one of the main features of life in the region
since the 18th century (Siddiqui, 2003; Joarder and Hasanuzzaman, 2008). Out of the
important literatures available the following empirical studies are reviewed for better
understanding of: issues, involved methodological aspects, important research findings,
lessons from these studies. This review is not all inclusive but evaluates only the available
representative studies with a view to provide a backdrop and justification to the present study.
The main objective of this review is to understand:
(i) the theoretical and methodological aspects of these studies;
(ii) delineate their research questions and major findings;
(iii) identify the research gaps or need for further research; and
(iv) on the basis of theoretical and methodological aspects; research questions and
subsequent findings and possible research gaps for further exploration, to build a
justification for the present study.
2.2 Review of the Internationally Available Literature
Barrios et.al. (2006) strived to link rural-urban migration with climate change in Sub-Saharan
Africa using a Specific Factor Model. They used time series rainfall data as proxy to climate
change, taken from IPCC’s data set, urbanization data from UN World Urbanization
Prospects and population data. The Model showed that the climatic change, as peroxide by
rainfall, has acted to change urbanization in sub-Saharan Africa but not elsewhere in the
developing world. They found that, i) Climate change is an important determinant of rural-
urban migration in Sub-Saharan Africa, ii) Climate change has acted to change urbanization
in Sub-Saharan Africa, iii) Decolonization strengthens the link of rural urban migration and
climate change, iv) High vulnerability of agriculture on climatic conditions in turn opens the
door to the possibility of large-scale migrations of those whose livelihood essentially depends
on rain-fed agriculture, the so-called environmental migrants that have partly converged to
cities.
Gray (2009) used survey data from the southern Ecuadorian Andes and an event history
model to investigate the effects of land ownership and environmental conditions on out-
migration to local, internal, and international destinations. He found that the effects of land
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ownership and other factors differ strongly across migration streams. Also, negative
environmental conditions and landlessness do not consistently increase out-migration as
commonly assumed in the literature.
Jha (2013) investigated the key issues of climate change-migration and the responses of state,
market, and civil society level. He argued two major arguments; the first one regards the
weight of environmental and climatic factors in migration and their relationship to other push
or pull factors, whether of social, political, or economic nature. The second is about the
political framework in which such migration flows should take place and the manner in which
to treat the people who move in connection with environmental factors. The two issues are
deeply intertwined, as the extent to which the environment determines migration is intimately
connected to the status to be associated with the people concerned. He found the ISMW Act
as an obsolete piece of legislation by the Government of India in this regard. But some of the
works that civil society are doing for instance, the move to issue migrants an ID, provide
them with skills training, offer legal protection, and financial services is highly scalable. Of
course, civil society is limited by its resources, its networks, and its ability to deliver.
Therefore, he suggested it can partner well with governments to deliver these services.
Lillior et.al. (2011) reviewed the existing research on and empirical evidence of how climate
change and climate variability in Least Developed Countries (LDCs) affects two main drivers
of migration identified by migration models in the economic literature, namely income level
differentials between origin and destination areas and income variability in origin areas, and
how they in turn affect migration. They found that there are serious gaps in both the
economic and the environmental literature that render it impossible to make sound and robust
predictions of how climate change and increased climate variability will affect the economic
migration drivers, and of how these in turn may change existing migration patterns. They
identified some empirical indications that income differentials may increase due to lower
income levels in the origin areas of LDCs, but virtually no evidence exists of the effects of
climate change or increased climate variability on income variability. Furthermore, although
a negative relationship between migration and rainfall has been established by many
researchers, there is only very limited evidence as to what drives it.
McLeman (2011) generated an inventory of 246 ancient and modern examples of settlement
abandonment and identified common spatial and temporal parameters and a typology created
to summarize environmental and non-environmental drivers common across cases. They
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found that with growing vulnerability to environmental change across many regions, there is
greater potential for increased numbers of abandonments. He claimed abandonment should be
seen as only one possible outcome of environment and population interactions that create
vulnerability and stimulate environmental migration. He also concluded with a series of
observations relevant to anticipating and planning for potential population decline and
settlement abandonment in the face of future global environmental change
Mueller et.al (2014) used individual level information from 21 years long longitudinal survey
conducted in rural Pakistan (1991-2012) which provides a unique opportunity to understand
the relationship between weather and long-term migration. They linked individual-level
information from this survey to satellite-derived measures of climate variability and control
for potential confounders using a multivariate approach. They found that flooding, a climate
shock associated with large relief efforts has modest to insignificant impacts on migration.
Heat stress, however-which has attracted relatively little relief-consistently increases the
long-term migration of men, driven by a negative effect on farm and non-farm income.
Finally they argued that addressing weather-related displacement will require policies that
both enhance resilience to climate shocks and lower barriers to welfare-enhancing population
movements.
Reuveny (2007) argued that people can adapt to these problems by staying in place and doing
nothing, staying in place and mitigating the problems, or leaving the affected areas. The
choice between these options will depend on the extent of problems and mitigation
capabilities. People living in lesser developed countries may be more likely to leave affected
areas, which may cause conflict in receiving areas. She found that Environmental migration
crosses international borders at times, and plays a role in conflict. Environmental migration
does not always lead to conflict, but when it does, the conflict intensity can be very high,
including interstate and intrastate wars. In almost all the conflict cases, the receiving areas
were underdeveloped and depended on the environment for livelihood. Other factors
associated with conflict include resident emigrant ethno-religious tension and competition
over resources and resource scarcity in the receiving areas.
Tacoli (2013) argued that there is a need for more attention to urban food security. While
more than half of the world’s populations now live in urban centers and on average benefit
from higher incomes and better living conditions than rural residents, there is also
considerable inequality between wealthier groups and the residents of low-income and
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informal settlements. He found that low and irregular incomes are the root causes of urban
food insecurity, but inadequate housing and basic infrastructure and limited access to services
contribute to levels of malnutrition and food insecurity that are often as high if not higher
than in rural areas. These factors also increase exposure and sensitivity to the impacts of
climate change and affect the ability to build resilience. They claimed effective policies need
to address urban food insecurity in both its income and non-income dimensions, and their
impact on gendered disadvantage.
Viswanathan et.al. (2014) explored the three-way linkage between weather variability,
agricultural performance and internal migration in India. They estimated a two-equation
model, which examines variations in weather that influence crop yield and identifies the
resulting effect on the rate of migration. The analysis used two variants of migration data,
inter-state out-migration and intra-state district-level in-migration, reported in the Indian
Census. The models estimated that a decline in the value of agricultural output related to
weather variations results in an increase in the out-migration rate. The crop-wise analysis
showed that a one percent decline in rice (wheat) yield leads to nearly 2 percent (1 percent)
increase in the rate of out-migration from a state. There models also suggested that weather
related changes in agricultural productivity do contribute to migration in India; however,
these inter-linked effects have, at least thus far, been relatively small.
2.3 Review of the Nationally Available Literature
Akter (2009) strived to imply the food security in urban slums in the context of climate
change induced migration. She argued that increased frequency and severity of natural
disasters by climate change over the past recent years are not only displacing people
physically but also exposing to enhanced poverty by threatening their livelihoods temporarily
and permanently. Growing number of people rush to city’s slums creates urban crisis.
Climate change threatens peoples’ access to food as they become socioeconomically
susceptible. Displaced people living in urban slums are in search of better and secure life. But
urban slums located mostly in low lying environmentally hazardous area coupled with
inadequate facilities like food, shelter, sanitation, health care make their life even worse.
Growing number of people in urban slums over the recent past creates extra pressure on
existing systems and challenge to government development activities like slum development
and poverty reduction strategy. This paper depicted socio-economic conditions of slum
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dwellers and their consumption pattern, while it has been found that majority of them can’t
afford nutritious food which is expensive to them.
Alamgir (2009) tried to assess the livelihoods of slums dwellers of Dhaka city and found
from the analysis of collected primary data that around 78 per cent variation of rural–urban
migration is explained by six factors; searching of work, better livelihood, landlessness, loss
of income sources, easy access to informal sector, and joining relatives/ families. The poor
landless, flood affected, less educated and illiterate people migrate to urban areas mainly for
better job opportunities.
Anwer (2012) strived to understand the overall national situation of the underprivileged
people on; the process of becoming climate refugee, the possibility of stopping climate
migration, the Bangladeshi government’s present and potential position on climate refugees,
and possible international initiatives for them. Her study revealed that either they migrate
immediately after extreme events of climate change, or they go through a process of income
erosion and ultimately leave the place. They migrate within the country or across the border
depending on contacts and connections in the receiving areas. She found that the factors
contributing to migration due to adverse climate change impacts are many. Disproportional
income in comparison to the Family size, inability to pay back loans, wage loss during
prolonged sickness or the potential of gaining land properties and the possibility of higher
earnings are the major reasons. She observed that though, the Cash income of a Family which
has migrated may go up significantly, but the actual income and asset status may drop
dramatically. Living conditions she found very challenging and she felt by the interviewed
that government expenditure in order to develop structural Facilities of disaster Risk
reduction is the most effective way of climate migration prevention.
Hassani et.al. (2012) used an agent based model with Bangladesh district-level data, to
explore the possible migration dynamics across the country based on projected climate
change scenarios. They used data on relevant indicators, such as the incidences of extreme
poverty, socioeconomic vulnerability, demography, and historical drought, cyclone and flood
patterns. The results suggested likely changes in population densities across Bangladesh due
to migration from the drought-prone western districts and areas vulnerable to cyclones and
floods in the south, towards northern and eastern districts. The model also predicted between
3 and 10 million internal migrants over the next 40 years, depending on the severity of the
hazards. The model predicted that migrants would gravitate not only to the already populated
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urban areas, but also to Jhenaidah in the west and Comilla in the east and Gaibandha in the
north, at least for temporary residence. These three districts are likely to be attractive due to
their weaker sensitivity to adverse climate impacts, since they are in areas less vulnerable to
sea level rise, or they are less likely to be affected by future droughts or floods. The model
also suggested that the current urban areas will continue to absorb migrants, and the
environmentally vulnerable cities such as Dhaka will need to provide more non-agricultural
jobs, such as manufacturing and commerce, in order to be able to accommodate the coming
migrants. According to authors difficult adaptation funding choices may need to be made in
future between either local-level climate adaptation initiatives, such as flood control in
vulnerable districts, or providing affordable housing, land and services, and fostering
employment for migrants moving from areas judged by residents to be too hazardous to
remain in.
