Balfour Declaration 1

Balfour Declaration

Balfour Declaration

An image of Balfour and the Declaration

Created 2 Nov 1917

Signatories Arthur James Balfour

Purpose Confirming support from the British government for the establishment in Palestine of a Homeland for the Jewish people

The Balfour Declaration (dated 2 November 1917) was a letter from the United Kingdom's Foreign SecretaryArthur James Balfour to Baron Rothschild (Walter Rothschild, 2nd Baron Rothschild), a leader of the British Jewishcommunity, for transmission to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland.

His Majesty's government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for theJewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it beingclearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights ofexisting non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in anyother country.

The text of the letter was published in the press one week later, on 9 November 1917. The "Balfour Declaration" waslater incorporated into the Sèvres peace treaty with the Ottoman Empire and the Mandate for Palestine. The originaldocument is kept at the British Library.

Background

World War IIn 1914, war broke out in Europe between the Triple Entente (Britain, France and the Russian Empire) and theCentral Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary and later that year, the Ottoman Empire). The war on the Western Frontdeveloped into a stalemate. Jonathan Schneer writes:

Thus the view from Whitehall early in 1916: If defeat was not imminent, neither was victory; and theoutcome of the war of attrition on the Western Front could not be predicted. The colossal forces in adeath-grip across Europe and in Eurasia appeared to have canceled each other out. Only the addition ofsignificant new forces on one side or the other seemed likely to tip the scale. Britain's willingness,beginning early in 1916, to explore seriously some kind of arrangement with "world Jewry" or "GreatJewry" must be understood in this context.

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In 1896, Theodor Herzl, a Jewish journalist living in Austria-Hungary, published Der Judenstaat ("The JewishState"), in which he asserted that the only solution to the "Jewish Question" in Europe, including growingantisemitism, was through the establishment of a Jewish State. Political Zionism had just been born.[2] A year later,Herzl founded the Zionist Organization (ZO), which at its first congress, "called for the establishment of a home forthe Jewish people in Palestine secured under public law". Serviceable means to attain that goal included thepromotion of Jewish settlement there, the organisation of Jews in the diaspora, the strengthening of Jewish feelingand consciousness, and preparatory steps to attain those necessary governmental grants.[3] Herzl passed away in1904 without the political standing that was required to carry out his agenda of a Jewish home in Palestine.[4]

During the first meeting between Chaim Weizmann and Balfour in 1906, Balfour asked what Weizmann's objectionswere to the idea of a Jewish homeland in Uganda, (the Uganda Protectorate in East Africa in the British UgandaProgramme), rather than in Palestine. According to Weizmann's memoir, the conversation went as follows:

"Mr. Balfour, supposing I was to offer you Paris instead of London, would you take it?" He sat up, looked atme, and answered: "But Dr. Weizmann, we have London." "That is true," I said, "but we had Jerusalem whenLondon was a marsh." He ... said two things which I remember vividly. The first was: "Are there many Jewswho think like you?" I answered: "I believe I speak the mind of millions of Jews whom you will never see andwho cannot speak for themselves." ... To this he said: "If that is so you will one day be a force."[5]

Two months after Britain's declaration of war on the Ottoman Empire in November 1914, Zionist British cabinetmember Herbert Samuel circulated a memorandum entitled The Future of Palestine to his cabinet colleagues. Thememorandum stated that "I am assured that the solution of the problem of Palestine which would be much the mostwelcome to the leaders and supporters of the Zionist movement throughout the world would be the annexation of thecountry to the British Empire".

