beidha in jordan: a dionysian hall in a nabataean landscape
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Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean LandscapeAuthor(s): Patricia Maynor Bikai, Chrysanthos Kanellopoulos and Shari Lee SaundersSource: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 112, No. 3 (Jul., 2008), pp. 465-507Published by: Archaeological Institute of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20627485.
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Beidha
in
Jordan:
A
Dionysian
Hall
in
a
Nabataean
Landscape
PATRICIA
MAYNOR
BIKAI,
CHRYSANTHOS
KANELLOPOULOS,
AND
SHARI
LEE
SAUNDERS
Abstract
In
2005,
at
Beidha,
a
northern
suburb
of the
Nabataean
capital
of
Petra,
the
remains
of
an
elaborately
decorated
freestanding
building
were
uncovered.
Although
little of
the
structure
remains,
architectural
elements
found
at
the
site
make it
possible
to
propose
a
tentative reconstruction
of the
building,
the main
part
of which
was
a
colonnaded
hall or oecus approached through a courtyard. The oecus
may
have been
a
triclinium
of the
Nabataean
ruler
Mali
chos
I
(59/58-30
B.C.E.).
The
elements
uncovered
display
a
wealth
of
imported
Greek,
Roman,
Egyptian,
and
Eastern
architectural
and
artistic ideas
adapted
to
local
use.
The
building
is located
in
an area
that
was
a
wine-production
center in
the
Nabataean
era,
and
the decorative
program
of the
oecus
is
Dionysian.
This
article
argues
that the
com
plex,
which
was
abandoned
shortly
after it
went
into
use,
was
built
to
extol
tryphe (living
in
luxury)
and
to
link
the
Nabataean
royal
house
to
Dionysos
and
Alexander.*
INTRODUCTION
Historical Background
In times
when
goods
moving
between
Asia
and
Eu
rope
went
through
the
Red
Sea
and lands
adjacent
to
it,
Nabataea thrived.
The late first
millennium
B.C.E.
was one
of the
periods
when
that
route
was
important,
and the
prosperity
and cross-cultural
exchange
that
the traffic
brought
benefited
the
Nabataeans.
The
building
at
Beidha,
near
theNabataean
capital
of
Pe
tra,
is
one
of
the
products
of
that
phenomenon:
it is
a
manifestation
of wealth
and
of the
importation
of
elements
from
other cultures.
The Nabataeans
were
a
Semitic
people
whose
ori
gin
is
uncertain.1
They
were
definitely
settled
at
Petra
by
themid
second
century
B.C.E.,
but
they
may
have
been
in
the
region
before;2
however,
Schmid demon
strates thatonly in the firstcenturyB.C.E. is itpossible
to
recognize
a
distinctly
Nabataean
material culture.3
As
the Nabataean nomads
settled,
"[t]hey
oriented
their
new
culture
according
to
the
mainstreams
of
the
contemporary
Hellenistic world
in
its
Near Eastern
variant
as
it
was
on
display
in
major
Hellenistic
cities,
such
as
Alexandria."4
Most
of what
we
do
know
of the
history
of this
peo
ple
comes
from
limited
written
sources
that allow
us
to reconstruct
a
tentative
king
list for the
Nabataeans,
beginning
in 168 B.C.E.5
The first
king
who interests
us
is
Malichos
I
(59/58-30
B.C.E.),
who,
in
his
career,
"had to confront a choice between Caesar and Pompey,
between
Caesar's murderers
and
Anthony,
between
Anthony
and
Octavian,
and
through
all
this
period
be
tween
the claimants
to
the
throne
in
Jerusalem,"6
and
then,
in 40
B.C.E.,
between Herod
the Great
and
the
Parthians.
His
reign
marks the
beginning
of
Roman
influence
on
the
culture of the
Nabataeans.7
Malichos
was
succeeded
by
Obodas III
(30-9
B.C.E.)
and then
by
Aretas
IV
(9
B.C.E.-40
C.E.),
who
is
the
best known
of
*
All
work
was
undertaken
in
cooperation
with
the
Depart
ment
of
Antiquities
of
Jordan.
We
are
grateful
to
Fawwaz
al
Khraysheh,
director
general,
Suleiman
Farajat,
director of the
Petra
Archaeological
Park,
and Tahani
al-Salhi,
who served
as
the
department
representative
at
the site
in
2005.
Thank
you
also
to
the
directors,
Pierre M.
Bikai and Barbara
Porter,
and the staff of the American
Center of
Oriental
Research.