Iqbal et.al. (2014) strived to explore the linkage of weather variability and migration through
agriculture in Bangladesh. They used district level data for 3 inter-census periods and
analyzed historical migration related outcomes. They found that fluctuations in temperature
and rainfall contributed to a decline in agricultural productivity as measured by revenues
from agriculture. Fixed Effect and Instrumental Variable estimations showed that about one
standard deviation decrease in real per capita agricultural revenue increases the net out-
migration rate by 1.4 to 2.4 percent, controlling for unobserved effects for districts and years.
They predicted that the net out-migration rate will be about 22 percent higher in 2030 than in
1990, assuming the variability in temperature stays stable and there are no behavioral
responses from the farmers.
Khatun (2013) tried to explore the relationship between climate change and migration in
Bangladesh. She claimed that the ultimate result of climate change can transform once
famous Bengal into the land of disaster. She also claimed that in future combine effects of
population density and growing number of displaced persons in Bangladesh will make the
country more vulnerable to social and economic underdevelopment.
Molla et.al. (2011) strived to estimate the number of climate-induced migrants in Bangladesh
with specific reference to riverbank erosion, drought and sea level rise. Using GIS and
Remote Sensing technology they found that in the Kazipur upazila of Sirajganj district 21,961
people migrated in recent years, which is 9.35 percent of the total population. The rigorous
effect of riverbank erosion in Bangladesh there are 1,29,853 people are displaced yearly.
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Permanent migration occurred within the neighbors and primarily it happened in a short
distance because of the lack of earning source and social bonding.
Penning et.al. (2012) seeked the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors that affect hazard-related migration.
They reviewed literature and fieldwork using focus groups to explore the influence of hazards
on short term and more permanent population movements. The review showed that hazard
induced loss of life has declined markedly in Bangladesh over the last three decades but
economic losses are not declining in parallel, and may be increasing as the economy grows.
Recorded population movement in response to hazard events is (a) to safety and (b) for
income recovery after the event, mainly for the landless. There is little permanent
movement/migration from hazard-prone areas despite the major threats, except, obviously,
where the land where people live is eroded or where saline intrusion inhibits agriculture.
Nevertheless the ‘anchoring’ factors encouraging families and communities to ‘stay put’ are
strong, and the adverse effects of migration – moving to strange and sometimes perilous
urban areas – are keenly appreciated. In general females fare worse than males in disasters,
but males migrate more. They also found that the poorest are always the hardest hit and are
more likely to have some family members move regularly or permanently, to seek work,
leaving vulnerable women and children behind. They saw population movement and
migration as generally to be the ‘last resort’, despite the seriousness of the risks that are
faced. The implications include the proposition that climate change induced increased
hazardousness may well not result in mass migration unless those affected cannot derive a
secure income from the areas affected.
2.4 Observations from the Literature Review
On the basis of above reviewed literature we can summarize the following points:
i) Climate change impacts in agricultural sectors and then tend to migration.
ii) Migration can be temporary or permanent and internal or international, rural to
rural, rural to urban.
iii) Sudden extreme events such as flood, cyclone, and drought have greater
consequence to mass migration but temporary in nature.
iv) Relatively slow climatic factors such as temperature raising, sea level raising,
erratic rainfall and salinity intrusion are the causes of livelihood losses and
consequently responsible to permanent migration.
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v) The poor adapt to internal migration as they do not have sufficient money,
required to cross the border.
vi) Poor rural-urban environmental migrants who live in urban slums after migrating
to city live in an inhuman situation in terms of food and health.
vii) In future number of rural-urban environmental migrants will increase over time.
Slum dwellers are poor in terms of economic, physical, mental and environmental condition.
2.5 Research Gap Identified from Literature Review
This phenomenon attracted concern recently as model predicted that the flow of
environmental migrants will increase toward the cities as global warming is increasing and
the most affected communities to the climate change are living under poverty in developing
and underdeveloped countries. But there are serious gaps in both the economic and the
environmental literature that render it impossible to make sound and robust predictions of
how climate change and increased climate variability will affect the economic migration
drivers, and of how these in turn may change existing migration patterns (Lillior et.al., 2011).
Understanding the life of the rural-urban environmental migrants in urban slums and the
comparison between livelihoods in urban slums and livelihoods in migrant’s village is still a
gap of knowledge particularly in Bangladesh context.
2.6 Conclusion
Literature review is an integral part of a research study. Here literatures are reviewed to
develop the background clearly and to specify the research objectives clearly. To build a
strong theoretical background about environmental migration especially rural-urban
environmental migration reviewing relevant literature is also equally important. However
after review of literature some important aspects of the study have been derived.
Page | 18
References
Akhter T. (2009), “Migration and living conditions in urban slums: Implications forfood security”, Unnoyon Onneshon.
Alamgir M., Jabbar M., and Islam M., (2009), “Assessing the livelihood of slumdwellers in Dhaka city”, Journal of Bangladesh Agricultural University, 7(2): 373–380.
Anwer S., (2012), “Climate Refugees in Bangladesh: Understanding the migrationprocess at the local level”, Diakonisches Werk der EKD e.V.
Penning C., Sultana P., and Thompson P., (2012), “The “Last Resort”? PopulationMovement in Response to Climate-related Hazards in Bangladesh”, Environmental Scienceand Policy, 27S, S44-S59
Gray C., (2009), “Environment, Land, and Rural Out-migration in the SouthernEcuadorian Andes”, World Development, Vol. 37, No. 2, pp. 457–468.
Hassani B., Mahmooei and Parris B., (2012), “Climate change and internal migrationpatterns in Bangladesh: an agent-based model”, Environment and Development Economics,Vol 17, pp 763-780.
Iqbal K, and Roy. P, (2014), “Examining the Impact of Climate Change on Migrationthrough the Agricultural Channel: Evidence from District Level Panel Data fromBangladesh”, SANDEE Working Paper No. 84–14.
Jha A., (2013), “Climate Change and Internal Migration in India: Response of theState, Market, and the Civil Society”, Poverty & Public Policy, 5-2.
Joarder M., and Hasanuzzaman S., (2008), “Migration decision from Bangladesh:permanent versus temporary”, Asia Europe Journal, 6(3): 531–545.
Khatun M., (2013), “Climate Change and Migration in Bangladesh: Golden Bengalto Land of Disasters”, Bangladesh e-Journal of Sociology, Volum-10.
Lilleor H., and Broeck K., (2011), “Economic drivers of migration and climatechange in LDCs”, Global Environmental Change, S70-S81.
McLeman R., (2011), “Settlement abandonment in the context of globalenvironmental change”, Global Environmental Change, S108-S120.
Molla. T., Baten. M., and Titumir. R., (2011), “Accounting Climate InducedDisplacement in Bangladesh: An exploratory GIS based study”, Unnayan Onneshan - TheInnovators
Mueller V., Gray C., et.al (2014), “Heat stress increases long-term human migrationin rural Pakistan”, Nature Climate Change, doi: 10.1038/nclimate2103
Page | 19
Reuveny R., (2007), “Climate change-induced migration and violent conflict”,Political Geography, 26(6): 656–673.
Barrios S., Bertinelli L., and Strobl E., (2006), “Climatic change and rural–urbanmigration: The case of sub-Saharan Africa”, Journal of Urban Economics, Vol- 60, 357–371.
Siddiqui T., (2003), “Migration as a livelihood strategy for the poor: the Bangladeshcase”, Paper presented at the Regional Conference on Migration Development Pro-PoorPolicy Choices in Asia, 22–24 June, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Tacoli C., Bukhari B., and Fisher S., (2013), “Urban poverty, food security andclimate change”, International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED),http://pubs.iied.org/10623IIED.html.
Viswanathan B., and Kumar K., (2014), “Weather Variability, Agriculture and RuralMigration: Evidence from State and District Level Migration in India”, SANDEE WorkingPapers, ISSN 1893-1891; WP 83–14.
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CHAPTER THREE
AN OUTLINE METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Research Design
3.3 Method of Investigation
3.4 Selection of Study Area
3.5 Selection of Sampling and Sampling Technique
3.6 Determination of Sample Size
3.7 Preparation of the Interview Schedule
3.8 Period of the Study
3.9 Data Sources and Acquisition Methods
3.10 Processing of the Data
3.11 Reliability and Validity of the Research Outcome
3.12 Conclusion
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3.1 Introduction
Methodology is an indispensable and integral part of any research. It needs very careful and
sincere consideration. This chapter deals with the methodology of the survey to collect
necessary information for the study. A livelihood research usually involves collection of
primary data from the households. The method was prepared considering the limitation of
time and money. The main deficiency of this method was that reliance upon the memory of
the respondent for the information of before migration on village livelihoods. The design of
the survey for the present study involved the following steps.
3.2 Research Design
This research is initiated in relation to the objectives of the study. The research design
is carried out with the purpose of establishing a theoretical framework to more fully
understand how the proposed study is going to be undertaken. The process of the
research approach is illustrated in Flow chart 1.
Flow Chart 1: Research Design
Collecting therequired data
Analyzing andobtaining results
Chapterwisediscussion
Summary andConclusion
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3.1 Introduction
Methodology is an indispensable and integral part of any research. It needs very careful and
sincere consideration. This chapter deals with the methodology of the survey to collect
necessary information for the study. A livelihood research usually involves collection of
primary data from the households. The method was prepared considering the limitation of
time and money. The main deficiency of this method was that reliance upon the memory of
the respondent for the information of before migration on village livelihoods. The design of
the survey for the present study involved the following steps.
3.2 Research Design
This research is initiated in relation to the objectives of the study. The research design
is carried out with the purpose of establishing a theoretical framework to more fully
understand how the proposed study is going to be undertaken. The process of the
research approach is illustrated in Flow chart 1.
Flow Chart 1: Research Design
Specification ofthe study
Liturature review
Defining researchproblem
Formulating theobjectives
Pilot SurveyCollecting therequired data
Summary andConclusion
Page | 21
3.1 Introduction
Methodology is an indispensable and integral part of any research. It needs very careful and
sincere consideration. This chapter deals with the methodology of the survey to collect
necessary information for the study. A livelihood research usually involves collection of
primary data from the households. The method was prepared considering the limitation of
time and money. The main deficiency of this method was that reliance upon the memory of
the respondent for the information of before migration on village livelihoods. The design of
the survey for the present study involved the following steps.
