BA3 WAR STUDIES DISSERTATION COVER SHEETName Kristina Elisa Raggl

Student No 1303158

Date 6th of April, 2016

Dissertation title The All-China Women’s Federation: CCP Lapdog or Advocate for Women?An Exploration of Socialisation Processes and Women’s Rights in the

Middle Kingdom.Word count 9990

Dissertation supervisor Dr. Konstantinos Tsimonis

Second marker Vivienne X. Guo

My dissertation research involved the participation ofhuman subjects, and therefore needs Research Ethicsclearance

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A transcripts of the interviews

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This assignment is entirely my own work. Quotations from secondary literature are indicated by the use of inverted commas around ALL such quotations AND by reference in the text or notes to the author concerned. ALL primary and secondary literature used in this piece of work is indicated in the bibliography placed at the end, and dependence upon ANY source used is indicated at the appropriate point in the text. I confirm that no sources have been used other than those stated.

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“The most highly praised woman is the one about whom no one speaks.” (Chinese Proverb)

The All-China Women’s Federation – CCP Lapdog or True Advocate for Women

An Exploration of Socialisation Processes and Women’s Rights in the Middle Kingdom 1

Bachelor Thesis Kristina Elisa Raggl

King’s College London, Department of War Studies

6th of April, 2016

1 Cover Sheet pictures retrieved from Picture left: http://liberationschool.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/china_human-nature.png and Picture right: http://feministing.com/2015/03/09/chinese-police- detain-feminist-activists-ahead-of-international-womens-day?

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Table of Contents

List of Abbreviations.......................................................................................................................4

Acknowledgements........................................................................................................................4

Introduction...................................................................................................................................5

Literature Review...........................................................................................................................7

Theoretical Approaches.................................................................................................................7

The Paradox of the ACWF..............................................................................................................8

Socialisation Theory.......................................................................................................................9

Methodology................................................................................................................................11

Chinese Feminism Faces Globalisation..........................................................................................13

The ACWF....................................................................................................................................13

The Beijing Conference................................................................................................................14

The Legacy...................................................................................................................................16

The ACWF – A Paradox in and of itself?.........................................................................................19

The relationship with the CCP......................................................................................................20

Family Planning and Women Empowerment?.............................................................................21

Leftover Women and Remnants of the Past.................................................................................23

Broader Lessons...........................................................................................................................26

The transformative impact of socialisation..................................................................................26

A global powerhouse...................................................................................................................27

Taming the dragon......................................................................................................................28

Ghosts from the past...................................................................................................................28

Conclusion....................................................................................................................................29

Appendix......................................................................................................................................32

Bibliography.................................................................................................................................36

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List of Abbreviations ACWF All-China Women’s Federation

CCP Chinese Communist Party

FWCW Fourth World Conference on Women

PRC People’s Republic of China

AcknowledgementsI would like to use this opportunity to express my gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Konstantinos

Tsimonis. His valuable support and guidance throughout the research and writing stages of this

dissertation have been very helpful and highly appreciated. I would also like to thank my family and

friends for their encouragement and support at any (!) time as well as their endurance in reading the

multiple drafts of my BA thesis.

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Abstract. This thesis examines the efficacy of the ACWF and its adaptation since the 1980s through

the lens of socialisation theory. The analysis employs a triangular framework based on global forces,

authoritarianism, and traditional values to account for the ACWF’s paradoxical nature as a Party

organ and largest women’s NGO. This will reveal that the ACWF is not simply the lapdog of the CCP

but has asserted itself as the legitimate representative of Chinese women being able to create space

for advocacy. It has engaged in socialising processes with the international community and come to

establish a symbiotic relationship with the CCP. Thus, an examination of the ACWF requires more

than a simple black-box narrative. However, the authoritarian regime and the resurgence of

traditional values still constrain the work of the ACWF. The study establishes four broad lessons for

analyses of authoritarian institutions: (1) the relevance of socialisation processes in terms of

reforming the authoritarian actor and having an impact on state policies; (2) the significance of

international institutions and global influences; (3) the impact of the authoritarian context; and (4)

the importance of cultural values, identity and past legacies. Thus, the case of the ACWF

demonstrates the necessity to study authoritarian institutions through multiple frameworks,

underscored by socialisation theory, in order to appreciate the complex dynamics of the former’s

adaptation.

Keywords: ACWF – State Feminism – Socialisation – China – Authoritarianism – Global Forces – Traditional Values

IntroductionChinese women have recently experienced a backlash to their rights and achievements. The

onset of economic reforms and the demographic repercussions of the One-Child-Policy have

led to a series of detrimental consequences for Chinese women (Fincher, 2014). These

developments include the discrimination against women in the labour market and the

persistence of patriarchal thinking and structures, particularly in rural areas (Tsimonis, 2015;

Fincher, 2014; Woo 1994). Thus, Mao Zedong’s infamous statement that “women hold up

half the sky”, speaking to the Communist Party’s commitment to gender equality, could not

be further from reality (ibid). This failure of state-sponsored feminism to combat the

widening gender gap in the wake of market reforms and its significant short-comings in truly

empowering Chinese women, becomes even more appalling when considering that the

Middle Kingdom has a state institution devoted to the representation of women: the All-

China Women’s Federation (ACWF, Fulian) (Fincher, 2014). Since its establishment in 1949,

the ACWF displayed a significant commitment to the feminist cause, playing a crucial role in

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the enactment of the recent ‘Anti-Domestic Violence Law’ and promoting a discourse of

women as capable of achieving anything (Tsimonis, 2015). Nevertheless, “China’s largest

NGO, also remains a Leninist transmission belt”, being involved in gender discriminatory

practices such as the implementation of family planning and the leftover women campaign

(ibid). How can such discrepancies be explained and do the failures of Fulian render the

institution an ineffective advocate for women? Can the work of the ACWF and its

development be contextualised in the broader framework of socialisation and global

influences in the aftermath of China’s opening up processes? Crucially, will the ACWF re-

assert itself as the legitimate advocate for Chinese women or will the latter face a further

deterioration of their situation?

Thus, this thesis sets out to answer the aforementioned questions in an attempt to account

for the paradoxical nature of Fulian. It will be argued that the effectiveness of the ACWF in

representing the interests of Chinese women cannot simply be characterised in a black or

white manner. Rather, it is necessary to account for the different dynamics underlying the

ACWF. Hence, it will be maintained that an examination of the ACWF should take into

account three main factors: (1) global influences and socialisation processes; (2) the

constraints imposed by the authoritarian context; and (3) the persistence and exploitation

of traditional, Confucian values. Additionally, it will be demonstrated that the socialisation

processes with the international feminist movement since the 1980s provided the backdrop

against which the adaptation of the ACWF must be contextualised. Thus, the analysis will be

situated in the broader framework of socialisation theory. In short, it will be maintained that

whilst the ACWF is constrained by the authoritarian regime, there is more to the

organisation than the mere CCP lapdog narrative. In fact, the ACWF has come to successfully

utilise governmental channels and a global network to advocate for its constituency.