The McMahon–Hussein CorrespondenceHenry McMahon had exchanged letters with Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca in 1915, in which he had promisedHussein control of Arab lands with the exception of "portions of Syria" lying to the west of "the districts ofDamascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo". Palestine lay to the southwest of the Vilayet of Damascus and wasn'texplicitly mentioned. That modern-day Lebanese region of the Mediterranean coast was set aside as part of a futureFrench Mandate. After the war the extent of the coastal exclusion was hotly disputed. Hussein had protested that theArabs of Beirut would greatly oppose isolation from the Arab state or states, but did not bring up the matter ofJerusalem or Palestine. Dr. Chaim Weizmann wrote in his autobiography Trial and Error that Palestine had beenexcluded from the areas that should have been Arab and independent. This interpretation was supported explicitly bythe British government in the 1922 White Paper.On the basis of McMahon's assurances the Arab Revolt began on 5 June 1916. However, the British and French also secretly concluded the Sykes–Picot Agreement on 16 May 1916.[6] This agreement divided many Arab territories into British- and French-administered areas and allowed for the internationalisation of Palestine. Hussein learned of

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the agreement when it was leaked by the new Russian government in December 1917, but was satisfied by twodisingenuous telegrams from Sir Reginald Wingate, High Commissioner of Egypt, assuring him that the Britishgovernment's commitments to the Arabs were still valid and that the Sykes-Picot Agreement was not a formal treaty.According to Isaiah Friedman, Hussein was not perturbed by the Balfour Declaration. On 23 March 1918, Husseinwrote in Al Qibla, the daily newspaper of Mecca:[7]

The return of these exiles [jaliya] to their homeland will prove materially and spiritually an experimentalschool for their [Arab] brethren who are with them in the fields, factories, trades and all thingsconnected to the land.

He called on the Arab population in Palestine to welcome the Jews as brethren and co-operate with them for thecommon welfare.[8] Following the publication of the Declaration the British had dispatched Commander DavidGeorge Hogarth to see Hussein in January 1918 bearing the message that the "political and economic freedom" ofthe Palestinian population was not in question. Hogarth reported that Hussein "would not accept an independentJewish State in Palestine, nor was I instructed to warn him that such a state was contemplated by Great Britain".[9]

Continuing Arab disquiet over Allied intentions also led during 1918 to the British Declaration to the Seven and theAnglo-French Declaration, the latter promising "the complete and final liberation of the peoples who have for solong been oppressed by the Turks, and the setting up of national governments and administrations deriving theirauthority from the free exercise of the initiative and choice of the indigenous populations."[10]

Lord Grey had been the Foreign Secretary during the McMahon-Hussein negotiations. Speaking in the House ofLords on 27 March 1923, he made it clear that he entertained serious doubts as to the validity of the Britishgovernment's interpretation of the pledges which he, as foreign secretary, had caused to be given to Hussein in 1915.He called for all of the secret engagements regarding Palestine to be made public.[11] Many of the relevantdocuments in the National Archives were later declassified and published. Among them were the minutes of aCabinet Eastern Committee meeting, chaired by Lord Curzon,which was held on 5 December 1918. Balfour was inattendance. The minutes revealed that in laying out the government's position Curzon had explained that: "Palestinewas included in the areas as to which Great Britain pledged itself that they should be Arab and independent in thefuture".[12]

Sykes–Picot AgreementIn May 1916 the governments of the United Kingdom, France and Russia agreed the Sykes–Picot Agreement, whichdefined their proposed spheres of influence and control in Western Asia should the Triple Entente succeed indefeating the Ottoman Empire during World War I. The agreement effectively divided the Arab provinces of theOttoman Empire outside the Arabian peninsula into areas of future British and French control or influence.The agreement proposed that an "international administration" would be established in an area shaded brown on theagreement's map, which was later to become Palestine, and that the form of the administration would be "decidedupon after consultation with Russia, and subsequently in consultation with the other allies, and the representatives ofthe Sherif of Mecca". Zionists believed their aspirations had been passed over. William Reginald Hall, BritishDirector of Naval Intelligence criticised the agreement on the basis that "the Jews have a strong material, and a verystrong political, interest in the future of the country" and that "in the Brown area the question of Zionism, and also ofBritish control of all Palestine railways, in the interest of Egypt, have to be considered".