3.2 Research Design
This research is initiated in relation to the objectives of the study. The research design
is carried out with the purpose of establishing a theoretical framework to more fully
understand how the proposed study is going to be undertaken. The process of the
research approach is illustrated in Flow chart 1.
Flow Chart 1: Research Design
Liturature review
Defining researchproblem
Formulating theobjectives
Page | 22
3.3 Method of Investigation
Collection of data for livelihood analysis sometimes involves compromises and judgments of
the analysis in selecting data collection method within the limits imposed by the resources
and time available for the work. As the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban
slums of Bangladesh don’t keep written records of their previous livelihoods as well as
environmental information, reliance upon the memory of the respondents was the only option
to collect information. Beside this they have no sufficient knowledge about environmental
change impacts on their livelihoods. So to get the correct information, interview to the
migrants were made to stimulate their memory and focus group discussions were made to
understand the environmental challenges they faced in their village before migration.
3.4 Selection of Study Area
Selection of study area for conducting a livelihood research is an important step in
environmental rural-urban migration study. The area in which a household survey is to be
conducted relies on the particular purpose of the survey and the possible cooperation from the
respondents. Necessary data are obtained from the areas under the study in order to fulfill the
objectives. The slums for the present study were selected randomly in Dhaka city where
extreme poor of the rural-urban environmental migrants live after migration to city. Bow
bazaar slum of Hazaribag, Shamoly housing slum of Shamoly, and Doyagonj slum of
Jatrabari were the location under this study.
3.5 Selection of Sampling and Sampling Technique
Sampling technique is an important part of livelihood survey and socioeconomic research. In
a complete enumeration, the required data are collected from each and every elements of the
population. Thus a complete survey becomes costly and time consuming. The normal
practice, therefore, is to select a sample of the entire population. Considering the objectives,
time and availability of fund and man power for conducting the present study a two stage
sampling method was followed. In the first stage, the slums namely Bow bazaar slum,
Shamoly housing slum, and Doyagonj slum under Dhaka City Corporation (DCC) were
selected randomly. Secondly, the primary data were collected through household survey from
the samples of 130 households, which were selected purposively for the convenience of the
study. As in slums the proportion of the rural-urban environmental migrants to total migrants
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is low it was difficult to find them. So, in second stage purposive sampling technique had
been used to select such migrant’s households.
3.6 Determination of Sample Size
Sample size was determined scientifically as 346, but as time and budget constraints the
sample size was kept limited to 130 only. In three slums total number of households was
8000 with the proportion of environmental migrant households of 40 percents. Here to
determine sample size 5% admissible error and 95% confidence level have been considered.
3.7 Preparation of the Interview Schedule
The interview schedule with structured questionnaire was used to collect necessary
information. The interview schedule was prepared carefully to record the required data on
various aspects of the study. In accordance with the objectives of the study, draft interview
schedule was prepared in such a way that all factors associated with the present study could
be included in questionnaire. The draft interview schedule with draft questionnaire was
practiced for interviewing some rural-urban environmental migrants living in slum. In the
pretested survey, attention was paid to inclusion of any new information which was not
included in the draft interview schedule and draft questionnaire. Thus, the draft interview
schedule was improved, rearranged and modified in the light of the actual and practical
experiences. After making necessary adjustments, a final interview schedule was developed
and final questionnaire was formed in logical sequences.
3.8 Period of the Study
The present study covered six months period from May to October, 2014. The data related to
present study were collected for analysis during the month of September of 2014 through
direct interviews with the selected respondents using a structured survey questionnaire. For
collecting the supplementary data focus group discussions have been conducted during also
in September 2014.
3.9 Data Sources and Acquisition Methods
The study is based on both primary and secondary sources of data and information. Primary
data was collected through survey. Secondary data and information were collected from
various government and non-government organizations such as. The sources and methods
used to acquire data for the research are outlined below:
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Most of the data required for the research were collected from primary sources. In any
research work, data collection is an important step and the success of any study depends on
accuracy and reliability of the collected data. The accuracy and reliability of a set of data
mostly depend on the method of its collection. In this study, data were collected through
personal interviews from 130 sample household heads. The interview schedule was used for
collecting information. The respondents were briefed about the objectives of the study before
going to make actual interview. It was explained to the respondents that the study was purely
academic. Respondents were also explained the usefulness of the study in the policy of
environmental management and climate change mitigation and adaptation context. The
interview schedule was checked to be sure that information to each of the items was properly
recorded. Interviews were conducted at migrant's house in their leisure time. At the time of
interview questions were asked systematically and were explained whenever, it was felt
necessary. Respondents were requested to provide correct information as far as possible.
Each time when interview was over, the filled interview schedule was checked to be sure so
that information to each of the items had been properly recorded.
Beside the interview three focus group discussions have been done to understand their lives
and livelihoods deeply. One FGD in each of the selected three slums has been conducted.
FGDs were conducted with six to eight rural-urban environmental migrant’s household heads
with the help of one recorder and one moderator. The moderator raised the topic of interest
and all of the participants participated in discussion when recorder recorded the important
information.
However necessary secondary data were also collected to make the present study more
valuable. The secondary sources of information include researches undertaken within the
scope of the study. Moreover, the data published in different books, policy documents about
internal displacement and rural-urban migration as well as research journals was also
important to accomplish the research. For the present study the secondary data and
information were collected from BCCSAP, NAPA, and various published papers and
radicals.
3.10 Processing of the Data
For the analysis of the data quantitative data was entered into computer from recorded
questionnaire using Microsoft Excel. Qualitative data was first coded and converted into
quantitative type in order to compute and then, the analysis was done. Editing and validating
Page | 25
were done before putting the data in the Excel Sheet for computation. Descriptive statistics
was mainly used during analysis of data. Proportions, ratios, average and percentages were
drawn during analysis by using STATA. Graphical representation of the data was done by
using Microsoft Excel. However to make income in before migration period comparable to
current income, using present value method their monthly income of before migration period
have been converted into present value. To convert the before migration income into present
value Microsoft Excel Sheet has been used.
3.11 Reliability and Validity of the Research Outcome
Validity is the degree to which a study actually measures or reflects what it intends to
measure while reliability refers to the consistency and conformability of a research
finding. In this kind of research, one of the difficult tasks is achieving valid and reliable
results. There were some factors in this study that can affect its validity and reliability. Some
problems were encountered while collecting data from the sample migrant’s households.
These are pointed out below:
Almost all of the respondents in the study area were illiterate and they had no
idea about a research and it was therefore difficult to explain the purposes of this
research;
The poor migrants always had a tendency not to provide correct data relating to
income and expenditure, because they thought that they will be provided by external
supports if they give lower income information;
They had another tendency not to provide correct data relating to duration of living in
slums, because they thought that they will be provided the property right of their
current living place in slums if they say over and above of actual living duration; and
The respondent did not keep records of their income level in before migration.
Therefore, reliance upon their memory was the only option to collect information. Most of
the respondents felt disturbed to answer the question since they thought that the researcher
might use the information against their interest. To obtain their confidence a great deal of
time was spent. However, in spite of the above mentioned problems, the following
precaution measures were taken in order to maintain and ensure the reliability and validity of
the outcome of this research. These are:
Data related to income and expenditure, duration of living in urban slums, and
Page | 26
holdings before migration were collected carefully.
Study areas and sample households were drawn using scientifically valid
sampling approaches and this would make the research free from bias.
The insights obtained from both the combined use of qualitative and quantitative
methods simultaneously increase the strength of the conclusion.
The fact that the methods and procedures applied in collection and analysis are clearly
outlined enables the replication of the study.
3.12 Conclusion
A systematic research depends to a great extent on the appropriate methodology used in the
research. Unsuitable methodology may come up with faulty results. A careful consideration
to follow a scientific and logical methodology for carrying out the research has been given.
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CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Causes of Rural-Urban Environmental Migration
4.2.1 Environmental External Factors Forcing People to Migrate
4.2.2 Rural-Urban Migration and River Erosion
4.2.3 Rural-Urban Migration and others Environmental Factors
4.3 Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants
4.3.1 Demographic Characteristics of Rural-urban Environmental Migrants
4.3.2 Origins and Destinations of Rural-urban environmental migrants
4.3.3 Duration of Leaving Village and Migrating to Dhaka
4.4 Current Livelihood Characteristics in Dhaka City’s Slum4.4.1 After Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants
4.4.2 After Migration Education of Environmental Migrants
4.4.3 After Migration Income-Expenditure Patterns and Poverty of Environmental Migrants
4.4.4 Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Slum
4.4.5 Environmental Hazards in Slum
4.4.6 Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness in Slum
4.4.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support to Slum Dwellers
4.5 Before Migration Livelihood Characteristics in Village
4.5.1 Before Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants
4.5.2 Before Migration Income Pattern and Poverty of Environmental Migrants
4.5.3 Before Migration Property and Assets in Village
4.5.4 Before Migration Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Village
4.5.5 Before Migration Environmental Hazards in Village
4.5.6 Before Migration Adaptation Support and Social Safety Nets in Village
4.5.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support in Village
4.6 Comparison on Livelihoods between Before and After Migration
4.6.1 Comparison on Occupations
4.6.2 Comparison on Income and Assets
4.6.3 Comparison on Living Arrangement
4.6.4 Comparison on Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness
4.7 Conclusion
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4.1 Introduction
Traditionally migrations occur due to combine effects of push and pull factors. In the case of
environmental migration role of push factors is dominant than the role of pull factors. Many
people forced to migrate from their village to crowded cities due to adverse impacts of
environmental externalities. Most of them who are poor live in urban slums with many
environmental, social, and health related problems. However this chapter is devoted to
analyze and to discuss the data collected from environmental rural-urban migrants of slums
of Dhaka city.
4.2 Causes of Rural-Urban Environmental Migration
Migrations occur for the combine effect of both push and pull factors. But in the case of
forced migration like environmental migration push factors are dominant. Environmental
externality forced people of environmental hotspots migrate when they lost their livelihoods
in their village.
4.2.1 Environmental External Factors Forcing People to Migrate
Environmental external factors like climate change adversely affect on the lives and
livelihoods of the people who reside in environmental hotspots. Environmental external
factors and extreme environmental events forced people to migrate from village as climate
change, the most dangerous environmental externality affects on agricultural sectors. River
erosion, salinity intrusion, flood, drought, tidal surge, and cyclone are the main drivers of
rural-urban environmental migration.