For clarity, the remainder of this paper is structured as follows. First, the choice of

socialisation theory for the present analysis will be explained, highlighting its potential to

elucidate the adaptation of authoritarian institutions. This section will also provide an

overview of the existing literature and situate this thesis within it. Secondly, the

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methodology will be elaborated on. Thirdly, the interactions between the international

feminist movement and the ACWF will be illustrated. The Fourth World Conference on

Women (FWCW) and the legacy of the related socialisation processes will be highlighted, in

particular. The fourth section will illuminate the inherent paradox of the ACWF as being a

state institution and women’s NGO. The section will evaluate the relationship between the

ACWF and the CCP and discuss the persistence of traditional values. In this regard, the

recent leftover women campaign will also be elaborated on. The fifth section will serve to

deduct four broad lessons for the adaptation of authoritarian institutions from the case of

the ACWF. These are: (1) the relevance of socialisation processes in terms of reforming the

authoritarian actor and having an impact on state policies; (2) the significance of

international institutions and global influences; (3) the impact of the authoritarian context;

and (4) the importance of cultural values, identity and past legacies. The concluding

paragraph will summarise the main findings and point out areas for further research, thus

making a contribution to the study of authoritarian institutions in International Relations

more broadly.

Literature Review“Nan zu whai, nu zhu nei” is Mandarin for “man outside, women in the home” and is still a

frequently employed phrase in modern day China (Howell 2002, p. 49). This is expressive of

the fact that despite the CCP’s commitment to obtaining equality between men and women,

Chinese women are still far from “holding up half the sky” (ibid). The ACWF is the

government agency responsible for ensuring women’s rights and empowerment since its

establishment in 1949 (Tsimonis 2015, p.3; ACWF Website). However, scholars such as Leta

Hong Fincher (2014), argue that Fulian has failed to fulfil its task due to the constraints the

ACWF faces by the CCP. Contextualised in a broader theoretical framework, the ACWF can

be categorised as an authoritarian state institution and sub-state actor (Tsimonis, 2015).

This is because the ACWF was declared the largest women’s NGO in China in 1995, despite

remaining an organ of the Party (Zheng and Zhang, 2010, pp. 43-45).

Theoretical ApproachesAs China is an authoritarian state, many scholars adopt a realist approach in examining its

policy-making. According to Kenneth Waltz, anarchy is the main characteristic of the

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international system (Waltz, 2010). Thus, states find themselves in a Hobbesian state of

nature having to rely on themselves for survival (ibid). Accordingly, John Mearsheimer

points out that states compete with each other for power to increase their chances of

survival (Mearsheimer, 2001). In regards to China, such analyses aim to explain her foreign

policy behaviour concerning, for instance, aggressiveness in the South-China Sea

(Mearsheimer, 2004).

However, neoliberal scholars, such as Keohane (1989) and Hempson-Jones (2001), argue

that realism fails to comprehend China’s behaviour, as economic impetuses and

membership in international institutions compromise the logic of the rational actor model

(ibid). Whilst the neoliberal theory provides a better understanding of China’s behaviour in

terms of foreign policy, as it accounts for a less rigid conception of sovereignty and the

impact of international norms and rules, it also overlooks a central element in

understanding Chinese policies: the role of sub-state actors.

Arguably, both strands of theories dismiss the former on the basis of China’s authoritarian

nature. As Sun (2011) argues, the role of domestic factors in the Middle Kingdom is weak as

the CCP rules by strict controls and censorship. Further, policy decisions are made by the

Politburo – an elite circle of people – who are more concerned with maintaining their power

than pleasing the public (ibid). Nevertheless, the dynamics underlying China’s policy-making

are much more complex than state-centred approaches may suggest. The All-China

Women’s Federation is an intriguing example of the influence sub-state actors have on

authoritarian regimes.

The Paradox of the ACWFThe ACWF presents a paradox in the literature. Whilst most scholars perceive the

organisation as strong-armed by the Party, despite some positive effects on women

(Fincher, Howell, Manning, Hershatter), others (Tsimonis, Wesoky) have come to appreciate

the different nuances that characterise the work of the women’s organisation. Leta Hong

Fincher’s most recent book, “Leftover Women”, provides a critical account of the ACWF as a

state institution utilised to promote government policy regarding women (Fincher, 2014). In

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fact, the ACWF even promoted policies and campaigns that were fatal to the feminist cause

(ibid). A case in point is the leftover women initiative that perpetuates a stigma against

unmarried women older than 27 as “left-over, career driven, and immoral” (ibid, pp.14-44).

Interestingly, the campaign employs Confucian values to promote this traditionalist image of

women (ibid). As Leung (2003) explains, the persistence of Confucian values – particularly in

rural areas – is utilised by the Party and ACWF to perpetuate an image of Chinese women as

“good wives and mothers.” This re-emergence of Confucian values is vital for an

understanding of Chinese feminism, particularly in regards to the ACWF’s exploitation of it.

Du Jie (2004) is another scholar who adopts a negative perception towards the ACWF.

According to her, in addition to being a puppet of the Party, the ACWF also promotes an

image of gender equality that effectively holds women to a male standard (ibid).

Additionally, Jude Howell (2010) maintains that the reform era has further marginalised

women and that the ACWF has not been able to effectively counteract these developments.

Despite being well positioned within the regime, obtaining a leading role in governmental

agencies such as the Committee for Children and Women and maintaining beneficial ties

with media outlets to promote its policies, the ACWF remains constrained by the CCP (ibid;

Howell, 2003, pp. 199-201).

Conversely, Wesoky (2001) argues that China’s increased engagement with the global

community led to an improvement of the ACWF’s work. According to him, the interactions

with the international feminist movement have broadened the space for women advocacy

(ibid). This argument is supported by Angeloff and Lieber (2012) who perceive the 1995

FWCW as a crucial event in the evolution of the ACWF. It led the latter to push for increased

autonomy and made a positive contribution to women’s rights in China. Furthermore,

Wesoky perceives the relationship to the CCP more as a symbiosis in which both sides

mutually benefit from each other (Wesoky 2001). A recent account of the ACWF by Tsimonis

highlights the importance of “purposeful cadre agency-driven initiatives” that can co-exist

within the constraints imposed by the CCP and create a space for women’s advocacy

(Tsimonis, 2015). In this regard, the author emphasises the importance of socialisation

processes among cadres within the international women’s movement (ibid). The utilisation

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of socialisation theory as an analytical tool to explain the paradoxical nature of the ACWF –

being both an advocate for women and a Party organ - is indeed of great theoretical value.

Socialisation TheoryConsidering the aforementioned arguments regarding the utility of realist and neoliberal

theories in explaining Chinese policies and their disregard to the role of sub-state actors, it

becomes apparent that for the purposes of this thesis a different theoretical background

must be given. As the ACWF has arguably benefitted from interactions with the international

feminist movement and effectively ‘learnt’ from it, socialisation theory is best equipped in

explaining these processes and illustrate their effect on the Federation’s work and in turn

also the PRC’s policies regarding women. According to Johnston (2008, p. xiii) “actors who

enter into a social interaction, rarely emerge the same.” Thus, Johnston defines socialisation

processes as broadly involving “preference formation and change, national identity

formation, creation and diffusion of, and compliance with international norms, and the

effects of international institutions (Johnston, 2008, p. 1). Importantly, he analyses two main

factors regarding the process. Firstly, socialisation usually applies to “novices” and involves

some degree of “teaching” (Johnston, 2008, p.21). The latter is followed by micro-processes,

which Johnston classifies as “mimicking”, which often lead to an internalisation of the

conveyed norm and rules by the respective actor (ibid). This corresponds to Alderson’s

definition of socialisation as “the process by which states internalise norms arising

elsewhere in the international system” (Alderson, 2001, p. 417). As Finnemore and Sikkink

point out, socialisation processes are integral to norm acceptance and internalisation

(Finnemore and Sikkink, 1995, p. 895). Particularly the latter can have a transformative

impact on the behaviour of the actor (ibid, p. 902). According to Goodman and Jinks states

can be socialised by three main mechanisms: “coercion, persuasion, and acculturation”

(Goodman and Jinks, 2004, p. 623). Persuasion, which involves “social learning and

information conveyance,” is likely to be the most effective tool (ibid, p. 635).