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Motivation for the Declaration

British GovernmentJames Gelvin, a Middle East history professor, cites at least three reasons for why the British government chose tosupport Zionist aspirations. Issuing the Balfour Declaration would appeal to Woodrow Wilson's two closest advisors,who were avid Zionists.

"The British did not know quite what to make of President Woodrow Wilson and his conviction (beforeAmerica's entrance into the war) that the way to end hostilities was for both sides to accept "peacewithout victory." Two of Wilson's closest advisors, Louis Brandeis and Felix Frankfurter, were avidZionists. How better to shore up an uncertain ally than by endorsing Zionist aims? The British adoptedsimilar thinking when it came to the Russians, who were in the midst of their revolution. Several of themost prominent revolutionaries, including Leon Trotsky, were of Jewish descent. Why not see if theycould be persuaded to keep Russia in the war by appealing to their latent Jewishness and giving themanother reason to continue the fight?" ... These include not only those already mentioned but alsoBritain's desire to attract Jewish financial resources.

At that time the British were busy making promises. At a War Cabinet meeting, held on 31 October 1917, Balfoursuggested that a declaration favourable to Zionist aspirations would allow Great Britain "'to carry on extremelyuseful propaganda both in Russia and America"[13]

The cabinet believed that expressing support would appeal to Jews in Germany and America, and help the wareffort.[14] It was also hoped to encourage support from the large Jewish population in Russia. Britain promoted theidea of a national home for the Jewish People, in the hope that Britain would implement it and exercise politicalcontrol over Palestine, effectively "freeze out France (and anyone else) from any post–war presence in Palestine."[15]

According to James Renton, Senior Lecturer at Edge Hill University, an Honorary Research Fellow at UniversityCollege London, and author of The Zionist Masquerade: the Birth of the Anglo-Zionist Alliance: 1914–1918 (2007),Prime Minister David Lloyd George of the United Kingdom supported the creation of a Jewish homeland inPalestine because "it would help secure post-war British control of Palestine, which was strategically important as abuffer to Egypt and the Suez Canal.".[16] In addition, Palestine was to later serve as a terminus for the flow ofpetroleum from Iraq via Jordan, three former Ottoman Turkish provinces that became British League of Nationsmandates in the aftermath of the First World War. The oil officially flowed along the Mosul-Haifa oil pipeline from1935–1948, and unofficially up until 1954.

Weizmann-Balfour relationship

Lord Balfour's desk, in the Museum of the JewishDiaspora, in Tel Aviv

One of the main proponents of a Jewish homeland in Palestine wasChaim Weizmann, the leading spokesperson for organised Zionism inBritain. Weizmann was a chemist who had developed a process tosynthesize acetone via fermentation. Acetone is required for theproduction of cordite, a powerful propellant explosive needed to fireammunition without generating tell-tale smoke. Germany had corneredsupplies of calcium acetate, a major source of acetone. Other pre-warprocesses in Britain were inadequate to meet the increased demand inWorld War I, and a shortage of cordite would have severely hamperedBritain's war effort. Lloyd-George, then minister for munitions, wasgrateful to Weizmann and so supported his Zionist aspirations. In hisWar Memoirs, Lloyd-George wrote of meeting Weizmann in 1916 thatWeizmann:

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... explained his aspirations as to the repatriation of the Jews to the sacred land they had made famous.That was the fount and origin of the famous declaration about the National Home for the Jews inPalestine .... As soon as I became Prime Minister I talked the whole matter over with Mr Balfour, whowas then Foreign Secretary.