Figure- 4.1: Causes of Environmental Rural-Urban Migration (Percentage of households)
78%
17%
5%
Causes of migration
River Erosion
Salinity
Cyclone
Page | 29
It has been found that 78% environmental migrants migrated due to river erosion where 17%
for salinity problem and rest 5% migrated due to cyclone hit. But many of the river erosion
forced migrants claimed salinity as another major environmental hazard that affected their
livelihoods in village.
However migrants from Barishal and Bhola districts claimed salinity, cyclone, and flood as
strong environmental hazards beside river erosion that affected their livelihoods in village.
Migrants from Potuakhali claimed salinity as the causes of migration but they also suffered
from salinity, tidal surge, cyclone, and flood. Migrants from other riverain districts claimed
river erosion, flood, and cyclone as environmental hazards beside river erosion, the main
cause of migration.
4.2.2 Rural-Urban Migration and River Erosion
Migration is the last coping strategy for the people who lost his livelihoods in village due to
river erosion. Their income becomes almost zero in village after river erosion happens though
they held much amount of arable land and housing heritably before erosion happened. They
could earn some sort of money by working as day laborer with lower wage rate in their
village after losing their land in river. But in their village surviving often becomes impossible
by lower income due to lower wage rate. In most of the cases of river erosion forced
migrants, they also suffered from others environmental events such as salinity, flood,
drought, and cyclone before river erosion happened. Productivity losses due to such
environmental events reduce the income of a household in environmental hotspots. Beside
this the values of arable land in environmental hotspots decline gradually in case of such
slower effects of climate events. However in case of river erosion victims values of arable
land and home become zero drastically after river eroded their land. On the other hand river
erosion prone areas are also vulnerable to others sudden environmental events such as
cyclone, flood, drought, and tidal surge. After visiting such sudden climatic extreme events,
fluctuation of their income increases. As there is no effective crop insurance system to
compensate such losses to farmers in Bangladesh they have to suffer some consecutive years
to recovery such drastic fluctuations. Thus visiting climatic extremes in consecutive years fall
them under poverty. Then at last they lost their livelihoods in their village after losing their
arable land and home in river. So such river erosion victims have to take the migration
decision for searching their livelihoods.
Page | 30
However in the case of environmental rural-urban migration, a person’s portfolio
management in environmental hotspots can be attributed with probability to migrate. A
person whose most of the assets are arable land in an environmental hotspots lives under high
vulnerability and threat of leaving home.
4.2.3 Rural-Urban Migration and others Environmental Factors
Generally in environmental hotspots most of the people are poor in their village who manage
their livelihoods by working as agricultural laborer, cultivating on others land, catching fish
in river or sea, working as bargeman, and working in others agricultural sectors. As such
agricultural sectors are the first hit of environmental externalities like climate change the
opportunity of earning from these sectors decreases gradually. Consequently their livelihoods
fall under threat to loss. When reduced earning appears as inadequate to cover the minimum
livelihoods expenses such people have to move from their locality.
However in this study most of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums
claimed such lost of livelihoods as the main cause of migration. They also claimed that they
do not leave home and migrate till they can derive such amount of earning that can cover the
minimum livelihoods expenses. They claimed that crop failure and low productivity from
agricultural sectors due to environmental extreme events like flood, cyclone, drought,
salinity, erratic rainfall, and temperature rising etc. reduced their income. Then they have to
move from their locality as they cannot maintain their minimum livelihood in their locality.
4.3 Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants
An environmental migrant living in city slums leads a pathetic life throughout his life before
and after migration. Sometimes they have to live in a place away from their relatives. Their
child has to do laborious jobs in the cities instead of pursuing education. They have to live in
slums year after year after leaving their heritable homeland.
4.3.1 Demographic Characteristics of Rural-Urban Environmental Migrants
An environmental rural-urban household that migrated to urban slum is mostly male headed.
Around 88% household heads are male. Household heads are mostly within the age range of
from 30 years to less than 60 years.
Page | 31
Figure- 4.2: Age of the Household Heads
The average household size of a rural-urban environmental migrant household, living in
Dhaka city’s slums is higher than national average. Average family size of such household is
4.88 where according to HEIS-2010 national size is 4.50. Almost equal proportion of male
and female are living in such migrant’s household in slums.
However there is age class variability in population distribution by gender.
Figure- 4.3: Family Members Distributed by Age and Gender
Around 60%, 55% and 44% of all persons of age groups of more than 60 years, 18 to 60
years and below 18 years are female respectively. It just implies that a female have higher life
<30 Years 30-<40 Years
7
24
Age of the Household Head (%)
56
44
Below 18 Years
Family Members Distributed by Age & Gender(%)
Page | 31
Figure- 4.2: Age of the Household Heads
The average household size of a rural-urban environmental migrant household, living in
Dhaka city’s slums is higher than national average. Average family size of such household is
4.88 where according to HEIS-2010 national size is 4.50. Almost equal proportion of male
and female are living in such migrant’s household in slums.
However there is age class variability in population distribution by gender.
Figure- 4.3: Family Members Distributed by Age and Gender
Around 60%, 55% and 44% of all persons of age groups of more than 60 years, 18 to 60
years and below 18 years are female respectively. It just implies that a female have higher life
30-<40 Years 40-<50 Years 50-<60 Years >=60 Years
24
32
2017
Age of the Household Head (%)
4540
55
18-60 Years More than 60 Years
Family Members Distributed by Age & Gender(%)
Male Female
Page | 31
Figure- 4.2: Age of the Household Heads
The average household size of a rural-urban environmental migrant household, living in
Dhaka city’s slums is higher than national average. Average family size of such household is
4.88 where according to HEIS-2010 national size is 4.50. Almost equal proportion of male
and female are living in such migrant’s household in slums.
However there is age class variability in population distribution by gender.
Figure- 4.3: Family Members Distributed by Age and Gender
Around 60%, 55% and 44% of all persons of age groups of more than 60 years, 18 to 60
years and below 18 years are female respectively. It just implies that a female have higher life
>=60 Years
17
60
More than 60 Years
Page | 32
expectancy than male in an environmental migrants community living in urban slums.
Around 40% people are in working age group that is within 18 to 60 years old. Only 25% of
all persons other than working age group are old where rests 75% are children, ages below 18
years. It is an implicit notion of aging, a factor of demographic change. Around 20% of all
children ages between 6 to 18 years are child labor where 66% are pursuing institutional
education.
A rural-urban environmental migrant household don’t migrate with all members. Some of the
household members live in other place. Almost 7% family member of migrants households
live outside of their family. Basically they are the aged persons who live in their native
village though losing their livelihoods. In case of river erosion driven households these aged
people mostly live with relative or neighbor’s house in village. Their sons or/and daughters
send them some money to survive in village. Beside this most of them got old allowance in
village from government.
Average earning member for an environmental migrant household in slum is 1.78, of which
66% are male. On average two dependent persons depend upon the income of one earning
member. Almost 12% persons who earn money are child of which 70% are boy.
4.3.2 Origins and Destinations of Rural-urban environmental migrants
The poor, living in the environmental hotspots do internal rural-urban migration where the
rich people do international migration after losing their livelihoods in their village. The major
destinations of internal rural-urban migrants in Bangladesh are the capital city Dhaka and
commercial capital city Chittagong. However extreme poor who have no money to bear the
travel fare for going to Dhaka or to Chittagong migrate to the peripheral districts. So it is
expected that in Dhaka city’s slum poor environmental migrants will be found from those
districts that are relatively near in terms of travel fare and transportation mood.
Page | 33
Figure-4.4: Districts of Migrants
However, rural-urban environmental migrants have been found in Dhaka city’s slums mostly
from coastal and riverain districts of Bangladesh. Migrants have been found from coastal
districts Barishal, Bhola, Potuakhali, and Firojpur and from riverain districts Faridpur,
Shoriotpur, Munsigong, Chandpur, Comilla, Madaripur, and Gaibandha. Internally displaced
poor persons from Barishal, Bhola, Potuakhali, and Firojpur found it cheaper to move to
Dhaka city by water transportation mood than move to other destinations. Besides these
migrants from Faridpur, Shoriotpur, Madaripur, Munsigong, Chandpur, and Comilla have
also advantage of relatively cheaper travel cost to migrate to Dhaka city than other
destinations.
Community networking is also a strong determinant to choose migration destination.
Environmental migrants try to maintain their village community linkage in Dhaka city’s
slums. A displaced person seems a destination as secure and as comfortable where their
Faridpur15%
Shariatpur7%
Munsigong7%
Firojpur5%
Comilla5%
Chandpur5%
Page | 33
Figure-4.4: Districts of Migrants
However, rural-urban environmental migrants have been found in Dhaka city’s slums mostly
from coastal and riverain districts of Bangladesh. Migrants have been found from coastal
districts Barishal, Bhola, Potuakhali, and Firojpur and from riverain districts Faridpur,
Shoriotpur, Munsigong, Chandpur, Comilla, Madaripur, and Gaibandha. Internally displaced
poor persons from Barishal, Bhola, Potuakhali, and Firojpur found it cheaper to move to
Dhaka city by water transportation mood than move to other destinations. Besides these
migrants from Faridpur, Shoriotpur, Madaripur, Munsigong, Chandpur, and Comilla have
also advantage of relatively cheaper travel cost to migrate to Dhaka city than other
destinations.
Community networking is also a strong determinant to choose migration destination.
Environmental migrants try to maintain their village community linkage in Dhaka city’s
slums. A displaced person seems a destination as secure and as comfortable where their
Potuakhali20%
Barishal17%
Bhola15%
Faridpur15%
Comilla5%
Chandpur5%
Madari pur2%
Gaibanda2%
Districts of Migrants
Page | 33
Figure-4.4: Districts of Migrants
However, rural-urban environmental migrants have been found in Dhaka city’s slums mostly
from coastal and riverain districts of Bangladesh. Migrants have been found from coastal
districts Barishal, Bhola, Potuakhali, and Firojpur and from riverain districts Faridpur,
Shoriotpur, Munsigong, Chandpur, Comilla, Madaripur, and Gaibandha. Internally displaced
poor persons from Barishal, Bhola, Potuakhali, and Firojpur found it cheaper to move to
Dhaka city by water transportation mood than move to other destinations. Besides these
migrants from Faridpur, Shoriotpur, Madaripur, Munsigong, Chandpur, and Comilla have
also advantage of relatively cheaper travel cost to migrate to Dhaka city than other
destinations.
Community networking is also a strong determinant to choose migration destination.