In terms of China’s socialisation, it is interesting to consider the divergent accounts of

scholars. Johnston (2008), for example, analyses China’s engagement with security regimes

and maintains that the socialisation processes were successful. According to Elizabeth

Economy, on the other hand, China is perceived to be sceptical of international regimes and

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norms, thus, does not fully participate in socialisation processes (Economy, 2001). Samuel

Kim has an even more prosaic approach, arguing that China’s behaviour must be

understood in terms of the “maxi-mini principle” (Kim 1992, pp. 140-157). The latter posits

that the PRC engages with international institutions to maximise its benefits while

committing to minimal responsibility (ibid). This becomes particularly apparent when

considering the PRC’s militant preservation of control over the normative climate in the

Middle Kingdom (Kent, 2002, p. 345). This is supported by Chan, who argues that the unique

aspect of China’s engagement in international institutions is that the state remains the

central actor (Chan, 1995, p. 7.5). Whilst Chan acknowledges that China’s approach has

become more dynamic and functional following a “transform-reform-conform” pattern

since the reform era, it is still highly selective (ibid). Most scholars of socialisation theory,

particularly when employed in the context of China, focus on the state level. However, as

Zhongying (2004, p. 340) maintains the interactions on the international level can have a

significant effect on domestic actors and debates. In this respect socialisation can “take

certain policy options of the menu” (ibid). Hence, socialisation requires a process of

internalisation motivated by normative means focusing on “patterns of compliance rather

than immediate policy change” (ibid). This revelation is crucial for the following analysis, as

socialisation theory will be utilised to explain the socialisation processes of an authoritarian

institution– the ACWF – and the consequent impact of these interactions on state policies

regarding women.

In this respect this thesis makes a contribution to the existing literature. The present

analysis will employ socialisation theory to fill the methodological gap regarding

explanations of the influences of sub-state actors on state-level policies in an authoritarian

climate. Regarding the ACWF, the analysis will attempt to illuminate the federations’

inherent paradox. Placing the effectiveness and evolution of Fulian at the intersection of

global dynamics, the authoritarian CCP and its relationship to it, and the persistence of

Confucian values, a comprehensive exploration of the reasons for its failures and successes

will be provided. Thus, this paper will take the analysis beyond singular causational

explanations as regards the work of the ACWF. The following section will further elaborate

on the methodology of this argument.

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MethodologyThe present analysis utilises socialisation theory to explain the effects that the interactions

between the ACWF and the international feminist movement had on the Chinese feminist

movement. The thesis will draw on Johnston’s (2008) understanding of learning and

mimicking processes and Goodman and Jink’s (2004) concept of persuasion to account for

the adaptation of the ACWF. These notions will be particularly utilised in the examination of

the interactions surrounding the Beijing conference and in explaining the latter’s legacy.

In this thesis, socialisation theory will be applied in a two-fold manner. On one level, it will

serve to highlight the socialisation process of the ACWF with the international feminist

movement. On a second level, it will help explain the increased potential for the ACWF to

influence the Party-state. The latter will be contextualised in Goodman and Jink’s (2004, p.

641) elaboration of the effects of “naming and shaming” in socialisation processes as well as

Kaufman’s (2012) and Zheng’s (1997) accounts of increased space for advocacy in the

aftermath of the FWCW.

This preliminary exploration will then underscore the global factor of the tripartite-

framework (see graphic) employed in the present analysis. In a second instance, the analysis

will be combined with the other two aspects of the framework, namely, the authoritarian

nature of the regime and the persistence of traditional, Confucian values. Regarding the

former, Wesoky’s (2001) account of the symbiotic relationship between the ACWF and the

CCP will be applied. The re-emergence of traditional values will be examined against the

backdrop of market reform and explained through the utilisation of a case-study: the

leftover women campaign. This will also serve to highlight the constraining nature of the

CCP, bullying the ACWF into actions that are detrimental to its constituency.

In short, this thesis will attempt to extrapolate a unique explanation as to the ACWF’s

shortcomings and successes by contextualising global forces, the authoritarian nature of the

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regime and the persistence of traditional values within a socialisation framework. Thus, the

analysis bridges the gap between socio-political and historical explanations as well as

singular-causational ones. The reading is informed by primary and secondary literature. The

main authors of the latter have been outlined in the literature review above. Regarding the

former, this author draws on publications of the ACWF and the PRC in the form of White

Papers. In addition, graphic illustrations of the leftover women and anti-domestic violence

campaign and the portrayal of Chinese women for propaganda purposes will be used.

Documents published by the United Nations on the FWCW will also be examined and drawn

upon.

Graphic 1. The theoretical triangle: The three factors should be seen as reinforcing and constraining each other and are contextualised within the framework of socialisation theory. The ACWF must be understood as operating within these dynamics, being both constrained and empowered by them.

Chinese Feminism Faces GlobalisationAt the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, then President of the PRC Jiang

Zemin reiterated Mao’s infamous phrase that “women hold up half the sky” (Jiang Zemin,

1995, speech). The President went on to praise the achievements of Chinese women and

the central role of the government in this regard (ibid). However, this celebration may

rather be seen as an attempt to restore the PRC’s international image post-Tiananmen

Square than a candid account of the successes of state-sponsored feminism (Zheng, 1977;

Xu, 2009). Nevertheless, the conference provided a unique opportunity for the Chinese

women’s movement to interact with the international feminist community (Xu, 2009, p.

201). The socialisation processes related to these encounters undoubtedly had an influence

Global Dynamics

Traditional Values

Authoritarian Context

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on the cadres and work of the All-China Women’s Federation (Tsimonis, 2015, pp. 1-18). The

nature of these impacts and the controversies revolving around the work of the ACWF will

be subject to this section.

The ACWFSince the establishment of the All-China Women’s Federation in 1949, it has been the main

advocate for women’s rights in China (Tsimonis, 2015). The ACWF was tasked with

upholding “equality between women and men and protecting women’s rights and interests”

(Fincher, 2014, p. 17). Thus, it is the state organ responsible for the promotion of

government policies on women and the protection of women’s rights (Angeloff and Lieber,

2012, p. 19; Zheng 1997, p. 131). In its own words the ACWF is defined as “a mass

organisation that unites Chinese women from all ethnic groups and walks of life, and strives

for their liberation and development” (ACWF, website). It operates on national, local and

community levels through a network of cadres (ibid). Nevertheless, the organisation has

been subject to controversies, particularly due to its close relationship with the CCP (Ma,

2005). Despite claiming otherwise, the ACWF’s work centres on enforcing the CCP’s policies

of social reconstruction in regard to the mobilisation of women (Ma, 2005, p. 98). However,

Fulian’s interactions with the international feminist movement have arguably propelled

efforts to “reinvent itself as a true and effective NGO for women” (ibid). This shift should

also be contextualised in the broader “socio-economic transformation” of the Chinese

nation during the reform era that “forced the ACWF to adapt” (ibid). Crucially, the ACWF

defined “safeguarding the rights of women and children” as one of its primary tasks at the

sixth National Assembly in 1988 (ibid). At the time, preparations for arguably one of the

most pivotal moments in the Chinese feminist movement – the Fourth World Conference on

Women / Beijing Conference of 1995 – were already under way.