Staff
in
2005
included
Patricia
Maynor
Bikai,
director,
Chry
santhos
Kanellopoulos,
architect,
Shari
Saunders,
assistant
director and
archaeologist, Julia
Costello,
archaeologist,
Faw
waz
Isaqat,
surveyor,
Fraser
Parsons,
site
engineer
and
pho
tographer,
and Naif
Zaban,
foreman and
conservator.
The
project
was
made
possible
by
generous
grants
from the
Khalid
Shoman
Foundation
(Suha Shoman),
the
Dick and
Betsy
De
Vos
Foundation,
the
American Center of
Oriental
Research's
USAID
Endowment,
and the Council
of American
Overseas
Research Centers.
1
Zayadine
2000;
Parr
2003.
2
Bowersock
(1983)
is the
most
complete
history. Zaya
dine
(2000),
Healey
(2001,
25-32),
and
Bedal
(2003, 1-18)
are
useful
summaries. For
an
analysis
of Nabataean
cultural
trends,
see
Schmid
2001b.
3Schmid
001b,
367,371;
2001c.
4
Schmid
2001b,
371.
5
Diodorus
Siculus,
Josephus,
Strabo,
and
the
two
Books
of
Maccabees
are
the main
sources;
see
also
Meshorer
1975,
5-9.
6Bowersockl983,37-8.
7Schmid
2001c.
465
American
Journal of
rchaeology
12
(2008)
465-507
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466
P.M. BIKAI ET
AL.
[AJA
112
the
Nabataean
kings
and is
widely
credited
with
much
of
the
building
activity
in
Petra
and
elsewhere.
Aretas
IV
was
succeeded
by
his
son
Malichos
II
(40-70
C.E.)
and
grandson
Rabbel
II
(70-106
C.E.).
Rabbel
II trans
ferred
the
capital
to
Bostra
(south
Syria)
and
was
the
last
Nabataean
king,
as
Trajan's
annexation
in
106 C.E.
turned
Nabataea into the Roman
province
of Arabia.
Petra
is best
known
for monuments cut
into the soft
sandstone
of
the
Jordanian
highlands.
Because
of
the
geology
of
their
territory,
he
Nabataeans
developed
their
own
unique style
of
architecture.
It
was a
two
dimensional
expression
of
the
common
architectural
vocabulary
of the
times and
was
marked
by
a
verticality
that
construction into
sandstone
cliffs
allowed.
Thus,
the
limits f
artistic
imagination
were
broadened,
and
bold,
multistoried
compositions
thatwould
not
have
been
possible
in
freestanding
buildings,
particularly
in
an
earthquake
zone,
were
created.
Only
a
limited
number of
freestanding
buildings
of
Nabataean Petra
have been
uncovered
or
analyzed
in
any
detail.8 What
evidence
we
have
shows
that
the
architectural
language
used
was an
exuberant
amalgam
that
borrowed
and
joined
elements from
other
cultures,
including
Egyp
tian,
Hellenistic,
Roman,
and
Eastern
elements.
The
same
mixture
of
elements is
found
in
Naba
taean
religious
and ritual
practices,
although
these
are
only
partly
understood
because
of
the lack
of textual
evidence.
Among
Nabataean
practices,
undoubtedly
colored
by
cultural
borrowings,
was
ritual
dining.
Ac
cording
to Strabo
(16.4.26):
The
Nabataeans
.
. .
prepare
common
meals
togeth
er
in
groups
of
thirteen
persons;
and
they
have
two
girl-singers
for
each
banquet.
The
king
holds
many
drinking-bouts
in
magnificent
style,
but
no one
drinks
more
than
eleven
cupfuls,
each time
using
a
different
golden
cup.
The
king
is
so
democratic
that,
in addi
tion
to
serving
himself,
he sometimes
even
serves
the
rest
himself
in
his turn.9
While
ritual
dining
is
found in
classical
lands
as
well
as
in
Persia,10
it does
not
make
the
Nabataeans
into
Greeks
or
Persians.We know
nothing
of
what the
Naba
taeans
understood
of
this
cultural
expression.
Beidha
Documentation
Project
Beidha lies
7
km
north
of
Petra;
it is
best
known
as
a
type-site
for theNeolithic
period11
and
for
the
Siq
al-Barid,
a
narrow
gorge
with
a
number of
rock-cut
structures.
Some
of
the
buildings
in
the
gorge
served
as
residences
and
dining
halls.
Almost
no
archaeological
work had
taken
place
at
Beidha
before
2003,12
when
a
project
began
under the
aegis
of
the
American
Cen
ter
ofOriental Research in
Amman
to
document
the
archaeological
remains in
an
area
east
of
the
Siq
al
Barid
in
five
three-week
seasons.13 Work
began
in
the
northern
canyon,
Siq
al-Amti,
where
a
large
(24
m
on
a
side)
unroofed
enclosure
approached by
elaborate
walkways
was
uncovered.