Environmental migrants try to maintain their village community linkage in Dhaka city’s
slums. A displaced person seems a destination as secure and as comfortable where their
Barishal17%
Page | 34
relatives and neighbors already migrated. Almost all of the migrants migrated to Dhaka city
as their other family member or relative or neighbors have been living in Dhaka.
Beside these income differences between destinations also a strong determinant of
determining migration destinations. Such destinations are attractive to new migrants where
they can earn more. So they tend to migrate to Dhaka and Chittagong.
4.3.3 Duration of Leaving Village and Migrating to Dhaka
These environmental migrants found in Dhaka city’s slum mostly migrated to Dhaka city
directly after leaving their village. Only 7% migrants have been found who migrated and
lived for some years in another location rather than Dhaka city after leaving their village.
Then after some years they permanently move to Dhaka.
Figure-5.5: Duration of Migration
However environmental migrants are living in urban slums year after year. More than 51%
migrants migrated to Dhaka city within last 25 years where around 15% have been found
who migrated more than 40 years ago.
4.4 Current Livelihoods Characteristics in Dhaka City’s Slum
Rural-urban environmental migrants living in slums are poor in terms of income and basic
needs. They have to be settled in slums after migration to city as their livelihoods adversely
affected by environmental externality and many of them lost their property in their village.
They engaged in low paying jobs in city and then lead a pathetic life in slums.
24
20
24
1715
< 10 Year 10 - <20 Year 20 - <30 Year 30 - <40 Year More Than 40
Duration of Migration
Percentage of Households
Page | 35
4.4.1 After Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants
In Bangladesh rural-urban environmental migrants are uneducated and mostly unskilled
destitute group who are engaged in low paying jobs. Majority of them are rickshaw puller,
small shop keeper, day laborer and house maid. Some household heads have been found as
CNG auto rickshaw driver or car driver.
Figure- 5.6: After Migration Occupation of Household Heads
Around 30% of them are rickshaw puller and 29% small shop keeper while 20%, 12% and
9% are day laborer, auto rickshaw driver or car driver and housemaid respectively. Female
earning members are mostly housemaid where child laborers are working in shop, bus
driver’s helper, light mechanics shop etc. Male earning members are mostly rickshaw puller
and day laborer.
4.4.2 After Migration Education of Environmental Migrants
The extreme poor community in Bangladesh still considers education as luxury goods.
Though the cost of education in government institutions is low and they also have access to
such institution, relatively high opportunity cost of taking education in educational
institutions makes education as expensive to the extreme poor community. In this community
children often have to do work to manage their foods. In a developing country like
Bangladesh rural-urban environmental migrants of city’s slums live under the extreme
poverty level. Household heads of this migrant community are mostly illiterate but some have
been pursued some level of education.
29
29
20
10
12
Rickshaw Puller
Small Business
Day Laborer
House Maid
CNG Driver
Occupation after Migration
Percentage of HHHs
Page | 36
It has been found that almost 64% household heads are illiterate who did not pursue any
institutional education where only 10% completed primary level of education. However 74%
households that have children ages 6 to 18 years send their child to educational institutions.
Mostly they go to NGO run primary schools and government schools. Some of them also go
to madrasha. A child whatever he/she is a boy or a girl, born in a rural-urban environmental
migrant’s household in slums has 64% chances to be enrolled in educational institutions.
4.4.3 After Migration Income-Expenditure Patterns and Poverty of Environmental Migrants
Rural-urban environmental migrants come to city with no any prior technical or mechanical
knowledge. They are also uneducated and mostly illiterate. Such migrants were farmer,
agricultural laborer, bargeman, and fisherman in their native villages. As they have no
education, prior technical and mechanical knowledge they have to do the laborious jobs in
cities but with lower returns. Although in most cases income of a rural-urban environmental
migrant’s household increases after migration still their average income is significantly lower
than national average.
Figure- 5.7: After Migration Household Income
It has been found that average monthly income of a rural-urban environmental migrant
household of Dhaka city’s slum is BDT 12127 with standard deviation of 5335. In this
community monthly income of the middle 50% households ranges from BDT 10000 to BDT
15000 that is the inter quartile range is 5000. On average an earning member can earn BDT
6811 per month. Per capita monthly income of this rural-urban environmental migrant’s
22
49
20
5 4
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Less Than 10000 10000 - 14999 15000 - 19999 20000 - 24999 25000+
Income (BDT/Month)
After Migration HH IncomeNumber of Household (%)
Page | 37
community is only BDT 2486 which is lower than the cutoff point of poverty level.
According to World Bank a person is poor in terms of income whose daily income is lower
than USD 1.20. On average income of a rural-urban environmental migrant’s living in
selected slums is USD 1.06 per day only (1 USD = 78 BDT).
However there is gender disparity exists in the rural-urban environmental migrant’s
community in terms of their income. On average monthly income of a household with a male
head is BDT 12987 where a female headed household can earn less than half of a male
headed one.
Rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums strive to meet their daily basic
needs by their low income. Nevertheless often they cannot meet at least their basic needs
such as food, clothing, and health needs.
Figure- 5.8: After Migration Distribution of Total Expenditure
Almost all of the income goes to arrange food and housing. It has been found in the selected
slums that they expend around 86% of their total income where around 60% of the total
expenditure goes for meeting food cost. Around 15% and 13% of total expenditure go to meet
the house rent and education cost of children respectively. To relief from ill they spend
Food Consumption60%House Rent
15%
EducationalExpenditure
13%
Direct COI11%
Others1%
After Migration Distribution of Total Expenditure
Page | 38
around 11% of total expenditure and to bear the costs of other household activities they spend
the rest of the amount of the total expenditure.
4.4.4 Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Slum
Slums are crowded and the place of living for urban poor. An urban poor migrant household
cannot arrange a good housing for all of its members. Generally a rural-urban environmental
migrant lives in a single room in slums with all family members. All of the selected
households from the selected slums have been found who rented or occupied only one small
size room. Most households who did not construct house have to pay monthly for room
where some constructed the house and pay nothing for the room. Only 32% households
constructed house where rests live in rented house. Moreover it has been found that in some
cases one room is occupied by more than one household. However average monthly rent for a
single room in a slum is BDT 2280.
Water supply for all citizens and sanitation management of Dhaka city is a big challenge for
the authority. So, the recent influx of rural-urban migrants toward Dhaka city has made the
situation worsen. However in all the selected slums Dhaka WASA provided community
based water supply line. Slum households can meet their daily water needs from the water
line. But it has been found from focus group discussion in all the selected slums that water
supply is available in slums for two hours in a day only. Moreover in dry seasons sometimes
water becomes unavailable for whole day long also.
In all selected slums it has been found that dwellers have the access of sanitary latrine but
with high dependency ratio on single one. As slums are highly densely and crowded areas
many families have to use one latrine. At least 12 families have been found that depend only
one latrine. The situation is also more worsen for many households.
All the selected households are under electrification coverage. They share one meter to get
the electricity facility. But all households do not get the gas line facility for cooking. Around
32% households get the gas facility for cooking. Those families who don’t get gas line
facility have to bear relatively higher cost for cooking their food.
4.4.5 Environmental Hazards in Slum
Slums in Dhaka city are highly environmentally hazardous places where urban poor
communities live. However in terms of living condition and surrounding environment slum
Page | 39
dwellers live in an inhuman situation and hazardous environment. They live in a crowded and
polluted environment. In Bangladesh slums are mostly built in low lying fallow and polluted
land. Air pollution, sound pollution, garbage pollution, water pollution, and odorous
environment have been found as almost common characteristics in all the selected slums in
Dhaka city. Almost all slum dwellers argued that they live in slums as they have no
alternates.
4.4.6 Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness in Slum
Slum dwellers are highly vulnerable to many diseases. Different kinds of pollution like air
pollution, water pollution create different kind of disease in urban slums. In addition to this,
unconsciousness about health and lack of scientific knowledge about health intensify the
crisis. So in slums it is expected that slum dwellers live with different kinds of diseases.
However it has been found that around 73% household heads suffered from ill during last six
months of survey month. They mostly suffered from fever, cold, headache, gastric ulcer, and
orthopedic pain. Almost 34% household heads suffered from more than one disease during
last six months of survey month. However propensity to fall in sick (morbidity) has also been
found as high in slums area of Dhaka city. On average a household head fall in sick by 3.95
times in a year. About 36% household heads suffered from chronic diseases. Around 21%
people of total population living in selected slums of Dhaka city were ill during survey time.
Though slum dwellers’ income is significantly low, they have to expend some sort of money
to relief from disease. Comparing monthly income direct cost of illness is relatively higher
for slum dwellers than others. Beside this magnitude of opportunity cost associated with
illness is very high for this community. However in this study only direct cost of illness has
been calculated. Almost 85% household heads expend money to get him relieved from
disease during last year of survey month. A household head, who expends money to get him
relived from diseases, has to bear around BDT 5017 yearly in an average. On average yearly
direct cost of illness for a rural-urban environmental migrant household living in selected
Dhaka city’s slums is BDT 10900.
4.4.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support to Slum Dwellers
Slum dwellers are those destitute extreme poor people who migrate to city to seek better
livelihood option in city. Rural-urban environmental migrants also migrate to city for living
and aspiring better livelihoods. Usually they can manage their livelihoods as they can get
Page | 40
engaged themselves into low paying jobs in cities. But in developing countries like
Bangladesh urbanization is growing rapidly in an unplanned direction. In Bangladesh city
like Dhaka is already vulnerable to providing basic citizen services to the city dwellers. So a
poor rural-urban environmental migrant who choose to live in Dhaka experiences numerous
hurdles.
However different government organizations like Dhaka WASA and ministry of social
welfare, and non-government organizations provide them some basic supports to survive in
slums. Though these kinds of supports reduced their sufferings it has been found that these
are not adequate at least in the study areas. In all selected slums dwellers claimed about
limited water and sanitation facilities. Surrounding environment should also be cleaned up.
They are not in coverage of social safety nets projects directly except Open Market Sale
project (OMS). OMS is a project of social safety nets programs in which rice is sold to the
urban poor by subsidized price in open market base. According to slum dwellers collecting
rice from open market is time consumed and they claimed that considering opportunity cost
of time purchasing rice from OMS sometimes become more costly.
Slum households face food insecurity if earning member fall in sick. In this case they claimed
they often have to go on bed with empty stomach. However according to slum dwellers they
should be secured in terms of food and health.