The Beijing ConferenceAccording to Xu, the Fourth World Conference on women was essential to the Chinese

women’s movement and its relationship with international feminism (Xu, 2009, p. 196). In

the lead-up to the conference, women activists engaged in significant socialisation

processes with organisations outside China, some cadres even travelled abroad (Zheng and

Zhang, 2010, p. 59). Crucially, the establishment of these synergies exposed China’s feminist

community to feminist concerns, such as gender mainstreaming, sexual orientation,

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women’s rights as human rights, empowerment and reproductive rights (Zheng and Zhang,

2010, p. 42; Howell, 1997, p. 241). As the Chinese women’s movement became aware of its

inadequacies, the need to reform and transform became apparent to ACWF’s leadership

(ibid; Ma 2005, p. 98). Observing these developments through the lenses of socialisation

theory, the following can be noted. As Todd Williams explains, social interactions often have

a significant impact on the formation of preferences and the adoption of norms (Williams,

2010, p. 12). Hence, it can be argued that, by coming into contact with internationally

accepted norms, the Chinese feminist movement entered a process of internalisation. Ann

Kent highlights the importance of international institutions in this regard, as they denote

legitimacy (Kent, 2002, p. 343). Nevertheless, particularly in the case of China, international

organisations and conferences also provide an opportunity to glorify the Middle Kingdom

and celebrate its achievements (ibid, 2002, p. 346). This is meant to divert attention away

from the shortcomings of the PRC (ibid). At this point, it is useful to reflect on some of the

altercations surrounding the conference.

The Beijing Conference should be understood against the backdrop of a unique political

climate that provided the necessary structure for a feminist agency to flourish. As Wesoky

maintains, the aftermath of the Tiananmen incident and the subsequent international

scolding of the PRC put pressure on the CCP to improve its international image (Wesoky,

2001, p. 27). Thus, hosting the Fourth World Conference on Women came as a welcomed

opportunity (Zheng, 1997, pp. 141-142). This arguably benefitted the feminist movement in

terms of relaxed government controls and enabled the emergence of “transnational

opportunity structures, including the establishment of ties with the international feminist

movement, a legitimisation of the NGO and an opportunity to break away from the Marxist

theory of equality” (ibid; Zheng and Zhang, 2010, p. 41). In addition, Howell points out that

in hosting the conference the PRC was under a certain amount of pressure to comply with

the image she wished to promote (Howell, 1997, p. 245). This arguably led the CCP to be

more lenient in regards to women’s advocacy and movements (ibid). Wesoky even argues

that state and social forces engaged in a learning process at the time of the conference

(Wesoky, 2001, p. 12, emphasis added). This highlights the influence of global factors in the

evolution of the ACWF.

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Nonetheless, the authoritarian nature of the regime impinged on the potential of the

conference in terms of allowing a genuine discussion of women’s rights in China and

possible ways to ameliorate the situation (Zheng, 1977, pp. 144-145). In other words, the

value of the conference was distorted by the reality of the authoritarian regime and the

ACWF’s inability to disobey orders of the former (ibid). In fact, the challenges and protests

by human rights organisations in the lead-up to the conference led the CCP to tighten

control and impose media restrictions (ibid). As Shoemaker and Reese argue, “news is a

socially created product, not a reflection of an objective reality” (Shoemaker and Reese,

1996, p. 21). In an authoritarian context, this can become a valuable policy tool. As Zheng

explains local newspapers were prohibited from reporting on the conference and Western

research scholars were not welcomed (Zheng, 1997, p. 145). Furthermore, women cadres

that took part in the conference were briefed beforehand and were mostly government

personnel (Howell, p. 243-244). Thus, the PRC arguably interfered in the Beijing Conference

in an attempt to promote a false image of the Middle Kingdom. President Zemin’s (1995)

statement that “Chinese women have become masters of the state and society since the

founding of the People’s Republic” is illustrative of such attempts. In addition, the

government decided to move the NGO Forum – which was part of the FWCW – to Huairou

to prevent political instability (Zheng, 1997, p. 144). These measurements could be labelled

“party paranoia”, which the CCP is arguably prone to exhibit when potential bargaining

chips (in this case the situation of Chinese women) threaten to play into the hands of regime

critics (Zheng, 1997, pp. 141-142). Thus, it is questionable to what extent socialisation

processes were effective in light of Party control.

Whilst it is true that the CCP constrained the interactions between ACWF and the

international community, the Beijing Conference remains an important event for the

Chinese women’s movement, as the following discussion of its legacy will demonstrate.

However, it is important to note that state control already started to relax in the reform era

regarding women’s work, as attention shifted to economic development (Zhao, 2012, pp.

139-140). According to Howell, this shift led the ACWF to seek more autonomy from the CCP

(Howell, 1997, p. 238). This is supported by Mannheim who explains that “new ideas and

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knowledge are most likely to be generated at a fast pace during periods of rapid social

change” (quoted in Chow et.al, 2004, p. 170). Thus, the process of opening up and the

hosting of the Beijing Conference were important catalysts in the development of China’s

feminist movement (ibid; Howell 1997).

The LegacyIn essence, the Beijing conference was significant to Fulian in four ways: “(1) it lent prestige

to the organisation; (2) it exposed the ACWF to global gender issues; (3) it allowed the

ACWF to share and exchange experiences with international NGOs; and (4) it provided

material assets” (Howell, 2010, pp. 240-241). Specifically, the opening up of China, the

heightened engagement of the PRC in international institutions and the increased attention

that was given to the situation of Chinese women by the international community due to

the Beijing conference, were relevant in this regard (Wesoky, 2001, p. 50). This interaction

between local and global forces provided the ACWF with a powerful network (Kaufman,

2012, p. 600). Arguably, the FWCW also socialised the PRC to some extent, as the

international scrutiny in combination with the CCP’s celebration of and emphasis on gender

equality in China, created a threat of being “shamed” for non-adherence (Goodman and

Jinks, 2004, p. 641; Chan, 1995). This enabled the ACWF to advocate for women equality

more actively, as it brought increased attention to the feminist cause (Kaufman, 2012, p.

586). The anti-domestic violence campaign is an interesting example in this regard (Zheng

and Zhang, 2010, p. 53-55).

On March 1, 2016, China’s first law against domestic violence, approved by the Standing

Committee of the National People’s Congress, came into force (Jiamin, 2015). Particularly,

the ACWF and its branches and civil society groups advocated for the enactment of the law

(Tingting, 2016).2 The adoption of the landmark law can be seen as a significant success for

the Chinese women’s movement (Zheng and Zhang, 2010, p. 50). According to Zheng and

Zhang, the implementation of “gender training” in the aftermath of the UN conference

played an important role in strengthening the movement and civil society advocacy (ibid).

Thus, it can be maintained that the interactions with the international feminist movement

and the subsequent exchange of knowledge and socialisation processes, led to Johnston’s

2 Please see Appendix for campaign example.

17

(2008) “mimicking” and internalisation mechanisms. Nevertheless, there are discrepancies

between the actions of the legislative body (police, courts) and the legislation body (Fincher,

2014, pp. 157-158). Furthermore, there remains a strong stigma against “exposing family

ugliness,” which considers domestic abuse a “private matter” (Fincher 2014, p. 141). These

attitudes are emblematic of the persistence of traditional values that conceive of family

issues as a black-box, not to be handled in public (ibid).

The surge of women’s studies is another example of the legacy of the Beijing conference. It

arguably combines the four effects analysed by Howell (2010, pp. 240-241), as it can be

conceived as the result of socialisation processes and gender awakening. According to Chow

et al. (2004, p.161), women’s studies were significantly influenced by a combination of

factors. These include the legacy of Marxism, state/Party control, and global influences

(ibid). The CCP’s conception of women’s studies is based on Marxist theory (ibid, p. 163).

Thus, it posits that women need to participate in social production to reach equality (ibid).