As this
was
surrounded
by
vineyards,
to
judge
from
two
wine
presses,
the
build
ing
may
have had
some
function,
perhaps
a
ritual
one,
related to
wine.
In
a
small
side
canyon
off
Siq
al-Amti,
there
are a
rock-cut
triclinium
and
numerous
Naba
taean
inscriptions,
one
of
which
refers
to
a
leader
of
a
religious
association
who
is
called
the
equivalent
of
the Greek
symposiarch.14
The
project
also
documented
numerous
cisterns,15
water
channels,
three
additional wine
presses,
several
Nabataean rock-cut
monuments
(including
tombs
and
rock-cut
halls),
a
Nabataean
house,
a
Byzantine
church,
Islamic-era
housing,
and
two
mosques.
As
of
May
2005,
only
one
section of the
study
area,
a
long,
narrow
sand
stone
promontory,
remained
undocumented
(fig.
1).
Given the
nature
of
previous
finds,
it
was a
surprise
when
that
site
began
to
produce
material
that
belonged
to
a
freestanding,
high-status
installation.
THE
IN
SITU
REMAINS
The
top
of
the
promontory
is
at
an
absolute elevation
of 1095.44
masl
and
rises 16
m
from the
surrounding
ground.
The
promontory
is
180
m
long
with
a
maxi
mum
width of 30
m.
The structures
identified
on
the
promontory
are
(from
west
to
east)
a
cistern
(5.5
x
9.5
?Joukowsky
998a;
Hammond
2003;
Kolb
2003;
Zayadine
et
al.
2003;
Kanellopoulos
2004.
9Jones
1930,367-69.
10
Zayadine
(1986a)
gives
an
overview of what is
known
about ritual
dining
at
Petra. On
the Persians and ritual
dining,
see
Duchesne-Guillemin 1988.
On
the
Persian
king's private
symposion
with
12
guests,
see
Ath.
4.145b-e,
14.652b-c.
nByrd
2005.
12
There has been limited
work
on
documentation
(see
Nehme
1994,
229-36
[with
references]).
A
few installations
in
Beidha
were
cleared
by
the
Department
of
Antiquities
of
Jordan in 1983 and 1990-1991 (seeZayadine 1986b,267-68;
Zayadine
and
Farajat
1991,
278-82).
13
A
map
of
the
study
area
can
be
found in
Bikai
et
al.
2007,
370,
fig.
1.
Preliminary
reports
on
the
project
include
Bikai
2004,2005;
Bikai
et
al.
2005,2006,2007.
14
Zayadine
1986a.
15
These included
two
large
ones
near
our
monument:
an
open
cistern with
a
capacity
of
1,360
m3
and
a
rock-cut
cistern
with
a
capacity
of
1,075
m3
(see
Br?nnow and
von
Domasze
wski
1904,
nos.
836,
841).
Another smaller
cistern
adjacent
to
the
entrance
ramp
of
our
monument
(see
fig.
2),
which has
no
catchment
area,
may
have
relied
on
transfers
of
water
from
the
large
cisterns.
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2008]
BEIDHA IN
JORDAN:
A
DIONYSIAN HALL IN A
NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE
467
Fig.
1.
Aerial view of the
promontory
at
Beidha
(A.
Joukowsky).
x
6.5
m),
a
ramp,
an
entrance
room
(from
which
rises
a
staircase),
a
bath
area,
a
substructure
for
a
courtyard,
and
a
cryptoporticus (fig.
2).
Debris in
the
cryptoporti
cus
contained
most
of
the architectural
material found
at
the site. This
fill
consisted
primarily
of
Corinthian
and Ionic
capitals,
some
with heads
as
bosses,
as
well
as
column
drums,
column
bases,
a
few
ashlar
blocks,
and
other elements. This
material
belongs
to
a
structure
with
a
large
hall
or
oecus
that
rose
above the flattened
bedrock of the
promontory.
Though
not
a
single
stone
of the
upper
level
of
the
building
remains
in
situ,
it is
possible
to
propose
a
reconstruction of
this
building.
The
Gateway
and Bath
Between
two
large
walls
on
the
western
side
of
the
complex
rises
a
ramp
with
a
partially preserved
lime
stone
pavement.
This forms
the
gateway
to
the
com
plex.
The
ramp
leads
east
to
a
door
(wdth.
1.55
m)
and
thence
to
a room
(5.65
x
4.35
m).
The
floor
of
the
room
has fine
rectangular
pavers
of
limestone.