4.5 Before Migration Livelihood Characteristics in Village
People living in rural areas of Bangladesh are highly vulnerable to climate change as the
primary sources of livelihoods of villagers are agricultural sectors. Declining Agricultural
productivity due to environmental externality like climatic change reduces the income of such
villagers living in environmental hotspots. They have the right to be compensated due to such
losses. Effective both short and long term adaptation actions in these environmental hotspots
can assure sustainable rural livelihoods.
4.5.1 Before Migration Occupation of Environmental Migrants
In a developing country like Bangladesh majority of labor forces depend on primary
agricultural sectors. But agricultural sectors are most vulnerable to environmental change.
People who depend on agriculture are also most vulnerable to environmental change in terms
Page | 41
of their income, livelihoods and others health and socioeconomic factors. Farmer, agricultural
laborer, and fisherman living in environmental hotspots highly suffer from such change.
Figure- 5.9: Before Migration Occupation of Household Heads
It has been found that before migration around 34% household heads were agricultural
laborer in their village. Around 22% household heads cultivated their own farm land and thus
earned their livelihoods where 10% were fisherman and another 10% earned their livelihoods
by pulling rickshaw in their village. Almost 15% household heads were immature and
children who migrated with their parents and didn’t earn money in village before migration.
Female household heads was housewife in village.
However 31% and 26% household heads of those households that migrated due to river
erosion were day laborer and farmer. Migrants who are salinity intrusion forced were mostly
day laborer, farmer, and fisherman. Around 45% household heads of those households that
migrated for salinity problem earned their livelihoods by working as agricultural laborer
while 18% were farmer and 18% earned money by catching fish.
4.5.2 Before Migration Income Pattern and Poverty of Environmental Migrants
Generally migrants who chose to migrate to city but held little amount of assets in village
settle in urban slums. So it is expected that rural-urban environmental migrants who live in
urban slums were also poor in village in terms of income and their asset values. Degrees of
vulnerability to be poor in rural environmental hotspots mostly depend on a person’s
portfolio management system. The values of property particularly arable land in rural
2
2
5
10
10
15
22
34
Business
Driver
House wife
Rickshaw Puller
Fisherman
No Work
Farmer
Agricultural Laborer
Before Migration Occupation of HHHs
Percentage of HHHs
Page | 42
environmental hotspots decreases gradually due to consequent lose of productivity due to
adverse effects of environmental change. On the other hand property values become zero in
case of river eroded land. So a person living in rural environmental hotspots who keeps most
of his assets in arable land term in village is highly vulnerable to environmental change.
The average monthly income during the time of migration of rural-urban environmental
migrants living in selected slums, that migrated due to other than river erosion was BDT
3300. In case of river erosion forced migrant’s household income was almost zero though
they had opportunity to work as day laborer in their locality. Here to make income of before
migration comparable to income of after migration, income of before migration had been
converted in present value considering a 7% interest rate. It has been found that considering
the converted income people other than river erosion driven could earn BDT 9990 monthly in
an average.
However it has been found that before the affects of climatic extreme events income was
higher for those households who held relatively higher amount of land in village of
environmental hotspots. But drastic lose of property due to river erosion turned such property
richer households under poverty. Though before the affects of climatic extreme events in case
of river erosion forced migrant’s income was relatively higher, during the migration time
their income was almost zero. But they had option to earn some sort of money by working as
day laborer in their village.
4.5.3 Before Migration Property and Assets in Village
Generally poor rural-urban migrants live in urban slums where relatively richer rural-urban
migrants who hold better livelihoods options after migration to city live in others urban
settlements. In the case of environmental migration in Bangladesh most of the environmental
migrants take the decision of migration from their village when they become unable to cover
livelihoods expenditures by their household income. So it is rationale that during the time of
migration most of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums were poor
also in their village in terms of income and values of assets. Though some migrants held
some sort of arable land in their village they lived under poverty because of lower returns
from arable land.
In environmental hotspots except river erosion prone one a household that held some sort of
land in village cannot exchange arable land and house during migration time because in such
Page | 43
areas there is no demand for degraded arable land and houses. In case of river erosion driven
areas there is no chance to exchange such property. So it can be said that those migrants who
held most of their assets in land and housing terms in environmental vulnerable areas became
destitute poor after losing their livelihoods in village due to environmental change.
However in an average a rural-urban environmental migrant household held almost 4 acres of
arable land in their village before migration. It has been found that around 60% households
held more than 50 decimals arable land in their village. But before migration almost 12%
households did not hold any property at all in their village. Almost 27% households have
been found who held 3 acres and more arable land in their village while around 12%
households held more than 10 acres arable land in their village.
4.5.4 Before Migration Characteristics of Living Arrangement in Village
Before migration to city most of the rural-urban environmental migrants lived under poverty
in their village as environmental change impacted on their livelihoods, and ecological
scarcity etc. adversely affected their income year after year. So with low income most of the
rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums would not able to make better
living arrangement in their village for their family members. But the case slightly varied over
the causes of the environmental migration. It has been found that river erosion driven
migrants arranged relatively better living arrangement in terms of living rooms and housing
type than salinity problem driven migrants. However rural-urban environmental migrants
living in urban slums lived in shanty or tin made house in their village before migration.
Before migration some of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums
didn’t use sanitary latrine in village. But maybe this is not for the lack of government actions
in such environmental hotspots but these migrants migrated or leaved home before the
actions on sanitation. However most of the migrants who migrated within last two decades
used sanitary latrine in their village. They were not coverage under electricity and gas line in
their village.
4.5.5 Before Migration Environmental Hazards in Village
The income and livelihoods in rural areas of Bangladesh mostly depend on agricultural
sectors. But due to high vulnerability of agricultural sectors to climate change, the most
dangerous environmental externality the magnitudes of impacts of climate change is very
high in villages than urban areas.
Page | 44
However in Bangladesh all areas are not affected to this climate change equally. And all of
the events do not visit all areas of the country; that is there are some geography specific
climatic events occur in Bangladesh. There are some environmental hotspots in terms of
sudden events of environmental extreme events like drought prone Rajshahi areas, saline
water affected and tidal surge prone coastal areas, flood and river bank erosion prone river
banks of major rivers like Padma, Meghna, Jamuna and Brahmmaputra. Beside this cyclone,
erratic rainfall and temperature rising affect throughout the country.
Rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums do not understand the impacts on
their livelihoods of the slower events like erratic rainfall, temperature rising etc. clearly. So in
this study respondents respond to salinity, river bank erosion, flood and cyclone as major
climatic hazards they experienced in their villages.
Migrants from coastal districts Bhola and Barishal claimed salinity, river bank erosion, flood
and cyclone as major environmental hazards that they experienced in their village before
migration while Salinity, tidal surge and cyclone are the major hazards in Potuakhali and
Firojpur. Migrants from others districts, found here in this study suffered to river erosion,
cyclone, and flood as environmental hazards. People living on the banks of rivers in the
districts like Madaripur, Shoriotpur, Faridpur, Chandpur, Munsigong and Gaibandha are
highly vulnerable to river erosion and flood.
4.5.6 Before Migration Adaptation Support and Social Safety Nets in Village
Adaptation is the reaction of the victims to reduce the adverse effects of any adverse change
on livelihoods and loss and damages. Worldwide along with affected community
governments, NGOs, and many developing partners have been implementing different
adaptation programs in environmental hotspots.
But in a developing country like Bangladesh the capacity to adapt with changing environment
in terms of money, resource, knowledge and technology of both the victims and the
government is very low. As the cause of current anthropocentric climate change, the most
dangerous environmental externality is massive industrialization in developed countries, they
according to different international negotiations on global warming have to carry the liability
of such adverse effects on livelihoods of poor environmental victims living in developing
countries. Consequently in developing countries that are vulnerable to this climate change
local people have been being compensated in terms of money, materials, and knowledge and
Page | 45
technology to adapt with changing climate. Developing country that is highly vulnerable to
climate change like Bangladesh has been being compensated by developed countries to
compensate the affected communities and to take and to implement climate change resilience
initiatives and adaptive actions under different funds like Adaptation Fund, Special Climate
Change Fund, and Least Developed Countries Fund.
However in Bangladesh both the degree of adaptation activities and the quantity of adaptation
supports has not been found as sufficient to actual needs. It has been found that only one-
fourth of rural-urban environmental migrants got supports from government and/or NGOs.
But they claimed that before migration the supports they got in village were negligible and
insufficient according to their needs for adapting with changing environment. They got rice
under Vulnerable Group Feeding (VGF) program taken by government, tin and dry foods
from NGOs after damaging house by cyclone hit. Some fishermen have been found who got
fishing net from NGOs after cyclone hit but they claimed fish scarcity in rivers prevented
them to increase their adaptation capacity.
But according to their current experience about their locality in village it has been found from
focus group discussions with rural-urban environmental migrants that currently people living
in their village are getting sufficient amount of supports from government and different
NGOs in terms of money, foods and others living materials. People who leave home and
migrated to another locality like city are not eligible by law or by any hidden causes to get
such supports they replied in focus group discussions when they have been asked whether
they get the supports.
4.5.7 Probable Effective Exogenous Support in Village
Generally a community is forced by environmental factors to leave its home permanently
when people of this community become unable to bear the minimum household expenses by
their household income. Another cause of such permanent forced migration is changing
surrounding environments like number and intensity of climatic extreme events. In case of
environmental migration some people migrate to another place for seeking better
surroundings where some are for securing their monthly income. This is the poor community
who live in urban slums after migration and who migrate to secure household income.
As most of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in the urban slums were poor also
in their village, income security in village will be the most effective exogenous support to
Page | 46
reduce such migration. Rural-urban environmental migrants living in the selected slums of
Dhaka city argued that income security in village can prevent the massive inflow of climatic
migrants to cities. It has been found that in case of river erosion forced migrants income
security in village can also prevent the migration to another locality. They argued that their
many neighbors who do not directly depend on agricultural sectors stayed in village though
losing home and land in river. They lease or buy some land from land lords in village and
build house for living. So a household usually do not migrate till it loses the livelihoods in
village.
Income of the environmental victims living in environmental hotspots mostly depends on
adaptation actions to environmental extreme events and mitigation actions to disaster risk
reduction. An effective adaptation action in environmental hotspots can reduce adverse
impacts of environmental extreme events on livelihoods and then income. While an effective
mitigation action to disaster risk reduction can reduce fluctuations of income due to
environmental extreme events.