This may, however, have been only a part of a longer series of discussions about Britain and Zionism held betweenWeizmann and Balfour which had begun at least a decade earlier. In late 1905 Balfour had requested of CharlesDreyfus, his Jewish constituency representative, that he arrange a meeting with Weizmann, during which Weizmannasked for official British support for Zionism; they were to meet again on this issue in 1914.[17]

Jewish National Home vs. Jewish StateThe records of discussions that led up to the final text of the Balfour Declaration clarifies some details of itswording. The phrase "national home" was intentionally used instead of "state" because of opposition to the Zionistprogram within the British Cabinet. Following discussion of the initial draft the Cabinet Secretary, Mark Sykes, metwith the Zionist negotiators to clarify their aims. His official report back to the Cabinet categorically stated that theZionists did not want "to set up a Jewish Republic or any other form of state in Palestine or in any part of Palestine".Both the Zionist Organization and the British government devoted efforts over the following decades, includingWinston Churchill's 1922 White Paper, to denying that a state was the intention.[18] However, in private, manyBritish officials agreed with the interpretation of the Zionists that a state would be established when a Jewishmajority was achieved.The initial draft of the declaration, contained in a letter sent by Rothschild to Balfour, referred to the principle "thatPalestine should be reconstituted as the National Home of the Jewish people." In the final text, the word that wasreplaced with in to avoid committing the entirety of Palestine to this purpose. Similarly, an early draft did not includethe commitment that nothing should be done which might prejudice the rights of the non-Jewish communities. Thesechanges came about partly as the result of the urgings of Edwin Samuel Montagu, an influential anti-Zionist Jew andSecretary of State for India, who was concerned that the declaration without those changes could result in increasedanti-Semitic persecution. The draft was circulated and during October the government received replies from variousrepresentatives of the Jewish community. Lord Rothschild took exception to the new proviso on the basis that itpresupposed the possibility of a danger to non-Zionists, which he denied.[19]

AuthorshipSir John Evelyn Shuckburgh of the new Middle East department of the Foreign Office discovered that thecorrespondence prior to the declaration was not available in the Colonial Office, 'although Foreign Office paperswere understood to have been lengthy and to have covered a considerable period'." The 'most comprehensiveexplanation' of the origin of the Balfour Declaration the Foreign Office was able to provide was contained in a small'unofficial' note of Jan 1923 affirming that:

little is known of how the policy represented by the Declaration was first given form. Four, or perhapsfive men were chiefly concerned in the labour – the Earl of Balfour, the late Sir Mark Sykes, andMessrs. Weizmann and Sokolow, with perhaps Lord Rothschild as a figure in the background.Negotiations seem to have been mainly oral and by means of private notes and memoranda of whichonly the scantiest records seem to be available.[20]

In his posthumously published 1981 book The Anglo-American Establishment, Georgetown University historyprofessor Carroll Quigley explained that the Balfour Declaration was actually drafted by Lord Alfred Milner.Quigley wrote:

This declaration, which is always known as the Balfour Declaration, should rather be called "the MilnerDeclaration," since Milner was the actual draftsman and was, apparently, its chief supporter in the War

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Cabinet. This fact was not made public until 21 July 1937. At that time Ormsby-Gore, speaking for thegovernment in Commons, said, "The draft as originally put up by Lord Balfour was not the final draftapproved by the War Cabinet. The particular draft assented to by the War Cabinet and afterwards by theAllied Governments and by the United States...and finally embodied in the Mandate, happens to havebeen drafted by Lord Milner. The actual final draft had to be issued in the name of the ForeignSecretary, but the actual draftsman was Lord Milner."

More recently, William D. Rubinstein, Professor of Modern History at Aberystwyth University, Wales, wrote thatConservative politician and pro-Zionist Leo Amery, as Assistant Secretary to the British war cabinet in 1917, wasthe main author of the Balfour Declaration.

Reaction to the Declaration

Balfour Declaration as published in The Times 9November 1917

Arab opposition

The Arabs expressed disapproval in November 1918 at the parademarking the first anniversary of the Balfour Declaration. TheMuslim-Christian Association protested the carrying of new "white andblue banners with two inverted triangles in the middle". They drew theattention of the authorities to the serious consequences of any politicalimplications in raising the banners.[21]

Later that month, on the first anniversary of the occupation of Jaffa bythe British, the Muslim-Christian Association sent a lengthymemorandum and petition to the military governor protesting oncemore any formation of a Jewish state.[22]