A
bench
leg
in
the form of
a
stylized
lion
paw
was
found in situ
against
the south wall
of
the
room.
A
staircase
in
the
northeast
section
of
this
room
leads
up
to
the
top
of
the
promontory;
six
steps
were
excavated,
rising
1.18
m.
The
staircase is
3.10
m
wide,
and the
inclination
is
2.2:1
m
(lgth.:ht.).
Because
there
is
an
8
m
difference
in
level
between the
gateway
and
the
top
of the
prom
ontory,
the overall
length
of
the
staircase would have
been
about
17.6
m
with
a
total
of
about
50
steps
(fig.
3).
A
series of
landings
could
have eased
ascent;16
how
ever,
the
areas
where these
may
have existed
are
poorly
preserved.
To
the north
of
the
gateway
and staircase
is
an area
with several
smaller
rooms,
some
of
which
may
have
functioned
as
a
bath.
Elevated
Courtyard
nd
Peristyle
We
identify
the
substructure of
an
elevated
court
yard
in
the
area
directly
west
of the
cryptoporticus,
where there
are a
number of
walls 0.90-1.07
m
and
1.25
m
thick and
densely spaced
at
intervals of
1.80
1.87
m
and,
in
ne
instance,
2.10m
(see
figs.
2,4).
The
exterior
dimensions of this
area are
15.40
(east-west)
x
14.80
m
(north-south).
The floor
of
the
substructure
(as
evidenced
by
thresholds and
a
single
in
situ
paver)
is
about 4.50
m
below the
elevated
rectangular
area
that
was once
above the
cryptoporticus
(as
evidenced
by
arch
springers
still
in
situ).
The close
spacing
of
the walls
suggests
that
they
supported
substantial el
ements
such
as
columns
on an
upper
level. On that
upper
level, therefore,
we
reconstruct
a
square
court
yard
with
peristyle
in
front
of
and
at
the
same
level
as
the
colonnaded
oecus,
some
5
m
above the floor of the
substructure
(fig.
5).
Within this
courtyard
it is
possible
to reconstruct a
covered
colonnade
on
all
four
sides.17 The columns
of
the
colonnade
would have been
supported
by
the
walls,
forming
a
smaller,
inner
square
at
the
lower el
evation. To
this colonnade
we
would
restore
either
a
set
of Corinthian
columns found
at
the
site
(diam.
0.47
m)
(fig.
6;
appx.
1,
cat.
no.
10)
or
the
Ionic columns
l6The
staircase of
the
Upper
Market
in
Petra is
11
m
tall,
with
a
steeper
and therefore less
comfortable inclination
(1.4:1),
and has
no
landings
(Kanellopoulos
2002,
296).
In
Herod's
palace
atMasada, the middle terrace on the north
edge
of the
cliff is
12
m
below
the
top,
and the lower
terrace
isanother 18
m
farther down
(Netzer 2001,90).
17
As is the
peristyle
house
layout
at
Mustafa Pasha Tomb 1
(see Grimm 1998,41,
fig.
39).
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468
P.M. BIKAI ET AL.
[AJA
12
Fig.
2.
Plan
of the
promontory
at
Beidha
(drawing
by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
(diam.
0.68
m)
(figs.
7,
8;
appx.
1,
cat.
no.
18).
Either
of these
elements, however,
would
produce
a
colon
nade that
was
shorter than the
doorway
of the
oecus.
Because
the
roofing
of
such
a
colonnade would have
obscured the lintel of that
door,
we
prefer
to
omit the
colonnade
on
the
east
side of the
courtyard.18
The colonnade
in
the
courtyard
could have been in
two
stories;
if
o,
we
would combine the
pseudo-Ionic
capital
with the
elephant
heads with the
Ionic
column
drums
(figs.
,10;
appx.
1,
cat.
nos.
11,18)
and
restore
them
to
this
upper
story.
Alternately,
we
restore
the
colonnettes with the
elephant-headed
capitals (appx.
1,
cat.
no.
11)
to
a
window
on
thewall behind the Ionic
colonnade.19
It
is
possible
that the small architrave
(fig.
lie;
appx.
1,
cat.
no.
19)
and cornice
(ht.
0.23
m) (see
figs.
10, IIa,
g; appx.
1,
cat.
nos.
15,16)
belong
to
either
the
large
Ionic
or
the smaller
pseudo-Ionic
order.
It
is also
possible
that the Ionic columns
with
screen
walls between them
(see
fig.
8;
appx.
1,
cat.
no.