Though according to respondents currently the people living in environmental hotspots get
supports in their village under different adaptation programs still a number of people are
taking migration decision. As both the spreads of environmental events affected areas and the
frequency and intensity of environmental events are increasing, the strategy of supporting to
affected people by money and living materials under adaptation programs has become
ineffective in long term. In long term keeping alive a large number of people by only pushing
saline instead of prevent the disease may not be attainable and cannot be desirable. So only
short term supports like money and living materials cannot prevent people to take migration
decision in long term.
However according to respondents of the study different adaptive activities like creating
alternative job sources in village other than agricultural sectors, building embankment,
promoting salt and flood tolerant crop varieties, introducing and practicing crop insurance,
and resettlement in village can reduce such migration.
4.6 Comparison on Livelihoods between Before and After Migration
Sometimes migration becomes the last resort for some people living in environmental
hotspots when all the adaptation actions became ineffective and insufficient to protect their
livelihoods from adverse impacts of environmental change. Though migrants can manage
Page | 47
better livelihoods in terms of income, in most cases livelihoods status deteriorate for the poor
migrants. Rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums are the most destitute
people who suffer from such migration in terms of livelihoods characteristics.
4.6.1 Comparison on Occupations
Generally types of occupation vary between industrialized urban areas and agriculture
dependent rural areas. People from rural areas usually migrate to city to work in industry or
service sectors. Working in industry requires of prior technical or mechanical knowledge. In
case of rural-urban environmental migration, after losing livelihoods in village migrants come
to city without having any technical or mechanical knowledge. Because in village there is
little scope to gain such technical or mechanical knowledge as they were mostly farmer,
agricultural laborer, and fisherman. So after migration to city environmental migrants are
forced to do such a laborious work that they didn’t do before. So, environmental change
forced to shift also their occupation along with shifting their locality.
Figure-5.10: After Migration Changes in Occupational Pattern
It has been found that rural-urban environmental migrants living in selected slums were
mostly agricultural laborer, farmer, and fishermen in their village. But after migration now
they are mostly rickshaw puller and construction laborer. Female have been found to work as
housemaid but in village most of them were housewife. However it has been found from
1510
20
29 29
Page | 47
better livelihoods in terms of income, in most cases livelihoods status deteriorate for the poor
migrants. Rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums are the most destitute
people who suffer from such migration in terms of livelihoods characteristics.
4.6.1 Comparison on Occupations
Generally types of occupation vary between industrialized urban areas and agriculture
dependent rural areas. People from rural areas usually migrate to city to work in industry or
service sectors. Working in industry requires of prior technical or mechanical knowledge. In
case of rural-urban environmental migration, after losing livelihoods in village migrants come
to city without having any technical or mechanical knowledge. Because in village there is
little scope to gain such technical or mechanical knowledge as they were mostly farmer,
agricultural laborer, and fisherman. So after migration to city environmental migrants are
forced to do such a laborious work that they didn’t do before. So, environmental change
forced to shift also their occupation along with shifting their locality.
Figure-5.10: After Migration Changes in Occupational Pattern
It has been found that rural-urban environmental migrants living in selected slums were
mostly agricultural laborer, farmer, and fishermen in their village. But after migration now
they are mostly rickshaw puller and construction laborer. Female have been found to work as
housemaid but in village most of them were housewife. However it has been found from
2
34
22
10
05
29
20
0 0
10
0
Change in Occupation (%)
Before Migration After Migration
Page | 47
better livelihoods in terms of income, in most cases livelihoods status deteriorate for the poor
migrants. Rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban slums are the most destitute
people who suffer from such migration in terms of livelihoods characteristics.
4.6.1 Comparison on Occupations
Generally types of occupation vary between industrialized urban areas and agriculture
dependent rural areas. People from rural areas usually migrate to city to work in industry or
service sectors. Working in industry requires of prior technical or mechanical knowledge. In
case of rural-urban environmental migration, after losing livelihoods in village migrants come
to city without having any technical or mechanical knowledge. Because in village there is
little scope to gain such technical or mechanical knowledge as they were mostly farmer,
agricultural laborer, and fisherman. So after migration to city environmental migrants are
forced to do such a laborious work that they didn’t do before. So, environmental change
forced to shift also their occupation along with shifting their locality.
Figure-5.10: After Migration Changes in Occupational Pattern
It has been found that rural-urban environmental migrants living in selected slums were
mostly agricultural laborer, farmer, and fishermen in their village. But after migration now
they are mostly rickshaw puller and construction laborer. Female have been found to work as
housemaid but in village most of them were housewife. However it has been found from
20
12
Page | 48
focus group discussion that most of the rural-urban environmental migrants living in urban
slums aren’t satisfy with shifting their jobs in city.
4.6.2 Comparison on Income and Assets
Migration is usually associated with incentives. But in case of forced migration like
environmental one people migrate to another location with uncertainty. Though in some cases
they got higher income, most of the forced migrants have to suffer more after migration in
terms of living condition and others social and health factors.
However it has been found that regarding the time of migration their income increases after
migration to city. Considering the converted income after migration a household can earn
monthly 21% higher income than the income it could before migration.
Environmental migrants living in urban slums become almost asset less in terms of asset
values after migration. In the case of river erosion forced migrants they lost their land in river
where in the case of others environmental events such as salinity intrusion, water logging etc.
forced migrants their asset values decline gradually. Productivity losses due to slower
impacts of environmental factors reduced their asset values. However some environmental
migrants living in selected slums bought some property in another location rather than their
village but the number of such migrants is insignificant to say.
4.6.3 Comparison on Living Arrangement
Rural-urban environmental migrants who live in urban slums are mostly poor through over
their lives. They live in slums under poverty and also before migration most of them lived
under so in their village. They were poor in their village as the environmental change affected
their income adversely over the time. They live in slums in an inhuman situation in terms of
housing, sanitation, water and hygiene and many of them also suffered the same in their
village before migration.
It has been found that before migration many of the environmental migrants living in slums
were also poor in their village. They couldn’t arrange a better living arrangement for family
members while some river erosion forced could arrange relatively better one. In case of river
erosion forced migrants some were relatively solvent in terms of income and living
arrangement. Whatever happened in both poor and relatively solvent groups in village, they
Page | 49
all have been experiencing poor livelihoods in terms of living arrangement for family
members in slums after migration to city.
4.6.4 Comparison on Sickness, Morbidity and Cost of Illness
Slums are the places of different kinds of pollutions. Slums dwellers suffer from many
diseases as they have to live in polluted surroundings. So it is expected that a person suffer
from more diseases in slums after migrating to city’s slums from rural areas. In many villages
of environmental hotspots salinity is a problem in drinking water. So people of these areas
also suffer from many water related diseases.
However almost 80% respondents claimed that after migration to city’s slums both the
morbidity and the cost of illness have increased. They have to expend about 11% of their
total expenditure to relief from sickness.
4.7 Conclusion
Rural-urban environmental migration is a consequent of many push and pull factors. Almost
78% of the rural-urban environmental migrants who live in urban slums migrate after losing
their land and home due to river erosion where rests migrated due to salinity problems and
after cyclone hit. They live in slums in an inhuman situation with many environmental,
social, and health related problems. They during the time of migration could earn such
amount of money that was insufficient to cover their daily livelihood expenses. Comparing
the characteristics of livelihoods between before and after migration it has been found that
their livelihoods situation deteriorated significantly except income. In taking such migration
decision income is the only incentive but the costs are others socioeconomic, health, and
environmental amenities. They have to do more laborious and inexperienced jobs in slums
after migration. They occupied some sort of land and property in village but after migration
they don’t hold any property at all. Though in both before and after migration they can
arrange poor living arrangements for their family members, in slums they live relatively
worsen situation. They are the people who suffer many environmental and climatic hazards
through over their lives both before and after migration. However the morbidity and the cost
of illness increase after migration to city’s slums.
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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Summary of the Study
5.2 Conclusion
5.3 Policy Recommendations
Page | 51
5.1 Summary of the Study
Bangladesh is one of the most disaster prone countries. The coastal districts are salinity,
flood, cyclone, tidal surge, and water logging prone where the north-western districts are
prone to drought and riverain districts are prone to river erosion, flood and cyclone. But
temperature rising and erratic rainfall pattern affect the agricultural sectors throughout the
country. Beside this climate change, the most dangerous environmental externality others
environmental, demographic, and political externalities like increasing population density,
water crisis in major trans-boundary rivers, and ecological scarcity are also affecting the
agricultural sectors in Bangladesh.
Migration from these environmental hotspots became the last adaptation option in recent
years. People of these hotspots are forced to leave their locality. When the household income
become lower to meet the minimum livelihoods expenses people of environmental hotspots
move from their locality and migrate to crowded cities. The poor of them then settle in urban
slums.
However to understand the lives and livelihoods of such rural-urban environmental migrants
living in urban slums, to find out the present hurdles of living, and to find the major
environmental factors causing such migration this study has been done.
From the analysis of the data, collected from the environmental externality forced rural-urban
migrants living in selected Dhaka city’s slums it has been found that 78% of the migrants
migrated due to loss of livelihoods by river erosion where 17% for salinity problem and rests
after cyclone hit. Whatever the causes of migration they responded, all of the migrants
claimed that they suffered from many environmental hazards such as river erosion, salinity,
flood, water logging, cyclone etc. in their village. It has been found that though after
migration to city their income increases, environmental, health and social hazards increases in
slums. Their income increased by 21% after migration to Dhaka city. Their children have to
do laborious jobs instead of taking education in educational institutions. Migrants have to live
in polluted and hazardous prone areas of the city. Their direct cost of illness and morbidity
increased after migration.
Poor migrants living in urban slums have not been getting adequate supports from
government or any other organizations. Though in all three selected slums some NGOs
offered education to children by free of costs, in most of cases children have to work to
Page | 52
manage their food as their household income is low. They get rice from OMS by subsidized
price but they claimed the opportunity cost of collecting rice is higher compare to the amount
of subsidy. Some of the migrants got some supports in their village to adapt the changes but
they claimed that was not adequate to survive and adapt to the changes.
However to reduce the massive flow of such migration in coming years considering future
population growth and consequent eco-scarcity, creating alternative job opportunities other
than agricultural sectors in village is one of the most effective actions. Beside these
promoting salt, flood, and drought tolerant crop variety and covering the farmers under crop
insurance in these environmental hotspots are the others most effective adaptation options.