With the establishment of the PRC in 1949, this goal, and therefore, gender parity, was

achieved (ibid). As the state feminist organisation, endowed with the representation of

state, women and scholars in academia, the ACWF is obliged to promote this Marxist

understanding (ibid, p. 164). The FWCW played a crucial role in the empowerment of

women’s studies (ibid). The Chinese efforts to “connect to the international track” led to

processes of “internationaliza-tion” and the adoption and internalisation of new concepts

such as domestic violence (ibid, pp. 164, 170). In short, due to the global nature of today’s

world and China’s increased engagement in the international arena, global influences are

inevitable (ibid, p. 175). However, there was a backlash amongst Chinese feminists –

particularly in the ranks of the ACWF – that perceived the Westernisation of Chinese

feminism via the adoption of particular concepts and frameworks as a threat (ibid, p. 179).

Thus, efforts were made to maintain the Marxist foundation for women studies (ibid). This

can be contextualised within a glocalisation framework, as the interactions between local

and global forces whilst empowering the women’s movement to some extent also led to

constraints – particularly in light of generational clashes and the persistence of Confucian

norms (ibid; Robertson, 1995).3 However, these attempts to preserve the Marxist ideology 3 Glocalisation refers to a blurring of boundaries between local and global. The local becomes part of the global and attempts to “localise should be seen as a reaction to globalising forces.” Thus, homogenisation and

18

could also be perceived in a strategic manner. As Zheng (1997, p.131) explains, the ACWF

often utilised Marxist theory to remind the CCP of its commitment to gender equality. In

light of the regression to traditional values and side-lining of women equality in the wake of

economic reforms, this theoretical basis arguably allowed the ACWF to successfully navigate

the web of party-control and women advocacy (Chow et al. 2004, p. 163). Thus, the increase

in women’s research can also be understood as a means by which the ACWF attempted to

solve and highlight women’s issues (Zheng, 1997, p.127).

The analysis thus far has demonstrated the impact socialisation processes had on the ACWF.

In this regard, China’s increased engagement with the international community and the

FWCW should be seen as important catalysts in enabling interactions between Fulian and

the international women’s movement. These exchanges, by means of persuasion and eye-

opening processes, led to the adoption of new concepts and a shift towards increased

autonomy in the Chinese feminist movement. As has been demonstrated, the inevitability of

global dynamics and the international scrutiny associated with it allowed the ACWF to

successfully pursue women’s rights vis-à-vis the Party. In short, global interactions provided

the organisation with the necessary tools to balance between its responsibility as a Party

organ and a representative of Chinese women. Nevertheless, the example of the Beijing

Conference also provided a notable illustration of the reality of an authoritarian state. The

ACWF remains subordinated to the regime as well as subject to CCP interference. In short,

the Party decides the extent to which the feminist cause may advance. In addition, there has

been a resurgence of traditional norms. The desire to ‘nativise’ feminism, as mentioned

above is one example of this trend. However, in recent years, this resurgence has come to

merge with CCP control and serve to promote Party goals related to economic reform. This

merging of the three factors will be elaborated in the next section.

The ACWF – A Paradox in and of itself?“Nanren sanshi yi duo hua, nürn sanshi lan zhazha” is a Chinese saying that means “men of

30 are like a flower, women at 30 are wilted and rotten” (Fincher, 2014, p. 22). This is

heterogenisation exist simultaneously (see Roberston 1995).

19

emblematic of the persisting double standard Chinese women face in the Middle Kingdom

(ibid). The recent campaign on leftover women is one in a long line of policies and

campaigns that not only failed Chinese women but also were promoted by the ACWF (ibid).

This paradox, inherent in Fulian as being an NGO for women and a Party organ has been

complicated further by the resurgence of traditional values (ibid). The latter can potentially

be contextualised as a broader backlash to globalisation. This section will build upon the

analysis conducted thus far and connect all three factors of the triangle (global –

authoritarian – traditional).

The relationship with the CCPIn examining the relationship between the ACWF and the CCP it is important to understand

the legacy of Mao and state-socialism (Chow et al., 2004). Since its inception, the PRC has

perceived gender equality as a Party goal and Chairman Mao famously declared that

“women hold up half the sky” (Fincher, 2014, p.6). In fact, the CCP has released a White

Paper (2015) on ‘Gender Equality and Women’s Development in China’, which emphasises

gender equality as the basic principle for progress in Chinese society.4 However, this mantra

has created a “myth of sameness between the genders” (Zheng, 2016, p.17). Crucially, Mao

did not lobby for women to be treated equally in all aspects of life, but only those that

served the Socialist Revolution (Zhao, 2012, p. 124). Based on Marxist theory, the CCP’s

prescription to liberate women rested on participation in the workforce (Zheng, 1997, p.

130). However, this emphasis on women’s empowerment must be understood within the

greater historical context. In the early years of the PRC, workers were scarce, and thus, the

promotion of Mao’s Iron Girls was almost a necessity for state-building efforts (Howell,

2002). This discourse can be linked to efforts of identity construction based on a de-

sexualised and masculine approach (Wang, 1997, p. 138). In the aftermath of the Cultural

Revolution women rediscovered their femininity, which was exploited by the media and CCP

(ibid). For example, in order to combat the worker’s surplus the CCP and official media

outlets returned to a portrayal of women as vulnerable and in need of protection, thus

advising them to stay at home (Fincher, 2014, pp. 14-44). This stands in stark contrast to

Mao’s Iron Girls and is emblematic of the strategic depiction of women to serve policy goals.

4 See http://english.gov.cn/archive/white_paper/2015/09/22/content_281475195668448.htm for the full text.

20

According to Zheng, the ACWF played a significant role in the early endorsement of Chinese

women under Mao (Zheng, 2011, p.11). Particularly, the Federation’s journal “Women of

China” was utilised for the distribution of symbols and a perpetuation of the discourse that

“women can do anything men can” (ibid, p. 12). Whilst these undertakings undoubtedly

empowered women at the time, the ACWF still functioned as the CCP’s mouthpiece

(Tsimonis, 2015, p. 3). Essentially, the ACWF can only promote a beneficial policy for women

so long as it is tolerated by the CCP (ibid). Nevertheless, it is the ability of women cadres to

operate within the authoritarian context that allows them to create a space for women’s

opinions to be heard (Zheng, 2011, p. 12). As previously indicated the work of the ACWF

must be understood within the context of the regime. To illustrate the complexity of this

reality it is useful to consult two examples. The first is the One-Child-Policy, the

implementation of which is emblematic of the ACWF’s dilemma as a Party organ. The

second refers to the Four-Self campaign, which serves to highlight the discursive issues

surrounding women empowerment.

Family Planning and Women Empowerment?The One-Child-Policy was enacted in 1979 and was meant to slow down population growth

(Chan et.al, 2002). The policy was symptomatic of the CCP’s lack of genuine interest in

women’s rights, well-being and equality, as it was quick to subordinate the former to

demographic concerns (ibid). The repercussions for women caused by the One-Child-Policy

reached from pre-natal gender selectivity to female infanticide, neglect of young girls and

forced abortions and sterilisations (ibid, pp. 427-428). As Susan Greenhalgh puts it,

“women’s bodies became mere objects of state contraceptive control, vehicles for the

achievement of urgent demographic targets” (Greenhalgh quoted in Fincher, 2014, p. 18).

Whilst in an authoritarian state the ultimate power and control rests with the regime, one

would have expected the largest women’s NGO to at least speak out against such appalling

measures (ibid). On the contrary, women cadres were actively involved in the enforcement

of the policy (Fincher, 2014, p. 18). The ACWF even published articles that defended the

policy on their website, thus complying with the policy and endorsing it (see for example

http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/soure/8/1469-1.htm). According to

Howell, this brings the inherent dilemma of the ACWF to the fore (Howell, 2002, p. 50).