18)
could have
belonged
to
one
or
more
exedrae?
square
in
plan
and
distyle?facing
the
court,
as
in
the
Governor's
Palace
at
Ptolemais.20
Such exedrae with
balustrades between the
columns also
occur
in the
residential
complex
of Ez Zantur in
Petra.21
Such
a re
construction would accommodate the two-faced Ionic
capitals (appx.
1,
cat.
no.
18)
found
at
the site.
Cryptoporticus
nd Colonnaded Oecus
The
cryptoporticus
is
3.63-3.75
m
wide and is carved
out
of bedrock
(see
figs.
2, 4,
12).
It
is constructed
in
an
artificially
widened
east-west
fissure
through
the
bedrock
promontory.
A
series of
in
situ arch
springers
(wdth.
1.05
m,
spaced
1.05
m
apart)
rise
from
a
ledge
2.70
m
above floor level and carved
out
of bedrock
on
18
In
Petra,
two
lateral
colonnades
occur
in
the atria of the
Urn Tomb and the
funerary
monument
(see
Brunnow and
von
Domaszewski
1904,
no.
4
[the
"Khan"
near
the
entrance
to
the
Siq];
Schmid
2001a,
164,
172,
fig.
17).
Peristyles
ith
colonnades on three sides only occur inHerod's promontory
palace
in
Caesarea and
in
the
complex
of the Tomb of
the
Ro
man
Soldier
in
Petra
(see
Schmid
2001a,
figs.
1,7).
19
As
are
the
niches
in the
pronaos
walls of
Qasr
al-Bint
(Larche
and
Zayadine
2003,210,
fig.
227).
20Nielsen
1994,149,
fig.
80.
21Netzer2003, fig. 175.
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8/10/2019 Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape
6/44
2008]
BEIDHA IN
JORDAN:
A
DIONYSIAN
HALL
IN
A
NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE 469
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470
P.M. BIKAI ET AL.
[AJA
112
Fig.
4. View
to
the
east
from the substructure of the elevated
courtyard
into the
cryptoporticus
(S. Saunders).
either
side of the
cryptoporticus.22
learly,
the
ceiling
of the
cryptoporticus
was
constructed of slabs
support
ed
by evenly spaced
arches
springing
from this
ledge.
The
top
of the flattened
area
at
the
eastern
end of
the
promontory
is
2
m
above the arch
springers.
This
height
accommodates
exactly
the radius
of
the arches
together
with the thickness
of the voussoirs
as
shown
in
figure
12.
Two
walls built
across
the
cryptoporticus
are
1.10
m
thick.
Flattened bedrock forms
most
of the
floor,
with
an
elevated
bench and
a
basin carved
out
of bedrock
against
the north wall.
At
the
west
end,
the
cryptoporti
cus
communicates
with the substructure
of
the elevated
courtyard
through
aim wide
doorway.
An
L-shaped
passageway
is also
partially
carved
out
of bedrock
on
the north side
of
the
cryptoporticus.
There is evidence
of
a
staircase
in
this
passageway
that would have
con
nected the
cryptoporticus
with
the
oecus
above.
Because
this staircase
begins
2.6
m
above the floor level
of
the
cryptoporticus,
access
to
the stairwell and
passageway
must
have been
by
a
ladder
from
the
lower level
(see
fig.
12).23
The
rectangular,
rocky
mass on
the
uppermost part
of
the
promontory
forms
a
natural
podium;
we
restore
the colonnade material found
in
the
cryptoporticus
to
a
colonnaded
outstanding
atop
this
podium,
at
least
5.50 m above the floor of the vaulted cryptoporticus
(see
fig.
12).
Monumental elevated
buildings
above
cryptoportici
are
not
uncommon
in the
area, as,
for
example,
in the Romano-Nabataean
temple
at
Dhat
Ras in
Jordan
(before
125-150
C.E.?),24
the
Antonine
Temple
of
Artemis
at
Jerash,
and the Great
Temple
of
Amman.25
The
colonnade material attributed
to
the hall
or
oecus
(appx.
1,
cat.
nos.
1-9)
includes
a
number of col
umn
shafts;
at
least
seven
column
capitals
with heads
(29
heads
total,
four
per
capital)
(figs.
13,14,15a-e);
two
olumn
capitals
with Medusa
heads and
palmettes
in the abaci; architrave moldings;
a
cornice; heart
shaped piers;
and
an
anta
jamb.
The
heart-shaped
piers
suggest
that the colonnade
was an
interior
one.
There
are
enough capitals preserved
to reconstruct
an
oblong plan,
but
too
many
for
an
altar
platform
within the
available
space.26
No
blocks
or
fragments
that could be attributed
to
architrave
blocks,
a
frieze
course,
column
bases,
or
sty
lobate blocks have been recovered.