5.2 Conclusion
Livelihood loss is an important linking variable between environmental externalities and
migration. Environmental externalities like climate change adversely affect the lives and
livelihoods of rural communities in Bangladesh whose livelihoods mostly depend on
agricultural sectors. As agricultural sectors are the first hit of environmental externalities like
climate change, agricultural sectors dependent developing and underdeveloped country
sufferers most from this change. In future such impacts will intensify as green house gases
tend to increase. In Bangladesh Environmental externalities like climate change adversely
affect mostly on the lives and livelihoods of the people of environmental hotspots in
Bangladesh. Their income decreases gradually for such impacts. In slums they can manage
their livelihoods but suffer from many environmental, social, and health related problems.
However to reduce such flow of migrants from rural areas of Bangladesh alternative job
opportunities should be created in their locality along with effective adaptation actions. In
short run to reduce the flow of migration promoting salt, flood, and drought tolerant crop
variety and crop insurance can be taken. But in long run, as the population density will
increase, beside these creating alternative job opportunities other than the agricultural sectors
in village will be the most effective action against the massive flow of rural-urban migration.
However to solve the present hurdles in slums they should be under the coverage of different
social safety nets program. Educating their child can be an effective long run action to reduce
the hurdles of living of rural-urban environmental migrants.
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5.3 Policy Recommendations
In coming future the problem of environmental externalities forced migration will increase as
climate change will inundate huge areas of the coastal districts and northern districts will be
affected by water scarcity during dry season in trans-boundary rivers like Teesta and
Brahmaputra. And in future increasing population density will reduce the per capita land
holdings. So, to reduce the problem or to solve the problem creating alternative job
opportunity along with others adaptation options like promoting salt, flood, and drought
tolerant crop variety, covering farmers of such hotspots under crop insurance should be under
consideration. In urban slums poor people should be under coverage of social safety nets
programs. Ensuring a good health of slum dwellers will ensure a secured and sustained
income.
ix
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Annex -1: Survey Questionnaire
SURVEY ON RURAL-URBAN ENVIRONMENTAL MIGRANTS IN SELECTED SLUMS OFDHAKA CITY
A SHORT INTRODUCTION:As you know, climate change is an environmental externality poses serious threats to the lifeand livelihoods of millions of poor and marginalized people living in the environmentalhotspots of Bangladesh. With time, adverse impacts of such environmental change arepredicted to be increased and Bangladesh would one of the worst suffers. The country hasalready been experiencing erratic climatic situations and people are getting affected. Losingthe livelihood means to environmental change, many affected people are migrating to thealready over-crowded cities of the country in the search for a living. But the life aftermigration for most of these migrants is expected to be another story of struggling for survival.This survey seeks to understand the reality of environmental migration in Bangladesh andalso look into their life and livelihoods before and after migration besides identifies majorhurdles of living in city slum.
Your contribution in the process of data collection will help us in assessing the reality ofenvironmental migration in the country and under types of hurdles they face before and aftermigration. This may also help in designing some remedial measures to fight withenvironmental externalities more efficiently in the coming days.
QUESTIONNAIRE NO: ………………… DATE: …………………………, Time: …………………………
NAME OF SLUM: ………………………………………………………………………..………………………
NAME OF THE RESPONDENT: ……………………………………………………………………………....
1 Interview is administered to the household head2 Interview is administered to a close family member3. If the respondent is not the head of the household, then what is the relationship? ……………
1. Information on household head (HHH)Name of HHH: …………………………………………………………., Sex: -------------,Age: ---------------------- Years, Religion: ……………………………………….…,Occupation: ………………………………………………, Education: ……………………….2. Household Characteristics2.1 What is your Family Size?
Answer: ………………………., Male: -------------, Female: -------------,2.2 How many family members reside here with you?
Answer: ………………………., Male: -------------, Female: -------------,2.3 Is there any member who currently doesn’t reside with you? If yes, where he/she lives
now?Answer: ……………………….,
2.4 How many children below the age of 6 years, live in your house here in Dhaka?Answer: …………………………., Boy: ………………………., Girl: …………………….
xiv
2.5 How many children between the ages of 6 to 18 years live with you?Answer: ………………………., Boy: -------------, Girl: -------------,
2.6 How many children of the age between 6 to 18 years go to educational institution?Answer: ………………………., Boy: -------------, Girl: -------------,
2.7 Is there any children engaged in working? If yes, then how many?Answer: …………………, Boy: ----------, Girl: ---------,
2.8 How many 60 years and above old family member live in your house?Answer: ………………………., Male: -------------, Female: -------------,
2.9 How many members did earn income in the last month for your family?Answer: ……………………, Male: .............…... Female: …………………….
2.10 Is there any disable person in your family? If yes, then how many?Answer: ………………….., Male: …………………., Female: …………………….
3. Livelihood Status at Village (before migration)3.1 What was your main occupation before migration?
Answer: ……………………………………………3.2 How much productive asset did you have during the usual time of before migration?
(a) Land : …………………………...…………………………………………………….(b) Livestock : ………………………………………………………………………………….(c) Business Enterprise : ………………………………………………………………………………….(d) Any Other Asset : ………………………………………………………………………………….
3.3 What was average monthly family income before migration?Answer: ……………………………………………………………………
3.4 What type of housing did you have in your village?Answer: …………………………
3.5 How many living rooms did you have in your village house?Answer: …………………………
3.6 Do you still have the village house?Answer: …………………………
3.7 Did you have the access to electricity in your village house?Answer: ………………………..
3.8 Did you have your own toilet in your village? If yes, was it sanitary?Answer: ………………………
3.9 Did you face any environmental hazard that caused your migration to Dhaka city?Answer: ………………………
3.10 If yes, what sort of environmental problem did you face?Answer: ………………………
4. Information on Migration4.1 What is your native district and Upazila?
Answer: ………………………; …………………………;4.2 How many years ago have you left your village home?
Answer: …………………………………………4.3 Since how long have you been living here in Dhaka city? In this locality?
Answer: ……………………………………; …………………………………………..
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4.4 What were the main reasons for migration?Answer: ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
4.5 Was your migration mainly:(a) Economic migration(b) Migration due to political harassment(c) Because of lost livelihoods(d) Other: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
4.6 Do you have any other close relative who also have migrated? If yes, who? Why?Answer: ………………………; ………………………………………..; …………………………………………..
5. Information Related to Environmental Change Impacts on Livelihoods in Village5.1 What were the main hurdles related to environmental changes in your village?
Answer: …………………………5.2 Did any crop failure occur during the year of migration? If yes, why?
Answer: …………………5.3 Did any climatic extreme such as cyclone, tidal surge, drought, etc. happen in the last
one year of your migration? If yes, what?Answer: ………………..; ………………………………………………………………………………………………….
5.4 Did you have any kind of support to adapt with such events? If yes, what?Answer: ………………….; ……………………………………………………………..
5.5 From which organization did you get such supports? What supports?Answer: …………………………………..; ………………………………………………………………………………..
5.6 Was it sufficient to adapt with the changing climatic condition? If no, then what couldhave reduced the adverse impacts?Answer: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
5.7 Do you think your fellow villagers are still facing the problem? If so, is it more or lessnow?Answer: ………………………………………………..; ……………………………………………………………………
5.8 What supports are required by the villagers to avoid extreme steps like migrating tocities in the search of living?Answer: (a) ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
(b) ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………(c) ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………(d) ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
6. Information on Current Dwelling and Its Environmental Characteristics6.1 How many rooms do you have in the current house you live in?
Answer: ------------------6.2 Is it a rented house? If yes, how much do you need to pay per month?
Answer: ------------------, ------------------- Taka6.3 Do you have access to electricity here? If yes, how much you need to pay per month?
Answer: ------------------, ------------------- Taka6.4 What fuel do you use for cooking? How much does it cost per month?
Answer: ---------------, ----------------------- Taka6.5 What is the source of drinking water for your family?
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Answer: ------------------------------6.6 Do you have a separate toilet for your family? If yes, than is it a sanitary one?
Answer: ………………………, ……………………..6.7 What are the major environmental problems/hazards that your family has to face
here?Answer: ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
6.8 Are you satisfied living here? If no, which three are the major hurdles of living in thislocality?Answer: ………………, ………………………………………………………………………………………………………
6.9 What are the basic essential services that according to you need to be improved forthe people living in this locality?Answer: …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
7. Health Status of the Migrants Households7.1 Have you fallen sick in the last six months? If yes, what type of problem you faced?
Answer: …………………., ………………………………………………………………………………………………….7.2 How many times you have fallen sick during the last one year? What problems?
Answer: …………………………..; …………………………………………………………………………………………7.3 What kind of diseases you and your family generally are facing here in this locality?
Answer: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….7.4 What was the (approx.) health cost that you had to incur for you in the last one year?
Answer: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….7.5 Are any of your family members suffering from illness now? If yes, how many?
Answer: …………………, ………………………………………………………………………………………………….7.6 Has the morbidity incidences increased in your family after the migration to Dhaka?
Answer: ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7.7 Do you think the direct cost of illness has increased for your family after migration?
Answer: ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7.8 How much money your family had to incur to relief from ill in the last one year?
Answer: ………………………………….
8. Property, Income and Expenditure of the Respondent8.1 How much is your current total household income per month?
Answer: …………………………….8.2 How much is the current total monthly food consumption expenditure?
Answer: …………………………….8.3 How much is the total monthly education expenditure of the family?
Answer: …………………………….8.4 How much is the total monthly expenditure incurred?
Answer: …………………………….8.5 Have your and your family income increased after migration?
Answer: ………………………….8.6 Can you now afford sending some money to village for the other family members, if
any? How much monthly?
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Answer: ……………………….., ……………………….8.7 Do you have some property in your native village? If yes, what?
Answer: ………………..; ……………………………….8.8 Can you still earn something from your village property, if any? How much per year?
Answer: ………………………………………..; …………………………………………8.9 Have you bought any property after migration? If yes, what have you bought?
Answer: ………………………………….; ……………………………………………………….8.10 Are you happy living in Dhaka city? If no, why?
Answer: ……………………………………; …………………………………………………….8.11 Suppose if are provided with required supports to resettle in your village again, will
you be ready to go back permanently?Answer: ………………………..
8.12 If so, then what supports do you aspire to receive for resettling to your village again?Answer: ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
8.13 Do you like to say anything to the government or have any suggestion for the possiblemigrants?Answer. ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
Thank you very much for the time and your kind cooperation!