Nevertheless, the consequences of the One-Child-Policy were shocking to Fulian (Zheng,

21

1997, p. 127). Angeloff and Lieber (2012, p. 22) maintain that the ACWF did point out the

negative implications, albeit without questioning the state. In line with this, Tsimonis (2015,

p. 10) argues that whilst the ACWF failed to actively challenge the CCP on its family planning

policy, it did invest a considerable amount of resources in “counselling and exposure of

coercive implementation.” Thus, the All-China Women’s Federation has not successfully

combated the One-Child-Policy nor fully failed women on the issue. This reinforces the

argument that the ACWF must be assessed against the backdrop of the authoritarian

context.

The Four-Self campaign was part of a broader effort to formulate the law for protecting

women’s rights and interests (Angeloff and Lieber, 2012, p. 19). It was first adopted in 1992

and revised in 2005 and includes “the right to self-respect, self-confidence, self-reliance, and

self-strengthening” (ibid). However, the campaign was criticised for placing the blame on

women and holding them to a male standard (Tsimonis, 2015, p.12). This discourse of ‘low

quality and protectionism’ is emblematic of the inferiority with which women are perceived

(Howell, 2002, p.49). This issue also links to a recent emergence of traditional values, as a

reaction to globalisation and capitalist market forces. As Tsimonis points out, the market

reforms had a contradictory impact on women, as they opened up new career opportunities

but also reinforced subordinate gender stereotypes (Tsimonis, 2015, p. 1). Regarding the

ACWF, the reforms have led to processes of adaptation in terms of structure and working

method, which can also be linked to the continued socialisation processes since the FWCW

(Tsimonis, 2015, p. 2; Woo, 1994). In essence, it has become a more “confident and vocal

organisation” (ibid). Wesoky even argues that the issues related to the reform process have

given more weight to the symbiotic relationship between the ACWF and the CCP (Wesoky,

2001, p. 67). This is due to the Party’s dependency on the ACWF to legitimise policies and

implement them on a mass level and Fulian’s potential to use Party ideology to influence

the nature of policies (ibid). President’s Zemin’s speech “The Entire Party and the Entire

Society should establish the Marxist Theory of Women,” which was drafted by ACWF cadres

is an illustrative example of such influences (Zheng, 1997, p. 130). However, the reforms also

exacerbated the dilemma of state-feminism in being a mouthpiece of the CCP while

simultaneously trying to advance women’s position (Howell, 2002, p. 43; Barlow, 2001, p.

22

1288). According to Howell, the reforms demonstrated that when women are needed for

socio-economic transformation, the ACWF is endowed with greater space; yet when the

CCP’s priority is to combat unemployment gender equality is moved to the bottom of the

food chain (ibid). In addition, Angeloff and Lieber explain that “the reforms were built upon

a traditional image of women’s role in the family and society” (Angeloff and Lieber, 2012, p.

18). This speaks to a broader dynamic, namely the re-emergence of traditional values and

the utilisation of such by the Party to serve national policies.

Leftover Women and Remnants of the PastAccording to Strauss and Kahn (2011, p.6) legacies of the past still present a significant

influence in modern day China. This is particularly true in terms of family arrangements and

the nei/wei paradigm mentioned earlier (ibid). This persistence of Confucian norms and

their utilisation in the market constrain the advancement of women. Considering the

discussion of identity construction above, the backlash against Mao’s masculinised Iron Girls

arguably came at the expense of women today, as a vulnerable and traditional image seems

to re-emerge. This problematic is further complicated by the persistence of “feudal thinking

within the Party” (Zheng, 2011, p.25). According to Manning, the advent of capitalism in

China reduced the importance of equality on the national agenda significantly (Manning,

2011, p.35). However, as Zheng points out this also offers an opportunity for the ACWF, as it

can utilise Marxist ideology to remind the CCP of its socialist commitment to women

equality (Zheng, 2011, p.27). Thus, Fulian holds a considerable bargaining chip vis-à-vis the

CCP. Nevertheless, the CCP uses the ACWF to promote its political agenda, and as an

authoritarian state, also holds the last word (Howell, 2002, p. 43). In light of this, it is useful

to consider Wesoky’s symbiosis theory, in which both the state and the ACWF interact on a

mutually beneficial basis (Wesoky, 2001). Essentially, the CCP is dependent on its agencies

to promote state policies, endowing the ACWF with a stronger negotiating position (ibid).

This is supported by Howell (1997, p. 245), who characterises the ACWF as “a[n]

transmission belt, conveying CCP policies downwards and reflecting women’s concerns

upwards.” Bringing this in relation with the global dynamics discussed in the previous

section, it can be argued that the socialisation processes not only endowed the ACWF with

greater prestige and legitimacy but through training and exchanges also a valuable

knowledge of how to operate within an authoritarian regime (ibid). However, as already

23

indicated these global forces in combination with the reforms have also created a backlash

and reinforced the persistence of traditional values. Since they serve state policies, the CCP

has not hesitated from endorsing the image of the “virtuous wife and mother” (Fincher,

2014). The leftover women campaign is a poignant example of the interaction of all three

variables and will be examined next.

In recent years, a leftover women discourse emerged in China targeting “urban, professional

females in their late twenties or older who are still single” (Fincher, 2014, p. 2). The ACWF

has been a key agent in promoting this image and driving a campaign that aims at having

women return to Confucian virtues (ibid, p. 3). It is interesting to consider that this

derogatory image, actually serves to solve the problem of leftover men caused by the

repercussions of the One-Child-Policy (ibid, p.3). Further, the re-emergence of the nei/wai

dichotomy should be read within the context of capitalist market reform (ibid). The latter

led to an employment surplus, pressuring the government to reduce the work-force

(Fincher, 2014, p. 3). It is ironic that whilst “female infanticide is not a concern for the

government, men not finding wives is” and it is combated with yet another discriminatory

campaign against women (Wang Zheng (2015) in “From Iron Girl to Leftovers”.

Documentary). Thus, women’s empowerment is subordinated to a greater goal. In this case,

the latter refers to the maintenance of a “harmonious society” (Fincher, 2014, p. 23). As a

“harmonious marriage forms the basis for a harmonious society,” which in turn, ensures

social stability and the continuance of CCP power, the leftover women campaign forms a

broader effort to “promote marriage for social stability” (ibid, pp. 24, 160). However, this

goal is being achieved at the expense of women and the advances they have made thus far

(ibid, p.3). The media campaign on leftover women, which is also distributed by the ACWF 5,

depicts leftover women as promiscuous and high-maintenance and advises them to be less

picky and fulfil their filial duty to marry (ibid, pp. 18-19). Considering the derogatory nature

of this campaign and the significant pressure it puts on young women, it is surprising to

observe not only the ACWF’s passive compliance but also an active endorsement of the

campaign. As Fincher points out, Fulian once again “contributes to bolstering male

supremacy” rather than fulfilling its task of safeguarding women’s rights (ibid, p. 18).