Most
of the
mate
rial found
in the
cryptoporticus
belongs
to
the
upper
parts
of
a
colonnade. The recovered
remnants
of roof
tiles and nails that
would
point
to
thewoodwork
of
a
pitched
roof
were
negligible.27
Thus,
we
reconstruct
flat roofs
in
all
areas
of the
compound.28
The
overall north-south width of the
natural
po
dium described
above is 14.80
m;
this
should also
represent
the
outer
width
of the
oecus.29
The exterior
east-west
length,
from
wall
to
wall,
is about
23.40
m.
Based
on
this
width,
we
restore,
in
addition
to
the
ex
terior
walls,
only
two
columns and
two
heart-shaped
piers,
for
a
total
of
four
vertical
supports
(see
fig.
12).
The distance between
columns
cannot
be restored
with
certainty,
but interaxial distances
between 1.90
and
2.16-2.19
m are
possible,
with the north
wing
of
the colonnade
lying
south of the staircase
opening.
22
The substructure
of the Main Theater's
proscenium
has
an
identical construction
(Rababeh
2005,174,181,
fig.
6.
31.a).
23
A
wooden ladder
connects
the
crypt
(oracle?)
with
the
cella of the luxurious
Temple
of Zeus
at
Aezanoi
(see
Spaw
ford2006,89).
24Eddinger2004.
25Kanellopoulos
1994,57
(with
related
bibliography).
26
The
possibility
of
a
square
altar
was
considered; however,
itwould have
required
six
capitals
with
24
heads,
four heart
shaped piers (possibly
another six
heads),
and
two
capitals
with Medusae and pinecones. The discovery of 28 heads be
longing
to
capitals
would have then indicated that almost all
of the
capital
material
was
found,
but
only
a
small
portion
of
other
features
was
recovered.
27
The roof tile
fragments
recovered
from the whole
prom
ontory
amount to
some
15
kg,
most
coming
from surface
lay
ers on
the north side of the bath
area.
28For
flat roofs
over
classical
portici,
see
the
evidence from
the
complex
of the Tomb of the Roman Soldier
inWadi Fara
sa
(Schmid
2001a, 162,
fig.
; 169-70,
fig.
14).
29
The width of 14.80
m
is
exacdy
equal
to
50 Roman
pedes
of
0.296
m
each. For the
occurrence
of the Roman
pes
and
50 ftwide
structures in
Petra,
see
Kanellopoulos
2003;
Reid
2006,206-17.
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8/10/2019 Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape
8/44
2008]
BEIDHA
IN
JORDAN:
A
DIONYSIAN HALL
IN
A NABATAEAN
LANDSCAPE
471
Fig.
5. Ground
plan
of the
extant
remains
of
the
courtyard
substructure and
cryptoporticus
and
a
reconstructed
plan
of
the
peristyle
and oecus
(drawing
by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
The
length
of
the
building
accommodates
a
total of
six columns and
two
heart-shaped
piers
(see
fig.
5)
if
we
use
the
same
aisle width
throughout
the
oecus.
Such
a
restored
plan
for
the interior
colonnade
strik
ingly
resembles
the
Egyptian
oecus
in
the
Governor's
Palace
at
Ptolemais.30
The
overall column
height
should have been be
tween
eight
and
nine times the lower
diameter,
or
roughly
5.00-5.60
m,31
with
an
overall
entablature
height
of
approximately
1.15
m.
As
explained
above,
not
a
single
fragment
of archi
trave
beams
or
friezes has been identified
among
the
material found in
the
cryptoporticus,
but
we
suggest
that
the architrave beams
were
wooden,
with
a
section
of
about
0.35
(ht.)
x
0.60
m
and
capped
with the
cyma
recta
of
themolded
stone
course
(see
fig.
13;
appx.
1,
cat.
no.
5).
The
frieze could also have been
executed
in
wood;
this
course
could, however,
be
represented
by
the
finely
crafted ashlars
with
average
dimensions
(ht.
ca.
0.35
m)
that
are
generally
identified
as ma
sonry
blocks.
If
this is the
case,
these blocks show that
the frieze
course was
plain,
which is
typical
in
Petraean
architecture.
The column
capitals
with
the Medusa
reliefs,
pal
mettes,
and
pinecones
(figs.
15f-i, 16;
appx.
1,
cat.
no.
7)
are
of the
same
dimensions
as
the capitals with
heads in the
place
of
bosses
(appx.
1,
cat.
no.
3).
Appar
ently,
capitals
with Medusae
on
the truncated
corners
of the abaci occurred also
on
heart-shaped
piers
(fig.