On November 1918 the large group of Palestinian Arab dignitaries andrepresentatives of political associations addressed a petition to theBritish authorities in which they denounced the declaration. Thedocument stated:

...we always sympathized profoundly with the persecutedJews and their misfortunes in other countries... but there iswide difference between such sympathy and the acceptance of such a nation...ruling over us anddisposing of our affairs.[23]

Zionist reactionChaim Weizmann and Nahum Sokolow, the principal Zionist leaders based in London, had asked for thereconstitution of Palestine as "the" Jewish national home. As such, the declaration fell short of Zionistexpectations.[24]

British opinionBritish public and government opinion became increasingly less favourable to the commitment that had been madeto Zionist policy. In February 1922, Winston Churchill telegraphed Herbert Samuel asking for cuts in expenditureand noting:[25]

In both Houses of Parliament there is growing movement of hostility, against Zionist policy in Palestine, which will be stimulated by recent Northcliffe articles [26]. I do not attach undue importance to this movement, but it is increasingly difficult to meet the argument that it is unfair to ask the British

Balfour Declaration 8

taxpayer, already overwhelmed with taxation, to bear the cost of imposing on Palestine an unpopularpolicy.

German and Ottoman reactionImmediately following the publication of the declaration Germany entered negotiations with Turkey to put forwardcounter proposals. A German-Jewish Society was formed: Vereinigung jüdischer Organisationen Deutschlands zurWahrung der Rechte der Juden des Ostens (V.J.O.D.) and in January 1918 the Turkish Grand Vizier, Talaat, issued astatement which promised legislation by which "all justifiable wishes of the Jews in Palestine would be able to findtheir fulfilment".[27]

References[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Template:History_of_Israel& action=edit[2] Friedman, Isaiah. "Herzl, Theodor." Encyclopaedia Judaica. Ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik. 2nd ed. Vol. 9. Detroit: Macmillan

Reference USA, 2007. 54–66. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 15 April 2010.[3] Avish, Shimon. "Herzl, Theodor [1860–1904]." Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East and North Africa. Ed. Philip Mattar. 2nd ed. Vol. 2.

New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. 1021–1022. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Web. 15 April 2010.[4][4] [Cleveland, William L. A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder, CO: Westview, 2004. Print. p.224][5] Weizmann, Trial and Error, p.111, as quoted in W. Lacquer, The History of Zionism", 2003, ISBN 978-1-86064-932-5. p.188[6] Khouri, Fred John (1985). The Arab-Israeli Dilemma. Syracuse University Press. ISBN 978-0-8156-2340-3, pp. 8–10.[7] It Could Have Been Different (http:/ / www. peaceforourtime. org. uk/ page166a. html)[8] Palestine, a Twice-promised Land?: The British, the Arabs & Zionism, 1915–1920 By Isaiah Friedman, page 171[9] Huneidi, Sahar (2000). A Broken Trust: Herbert Samuel, Zionism and the Palestinians, 1920–1925. IB Tauris. ISBN 978-1-86064-172-5, p.

66.[10] Report of a Committee Set up to Consider Certain Correspondence Between Sir Henry McMahon and the Sharif of Mecca in 1915 and 1916

(http:/ / unispal. un. org/ UNISPAL. NSF/ 0/ 4C4F7515DC39195185256CF7006F878C), UNISPAL, Annex A, paragraph 19.[11] Report of a Committee Set Up To Consider Certain Correspondence Between Sir Henry McMahon and The Sharif of Mecca (http:/ /

domino. un. org/ unispal. nsf/ 3d14c9e5cdaa296d85256cbf005aa3eb/ 4c4f7515dc39195185256cf7006f878c!OpenDocument)[12] cited in Palestine Papers, 1917–1922, Doreen Ingrams, page 48 from the UK Archive files PRO CAB 27/24.[13] Palestine Papers 1917–1922, Doreen Ingrams, page 16[14] Wall Street Journal review of Jonathan Shneer, Balfour Declaration (http:/ / online. wsj. com/ article/

SB10001424052748703545604575407364169729910. html) "As Mr. Schneer documents, the declaration was, among much else, part of acampaign to foster world-wide Jewish support for the Allied war effort, not least in the U.S."