5 See Appendix.

24

The leftover women phenomenon parallels a broader trend in Chinese society and

particularly the market: the re-emergence of traditional, Confucian values. The latter place

women inside the home, ebbing the way for male success in the capitalist market

(Xiaojiang’s 1994; Howell, 2002, Fincher, 2014, p. 38; Rosenlee, 2006). According to Lam,

“Confucianism is re-entering the public space in China during the post-reform era” (Lam,

2008). Whilst this is a reaction to the global dynamics, it can also be contextualised in

strategic terms (ibid). This is supported by Majid and Ramaprasad (1998, p. 139) who posit

that the persistence of Confucian values is particularly visible in regards to female virtues. In

fact, women are still perceived inferior to men, yet held to higher moral standards (ibid). As

a result, the “virtuous women discourse” has become a key factor in China and has

enshrined itself in the minds of many women (ibid). For example, a Chinese deputy mayor

stated in an interview to “never ask her husband for anything” and a participant at the

FWCF was appalled by being described as a feminist, instead referring to herself as a

“virtuous wife and mother” (ibid; Wesoky, 2001, p. 119). Whilst Communist ideology

denounces feudal thinking, the CCP still demands self-sacrifice from women for the greater

national good (ibid). However, this service should not come at the expense of family duties

(ibid). Thus, the Communist party exploits the persistence of traditional discourse and

thinking in society to serve national goals. The leftover women campaign is a case in point as

it utilises Confucian values to bully women into submission by guilt-trapping them in their

societal consciousness. The resurgence of gender roles can also be linked to the rediscovery

of femininity brought about by globalisation (ibid). As previously mentioned under Mao

women were effectively held to men standards. Whilst the Iron Girls also failed to truly

empower women, the backlash against them proved detrimental in the sense that women

are again depicted as inferior and in need of male protection (ibid). This links back to the

previous arguments about identity discourses, which were exploited and perpetuated by the

Party and ACWF. When women needed to put aside their vulnerability and join the

workforce they were depicted as Iron Girls (ibid). However, this de-sexualised approach in

conjunction with globalisation arguably led to a rediscovery of femininity in society, which

ironically came to be exploited in the form of leftover women.

25

In light of the arguments presented above, it can be maintained that the ACWF finds itself in

a complex web of global, authoritarian and traditional influences in the midst of which it is

tasked with the representation and empowerment of women. In terms of its relationship

with the CCP, Tsimonis (2015, p. 8) analyses three issues that constrain the efficacy of the

ACWF: “(1) the subordination of cadres and branches to the Party; (2) the expectancy of the

ACWF to promote a wide range of government policies; and (3) the low bureaucratic status

and the funding cuts in the 1990s.” Nevertheless, Fulian managed to assert itself as the

legitimate representative of women and arguably established a symbiotic relationship with

the CCP. The socialisation processes since the 1980s aided the ACWF in its work in terms of

the provision of new concepts and ideas, international support and means to persuade the

CCP. In short, socialising the ACWF led to adaptation processes and impacted the former’s

relationship with the CCP, therefore, the regime’s policies towards women. Nevertheless,

the persistence of Confucian values complicates the work of the women’s federation and

the recent resurgence of these values as a countermeasure to market reforms, exacerbated

the situation for women. As the CCP not only perceives these developments as beneficial to

its economic goals but also exploits the clash between global and traditional values, the

situation for women has deteriorated. The ACWF arguably fails to counteract these

measures, effectively promoting policies such as the leftover women campaign. However,

authoritarian institutions should not be examined in a black or white manner and the case

of the ACWF, in fact, bears important lessons for the understanding of sub-state actors in an

authoritarian context. These lessons will be subject to the next section.

Broader LessonsWhilst the case of the All-China Women’s Federation is unique, the present analysis has

revealed four broad lessons for the examination of authoritarian state institutions. These

are: (1) the relevance of socialisation processes in terms of reforming the authoritarian

actor and having an impact on state policies; (2) the significance of international institutions

and global influences; (3) the reality of the authoritarian context; and (4) the importance of

cultural values, identity and past legacies. These postulates are based on the author’s

personal analysis of this case study and are outlined below.

26

The transformative impact of socialisationThe case of the ACWF demonstrates the relevance of socialisation processes in the

adaptation of authoritarian institutions. Most importantly, norm conveyance and

internalisation procedures can aid an understanding of changes in the behaviour of

authoritarian actors. As the examination of the FWCW revealed, social interactions,

particularly on a local-global scale, enable learning processes, which lead to the

internalisation and promotion of new concepts. In addition, they grant the authoritarian

institution legitimacy as well as material assets that the former can utilise in its advocacy

and interaction with the authoritarian regime. Arguably, the socialisation processes of

authoritarian institutions also socialise the regime itself to some extent. As the latter is

equally exposed to global influences and scrutiny, it is likely to “not emerge the same” to

put it in Johnston’s words (Johnston, 2008, p.xiii). Nevertheless, the present analysis has

also validated a more sceptical perception, as the CCP still interfered in the course of the

Beijing Conference and the representation of Chinese women in this regard. However, the

key point lies not only in the learning processes inherent in socialisation but also the value

of the theory itself in understanding the adaptation of authoritarian institutions. As this

thesis has shown, employing a socialisation theoretical framework allows for a thorough

comprehension of the various aspects of the evolution of the ACWF; including norm

emergence, internalisation, reform and alteration of its relationship with the CCP. In short,

socialisation processes are crucial to understanding the nuances of success and failure of

authoritarian institutions and the latter’s behaviour and interactions more generally.

A global powerhouseWhilst Stephen Krasner’s (1995) declining nation-state may not fully apply to the

authoritarian context, the latter cannot completely evade the powerful forces at play in

today’s world (ibid). The analysis of the ACWF has disclosed important lessons in this regard.

Firstly, it is essential not to perceive authoritarian institutions as a mere black-box but rather

as a complex web of parallel existing forces. This thesis has shed light on the three arguably

most critical ones, among which global influences play a decisive role in terms of the

adaptation and behaviour of authoritarian institutions. This should be understood in

conjunction with the aforementioned socialising component and the utility of socialisation

theory. Second, the present analysis has also illustrated the significance of international

institutions and exchanges in bestowing legitimacy upon the authoritarian institution as well

27

as socialising the authoritarian regime to some extent. Yet, as previously mentioned, there

are caveats to the breadth of this socialisation, as the last word rests with the regime. In

short, global processes add to the complex dynamics surrounding authoritarian actors and

can empower and constrain them depending on the good-will of the regime to some

degree. Nevertheless, they put the respective actor in the spotlight and open up crucial

channels to advocate for its constituency. Therefore, global influences are an essential

component in analyses of authoritarian actors.

Taming the dragonIn light of the analysis of the relationship between the ACWF and the CCP the following can

be deduced. First, as authoritarian institutions remain government organs, they are

constrained in their work and often function as a mouthpiece of the regime. However, due

to the symbiotic relationship, the authoritarian regime also depends on the institution to

legitimise policies in the eyes of the masses, therefore endowing the authoritarian

institution with a powerful bargaining chip (Wesoky, 2001). Second, if the authoritarian

state is engaging with global institutions – as is the case in the present analysis – the sub-

state actor is likely to benefit from these exchanges. As the Beijing Conference has shown,

socialisation processes with international movements and the latter’s scrutiny may lead to

the creation of space in which the authoritarian institution can advocate for its constituency.

Hence, the simultaneous existence of authoritarianism, globalisation and socialisation

processes in most authoritarian states today arguably enables the authoritarian institution

to successfully negotiate with the regime in some instances. Therefore, it can be maintained

that an examination of an authoritarian state institution must appreciate the complex

relationship between the organisation and the regime. As this thesis has demonstrated

there is more to the ACWF than the usual lapdog narrative. In fact, the authoritarian

institution has come to benefit from a variety of enablers, including an international

network and an understanding of how to utilise its position within the regime and access to

state channels. Crucially, the increased participation of authoritarian regimes in

international institutions allows for a socialisation on both sides of the spectrum. Thus, the

globalising processes arguably bring more grey into the black-box of authoritarian regimes.

In short, authoritarian institutions may well be able to tame the dragon by relying on its

28

knowledge of the state and decision-making processes as well as ties to the international

community and within the regime.