17;
appx.
1,
cat.
no.
8).
It is reasonable
to
restore
two
such columns and
two
such
heart-shaped piers
with
Medusae and
palmette capitals
to
the
west
part
of
the
colonnade,
directly
across
from
the
entrance
(fig.
18).
Indeed,
most
abaci
fragments
with Medusae and
pal
30Pesce
1950,
tables
5, 6;
also shown
in
Nielsen
1994,
147,
fig. 78. The basilica at Pompeii has 4x12 internal piers (see
Welch
2003, 11,
fig.
3);
Vitruvius' basilica has 4
x
8
(Vitr.
De
arch.
5.1.6).
31
For column ratios in the freestanding architecture of Pe
tra,
see
Kanellopoulos
2001,16; 2004,
233.
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-
8/10/2019 Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape
10/44
2008]
BEIDHA
IN
JORDAN:
A DIONYSIAN HALL IN
A
NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE 473
0.31
Fig.
7. Ionic
capital (drawing by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
1,
cat.
no.
9;
see
also
appx.
2).
With
a
restored column
shaft diameter of
about 0.30
m,
these
capitals
could
belong
to
an
upper
story
of the
colonnade,
which
can
not,
however,
be restored
with
complete
confidence
because of the lack of
evidence.
From
the
extant
frag
ments,
it is
impossible
to
determine
if these
belonged
to
small
columns,
small columns attached
to
piers,
an
elevated
clerestory
wall,
or
window
frames.33
A number
33
See
figs.
12
and 18 for various
possibilities;
as
in
the
palace
at
Iraq
al-Amir,
Jordan
(see
Will
and Larche
1991,
pis.
36,
37;
see
also
Nielsen 1994,144, fig. 76). In fig. 12, the restoration of both colonnettes and similar semicolonnettes against piers on top of the inter
nal
colonnade is
only
tentative. In
fig.
18,
the semicolonnettes with the
griffin-headed capitals
are
shown attached
to
a
clerestory
wall
and
alternating
with
windows.
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8/10/2019 Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape
11/44
474 P.M.
BIKAI ET
AL.
[AJA
112
-
-.---j- ^==l?n
^
|
0.252
i
:
:
_ i
J
j
(^^^a^^^) l^r^pgr^^
Q.315
j
^
ff
r
S
'
""
%f|
r=^-'-^v^;'>i~)
?-385
_M_C
)
I
C.)
0
Imj
11
i
i
Fig.
8. Pieces of
an
Ionic
order with column
base
(appx.
1,
cat.
no.
17),
capital (appx.
1,
cat.
no.
18),
small architrave
(appx.
1,
cat.
no.
19),
and
cornices
(appx.
1,
cat.
nos.
15,
16)
(drawing by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
of
small,
finely
crafted ashlars
(average
0.15
x
0.12
x
0.20
m)
could also be attributed
to
an
upper
story.
An
abacus
corner on
which
an
animal
ear
is
pre
served
(appx.
2,
Head
H)
isof
the
same
style
ut about
half the
size
of the small
capitals
with
griffin
eads. This
fragment
is evidence for
a
third,
even
smaller
order
that could stand between the colonnettes of the
up
per level and on low balustrades, as in the Governor's
Palace
at
Ptolemais.34
Although
the
top
surfaces of the cornice
blocks
of
the
lower
colonnade
are
perfectly
flat and
could
support
a
freestanding
upper
colonnade,
such
a su
perstructure
would
be
too
weak
to
carry
a
heavy,
flat
roof. We therefore favor the solution of
a
clerestory
wall with
engaged
small half-columns
and windows
between
them
(see
fig.
18).
Nevertheless,
the evidence
for
an
upper
story
with smaller
supports
of
the
same
style
indicates
a
possible
elevated
clerestory
above the
nave.
Such
a
basilical
plan
with
an
elevated
clerestory
adorned with small columns
and
windows recalls
the
Egyptian
oecus
described
by
Vitruvius
(De
arch.
6.3.9).
The ratio of exterior
length
to
width
of
the
oecus
is
23.4:14.8
m
or
1.58:1
(or
11:7).
Indeed,
the
propor
tions of similar
contemporaneous
basilical halls
in
the
region are closer to the ratio 1.5:1, instead of the Vit
ruvian
proportion
of
2:1
(table l).35
It
seems
that the
main
entry
staircase
led
to
the
south
side
or
the southwest
corner
of
the
elevated
complex
(see
fig.
2).
An
axial
approach,
with
the
entrance
across
from
the
oecus,
is
not
a
requirement
for
compounds
of
this kind.