[15][15] p. 178[16] James Renton, The Balfour Declaration: its origins and consequences, Jewish Quarterly, Spring 2008, Number 209, http:/ / www.

jewishquarterly. org/ issuearchive/ articleea91. html[17] Harry Defries, Conservative Party Attitudes to Jews 1900–1950, Routledge, 2001, ISBN 978-0-7146-5221-4. pp.50–51.[18][18] See the report of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, UN Document A/364, 3 September 1947[19] Palestine Papers 1917–1922, Doreen Ingrams, page 13[20] Full text of note included CO 733/58, Secret Cabinet Paper CP 60 (23), 'Palestine and the Balfour Declaration, January 1923. FO unofficial

note added 'little referring to the Balfour Declaration among such papers as have been preserved'. Shuckburgh's memo asserts that 'as theofficial records are silent, it can only be assumed that such discussions as had taken place were of an informal and private character'. (http:/ /books. google. com/ books?id=sY27UmuT6-4C& pg=PA256& lpg=PA256& dq=co+ "733+ 58"+ secret+ cabinet+ paper+ cp+ 60&source=web& ots=cudKSJZW-n& sig=iDIviioqWIqE41CINYsHkdime4w)

[21] Zu'aytir, Akram, Watha'iq al-haraka a-wataniyya al-filastiniyya (1918–1939), ed. Bayan Nuwayhid al-Hut. Beirut 1948. Papers, p. 5. Citedby Huneidi, Sahar "A Broken Trust, Herbert Samuel, Zionism and the Palestinians" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=sY27UmuT6-4C&pg=PA32& lpg=PA32& dq=white+ and+ blue+ banners+ with+ two+ inverted+ triangles+ in+ the+ middle& source=bl& ots=cw8LTR-SZk&sig=rEUKAgacREQ4UtiBzY2CmrV86lQ& hl=en& sa=X& ei=puQhUNyQF6fK0AGyi4GQDw& ved=0CGAQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q=white and blue banners with two inverted triangles in the middle& f=false). ISBN 978-1-86064-172-5 p.32.

[22] 'Petition from the Moslem-Christian Association in Jaffa, to the Military Governor, on the occasion of the First Anniversary of British Entryinto Jaffa', 16 November 1918, Zu'aytir papers pp. 7–8. Cited by Huneidi p.32.

[23][23] Benny Morris. The Righteous Victims. 2001 ISBN 0-679-74475-4 p.76[24] Balfour Declaration. (2007). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 12 August 2007, from Encyclopædia Britannica Online (http:/ / www.

britannica. com/ eb/ article-9011963).[25][25] CO 733/18, Churchill to Samuel, Telegram, Private and Personal, 25 February 1922. Cited Huneidi, Sahar "A Broken Trust, Herbert

Samuel, Zionism and the Palestinians" 2001, ISBN 978-1-86064-172-5, p.57.

Balfour Declaration 9

[26] http:/ / books. google. com. ph/ books?id=xZD_ZswA-VgC& pg=PA103& lpg=PA103& dq=%22Northcliffe%22+ 1922%22+%22Palestine%22& source=bl& ots=BFqVExPUH2& sig=Y1OS-u6Hdz6iy35L3i82bxj6pM0& hl=en& ei=o2w1TP-1N4S7rAeY_cmlAw&sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=6& ved=0CCwQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=%22Northcliffe%22%201922%22%20%22Palestine%22& f=false

[27] MacMunn, Lieut.-General Sir George (1928) Military Operations. Egypt and Palestine. From the outbreak of war with Germany to June1917. HMSO. Pages 219,220.

Further reading• Schneer, Jonathan. The Balfour Declaration: The Origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Random House, 2010)

464pp; ISBN 978-1-4000-6532-5•• Smith, Charles. Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2007.