Ghosts from the pastCritically, the evaluation of the ACWF has also revealed the importance of cultural values

and historical legacies in understanding the complex web of forces an authoritarian

institution operates within. Regarding the historical aspect, it has been demonstrated that

Mao’s legacy and the ideological obligation associated with it constrained the ACWF in its

adoption of new concepts and theoretical approaches. Hence, to appreciate the adaptation

of authoritarian institutions one must comprehend the relevance of historical legacies. This

is also true, regarding the cultural relevance of such relics. Concerning the present analysis,

it has been shown that the identity discourses surrounding Mao’s Iron Girls led to a backlash

amongst Chinese women and a rediscovery of their femininity. Intriguingly, an examination

of cultural remnant adds to this dynamic, as they cannot only be characterised as a backlash

to globalising forces but - as has been illustrated by the leftover women campaign -also

strategic policy tools. As authoritarian states often perpetuate discourses to serve a greater

goal (in the case of Mao’s Iron Girls a mobilisation of the workforce), cultural values are

suppressed, rather than eliminated (Zhao, 2012, p. 124). As the case of Chinese feminism

has shown, a resurgence of cultural values, which can be contextualised both in the

glocalisation framework and in light of regime strategy, significantly constrain the work of

the ACWF. Particularly, the generational clash and the instrumentalisation of traditional

values to serve party goals are significant (see: The Atlantic, 2013). Therefore, both historical

and cultural factors should be taken into account when examining authoritarian state

institutions. Crucially, these factors are underlying the reality of socialising processes and

the authoritarian climate. Hence, they are vital to an understanding of the societal dynamics

but also identity constructing discourse on behalf of the state. This is poignantly illustrated

by the example of the leftover women campaign.

In sum, the aforementioned elements are key to understanding authoritarian institutions

according to this author. The case of the ACWF has demonstrated the significance of each.

However, in line with the methodology employed for this thesis, it is important to note that

the factors should be understood in relation to each other rather than separately. In fact, all

29

four reinforce, empower and constrain each other simultaneously. This arguably makes the

study of authoritarian institutions an intriguing and stimulating subject for research.

However, the former only applies if one is willing to uncover the complexity and grey-areas

of these actors rather than putting them in the authoritarian ‘black-box-lapdog-narrative.’

ConclusionIn his address to the Global Leader’s Meeting on Gender Equality and Women’s

Empowerment, President Xi Jinping reiterated China’s commitment to gender equality

(Jinping, 2015). Xi placed particular emphasis on “women’s development in tandem with

economic progress and the protection of their rights and interest” (ibid). He also called for

the “dismissal of out-dated mentalities and customs inhibiting women’s development”

(ibid). The President of the ACWF, Shen Yueyue, in her commemoration speech of the 8 th

International Women’s Day, praised Xi’s speech and highlighted the advances regarding

gender equality in China (Yueyue, 2016). In addition, Shen emphasised the importance for

Chinese women to “contribute their share of half of the sky” and the progress made on

behalf of the ACWF (ibid). These statements are emblematic of the prevalent discrepancies

between the state-feminist rhetoric and the actual situation of women in the Middle

Kingdom. However, they also speak to the broader paradox examined in this thesis, namely

the parallel existence of feminist advocacy and subordination of the women’s cause in the

PRC.

The present analysis aimed to shed light on the nature of the ACWF and the efficacy of this

particular authoritarian institution. It has been maintained that Fulian cannot simply be

contextualised in a black or white manner. Whilst the ACWF is a government organ, thus

answering to the authoritarian regime, the organisation has adapted to the situation and

established effective channels through which to promote women’s interests. The Beijing

Conference, in particular, and the socialisation processes related to it have proven to be

pivotal to the Chinese feminist movement. In the aftermath of the conference, despite some

government paranoia, the ACWF has been able to create a space for women advocacy and

utilise governmental channels to promote women’s interests. Nevertheless, the paradox

30

prevails. As this thesis has demonstrated the ACWF remains a “Leninist transmission belt”

responsible for the promotion of government policies, albeit discriminatory against women

at times (Tsimonis, 2015, p. 4). The leftover women campaign is a case in point, representing

a severe backlash against the achievements of Chinese women. In this regard, the relevance

of cultural and traditional values in understanding the context a state institution operates in

has become apparent. In fact, the resurgence of Confucian values can also be understood as

a counter-reaction to the permeation of global forces. Thus, it is within these three factors –

global, authoritarian, traditions /cultural – that the efficacy and work of the ACWF must be

contextualised. This thesis has attempted to sustain that a triangular approach, underscored

by socialisation theory, helps to account for the failures and successes of Fulian in

promoting women’s interests against the backdrop of a symbiotic relationship with the

state.

In light of this, several lessons for the study of authoritarian state institutions could be

drawn. Among the most important ones is the necessity to adopt a socio-political and

historical approach accounting both for the persistence of traditional values and cultural

identity as well as the constraining nature of the authoritarian regime. The author also

hopes to have demonstrated the utility of applying socialisation theory to the study of

authoritarian institutions. Firstly, socialisation processes are significant in understanding

adaptation and reform of authoritarian state institutions. This also lends to the argument of

the socialisation processes of authoritarian states in a globalised world, which can also be

perpetuated through sub-state channels. Therefore, socialisation theory allows to

contextualise the multiple-factor-framework in an authoritarian context and going beyond

the mere state-level analysis of rational actor model approaches. Hence, this thesis should

also be understood as making a contribution to the study of authoritarian state institutions

more generally and hopes to stimulate further research in this regard.

AppendixBelow are some illustrations of the leftover women campaign and the propaganda of the Iron Girl narrative under Mao to illustrate the politicisation of the women’s cause (see also Zhao, 2012, p. 121). All translations were done by the author.

31

Illustrations 1.Source: http://www.dukenex.us/uploads/2/4/2/0/24209662/525140781.jpg This image shows a Chinese academic woman holding up a list of “marriage requirement.” This is emblematic of the state’s propaganda of leftover women as being too picky and prioritising their career over potential suitors, thus disrespecting their Confucian heritage and duty.

32

Illustration 2. Source: http://chinaleftoverwomen.weebly.com/sociocultural-factors.html. The speech bubble of the woman reads “It must be a monthly salary over 200000 RMB,” the man responds “you just care about money.” The sign reads “Job vacancy: husband.” This demonstrates the derogatory portrayal of leftover women as greedy and disrespectful towards men.

.

Illustration 3. Source: http://thechinabeat.blogspot.co.uk/2008/12/from-iron-girls-to-oriental-beauties.htmlThis is expressive of the portrayal of women during the Social and Cultural Revolution. As the workforce they were mobilised and were portrayed as capable of doing anything men can do.

33

Illustration 4. Source http://thechinabeat.blogspot.co.uk/2008/12/from-iron-girls-to-oriental-beauties.html.Iron Girls narrative aiming to mobilise women for the work force. The de-sexualised portrayal of women is apparent in this depiction.

Illustration 5. Source http://thechinabeat.blogspot.co.uk/2008/12/from-iron-girls-to-oriental-beauties.html

34

The medal presenters at the Olympics. This image speaks to the resurgence of traditional values in society and the exploitation of the CCP of such developments. The women are portrayed as traditional, oriental beauties – submissive and obedient. The power of such discourses for the consciousness of Chinese women cannot be underestimated.

Illustration 6.Source http://drprem.com/marketing/ambient-work-against-domestic-violence-in-china.htmlThis poster was developed on behalf of the ACWF and appeared on swinging doors in offices and shopping malls. It is illustrative of the ACWF’s efforts in the campaign against domestic violence.

35

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