External links• Original article reprinting the declaration from The Times, 9 November 1917 (http:/ / archive. timesonline. co. uk/

tol/ viewArticle. arc?articleId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1917-11-09-07-010&pageId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1917-11-09-07)

• Balfour Declaration lexicon entry (http:/ / www. knesset. gov. il/ lexicon/ eng/ BalfourDeclaration_eng. htm)Knesset website (English)

• Happy Birthday Balfour Declaration- 91 Years Later- Jerusalem Post (http:/ / fr. jpost. com/ servlet/Satellite?cid=1225199622058& pagename=JPost/ JPArticle/ ShowFull)

• Text of the 1922 White Paper (http:/ / www. yale. edu/ lawweb/ avalon/ mideast/ brwh1922. htm) from theAvalon Project

• Donald Macintyre, The Independent, 26 May 2005, "The birth of modern Israel: A scrap of paper that changedhistory" (http:/ / news. independent. co. uk/ world/ middle_east/ article223199. ece)

• Avi Shlaim. "The Balfour Declaration and Its Consequences" (http:/ / users. ox. ac. uk/ ~ssfc0005/ The BalfourDeclaration and its consequences. html). Retrieved 21 June 2007.

• Balfour: 117 words that changed the face of the Middle East (http:/ / www. maannews. net/ en/ index.php?opr=ShowDetails& ID=26110)

• From the Balfour Declaration to Partition … to Two States? (http:/ / palestine-mandate. com/from-the-balfour-declaration-to-partition-to-two-states)

• Theodore Herzl and Rev. William Hechler and the Zionist Beginnings (http:/ / jewishmag. com/ 145mag/herzl_hechler/ herzl_hechler. htm)

• http:/ / www. jewish-american-society-for-historic-preservation. org/ images/ Brandeis_Blackstone_article. doc

Article Sources and Contributors 10

Article Sources and ContributorsBalfour Declaration  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=584015913  Contributors: 0xFFFF, 130.94.122.xxx, 1exec1, 4m33s, Aaron, Addihockey10, Ahecht, Ahoerstemeier,Alarob, AlexiusHoratius, Amoruso, Anders12, Andonic, Andre Engels, Andrew Gwilliam, Arminius, Asabbagh, Aus Pilots, AxelBoldt, Backslash Forwardslash, Bangpound, Baristarim, Bart vM, Bassbonerocks, Bayerischermann, Bettykishek, Bettymnz4, Big Adamsky, Blue, Bobblewik, Bornintheguz, Boson, Bryan Derksen, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, Caper13, Capricorn42,CasualObserver'48, Chesdovi, ChrisGualtieri, Cognate247, Cokoli, Colt .55, Conversion script, CriticalMass34, Crosbiesmith, Cyferx, DBaba, DRE, DVD R W, DanKeshet, Danny, DavidKernow, Davshul, Der Eberswalder, DerHexer, Derwig, Dimension31, Distilled Truth, Dlv999, DocWatson42, Dolovis, Donald j axel, Doron, Dp462090, Dpr, Dreamyshade, Dsp13, Dybeck, E.Ripley, Eatatjohns, Eb575555, Efghij, Eichman, ElHef, Emote, Epson291, Ericamick, Ericd, ErrantX, Ewawer, Faigl.ladislav, Favonian, Fcgier, Fieldday-sunday, Frederico1234, Gb drbob,Globnarp, Gloriamarie, Good Olfactory, Graham87, GrammerGranny, Greyshark09, Guy M, Harlan wilkerson, Hermanoid, Hertz1888, Hibernian, Historyfeelings, Hugo999, Huldra, Humussapiens, IZAK, Ian Pitchford, Ijon, ImperatorExercitus, Inagatt, IngerAlHaosului, InverseHypercube, Islandboy99, IstvanWolf, Izzedine, J.delanoy, Jab843, James086, Jamesday, Jamesx12345,Jayjg, Jdoles, Jeff G., Jeremygbyrne, Jiddisch, Jmcc150, Jnestorius, Jni, JoeHenzi, John Bahrain, John K, John Z, JohnI, Jrryjude, Justinbb, Kaisershatner, Khoikhoi, Killiondude, Kimholder,Kingturtle, Klett, Kopitarian, Krenair, Krsont, Lapsed Pacifist, Leifern, Lightmouse, LilHelpa, Ling.Nut, Littlealien182, Loodog, Lorenzo Rabello, MPerel, Magioladitis, Marokwitz, Marquez,Matthew Yeager, Mentifisto, Mervyn, MetsFan76, Meursault2004, Mewnews, Michael A. White, Mike McGregor (Can), Mike Rosoft, Minimac, Morwen, Mpntod, Mr Serjeant Buzfuz,Mwalcoff, My-2-bits, Nethency, Nicepepper, Nicke L, Nikevich, Nneonneo, Norvo, Nummer29, O.Koslowski, Oatmeal batman, Ohconfucius, Oil Cash, Oncenawhile, Onopearls,OttomanReference, Padres Hana, PalestineRemembered, Pavel Vozenilek, Perspicacite, Petra Oil, Pgov10m, Piledhigheranddeeper, Pillywarker, Plot Spoiler, Politician, Prometheus 85, Proteus,Quadell, R'n'B, RJASE1, Rbrwr, Rd232, Recognizance, Rich Farmbrough, Rich Janis, Rjensen, Rjwilmsi, Robertoh11, RolandR, RoslynSKP, Royan, Rshah2009, Rshumway, RupJana, SE7,SFK2, SMC, SMWriter, SWAdair, Sam Blacketer, Samhook, Sandy stone, ScottDavis, SelfEvidentTruths, Sesesq, Sfahey, Sightlines, SixBlueFish, Sjttaylor, Snowolf, SoLando, Socialservice,StN, Stephenb, Stevertigo, Stewartadcock, Ta bu shi da yu, Taco325i, Tanvir Ahmmed, Taw, Telaviv1, Tellyaddict, The Doctor666, The Prince Manifest, The Thing That Should Not Be, Tiamut,Tide rolls, Tim!, Tim1357, Tiphareth, Tony1, TreasuryTag, Treybien, Triggerhippie4, Tsiaojian lee, U109, Ulric1313, Unyoyega, Uriber, Uriyan, Vasiľ, Vexorg, W guice, Wardeagle999,Wetman, Widr, Wierzba, Wiki alf, Wikimachine, Wikix, Wk muriithi, Woohookitty, Yakusha fx, Yakushima, YeshuaDavid, Yintan, Yms, ZScarpia, Zachbe, Zeq, Zero0000, Ziko, Δ, חודרanonymous edits לעומר, 467

Image Sources, Licenses and Contributorsimage:Balfour portrait and declaration.JPG  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Balfour_portrait_and_declaration.JPG  License: Public Domain  Contributors: see originalimage descriptionsFile:Kotel Israel.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Kotel_Israel.jpg  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0  Contributors: SuperJewFile:Flag of Israel.svg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Israel.svg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: “The Provisional Council of State Proclamation of theFlag of the State of Israel” of 25 Tishrei 5709 (28 October 1948) provides the official specification for the design of the Israeli flag. The color of the Magen David and the stripes of the Israeli flagis not precisely specified by the above legislation. The color depicted in the current version of the image is typical of flags used in Israel today, although individual flags can and do vary. The flaglegislation officially specifies dimensions of 220 cm × 160 cm. However, the sizes of actual flags vary (although the aspect ratio is usually retained).File:2011-08 Desk Balfour.JPG  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:2011-08_Desk_Balfour.JPG  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0,2.5,2.0,1.0 Contributors: ZikoFile:Balfour Declaration in the Times 9 November 1917.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Balfour_Declaration_in_the_Times_9_November_1917.jpg  License:Public Domain  Contributors: Oncenawhile

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