In
a
number of
prominent
residences
with
peristyles,
the
entrance
is from the
side,
and for
a rea
son:
the
area
directly
across
from the main
dining
hall
(oecus,
andron,
or
triclinium)
was
reserved
for
a
second,
34Pesce 1950, tables 5, 6; also shown inNielsen 1994, 149,
fig.
80.
35Nielsen 1994,197; Netzer 2001,40. A ratio of 2:1 is found
in
Italy.
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12/44
2008]
BEIDHA
IN
JORDAN:
A
DIONYSIAN
HALL
IN
A NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE 475
smaller
dining
or
reception
hall
(exedra)
.36
It is
pos
sible
that this
was
the
case
in the
missing
western
parts
of
the Beidha
complex.
THE
ARCHITECTURE: STYLE AND CONTEXT
Hellenistic influences
are
apparent
in
the architec
tural forms of the Beidha
complex.
The Corinthian
capitals
deviate between
12%
and
13%
from
Jones'
rule IF and Vitruvius'
canon
for the Roman
Corinthi
an
order.37
The
interior
of the
oecus was
adorned with
columns
in
three different
sizes,
but
all
are
Corinthian
and decorated with
palmettes
and the heads
of
humans,
gods,
heroes,
griffins,
or
Medusae.
In the
oecus,
the
combination of
two
variants ofMcKenzie's
Type
1
floral
capitals
(one
set
with
headed bosses and another
set
with
a
garland
and Medusa head
on
the
abacus)
finds
an
almost identical
parallel
in
the house of
Ez
Zantur
in
Petra,
dated
by
the
excavators to
after
20
C.E.38
An
other
set
of
Corinthian
capitals
used
in
the
complex
is
of
a
simpler
type
(see
fig.
6;
appx.
1,
cat. no.
10).
The
canonical two-sided
Ionic
capital
(see
fig.
7)
is
thus
far
unique
in
Petra;
only
Ionic
capitals
seen
in the
round with
four
corner
volutes have
been discovered
in Petra
and
its
environs.39 The
miniature
capitals
of
the
upper
levels
in
the
oecus are
reminiscent
of the
so-called dwarf
features
found
in
contemporaneous
"experimental
architecture"
and
in luxurious resi
dential
complexes
such
as
the
Governor's
Palace
in
Ptolemais.40 The floral
pilaster capital
has awidth that
matches the diameters of the columns
(fig.
20;
appx.
1,
cat.
no.
22)
and could
belong
to
an
anta
near
the
oecus
entrance
or
at
the ends
of the
peristyle
colon
nades,
as
in
figures
5 and 18.
Elephant-headed capitals
are
well
represented
by
the 130 columns
in the
Lower
Temenos of the Great
Temple
at
Petra.41
In
Beidha,
the
pseudo-Ionic
capi
tals
with
elephant
heads in the
place
of volutes
prove
that this
motif
was
not
unique
to
the
Great
Temple
complex.
It
may
be that these distinctive
capitals
were
more
commonly
used
in
the Hellenistic
world,
but
they
are extant
only
at Petra and Beidha.
Also found
at
the site
were
near-life-sized
sculptures
of lions and boars
(appx.
2).
Their
original
location
^^^^X
"
38
|-0.18-
Fig.
9.
Pseudo-Ionic
capital
with
elephant
head
(drawing by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
is
uncertain,
but
they
could
be
restored
on
a
large
frieze
above
a
complete
entablature
of the
exterior,
as
is
the
case
at
the
palace
at
Iraq
al-Amir,42
as
part
of
a
nature
scene or a
hunting
scene.
They
could
also be
restored
as
acroteria
on
the
building.
Regardless
of the
reconstruction,
they
stand
in
stark
contrast to
the
tiny,
delicate
heads of the miniature
elements.
This small
scale
decoration
was
clearly
meant to
be
appreciated
by
those inside
the
complex.
In
contrast,
a
frieze
or
acroteria of
large
animals would
be combined
with the
massive outer
morphology
of the
complex
and could
be admired
even
from the foot of the hill.
Although
large
reliefs
of
animals,
frequently
au
naturel,
are
not
36
The main
entrance to
the Governor's Palace atPtolemais
is from the side
(Room
1 in Pesce
1950,
tables
5,6;
also shown
in
Nielsen
1994,
147,
fig.
78).
There is
a
lateral
entrance to
the house of the consul Attalos in
Pergamon
and in Herod's
Promontory
Palace
(Schmid
2001a,
fig.
7).
All
the above
ex
amples
have both
a
main
dining
hall and
a
secondary
recep
tion
room across
from it.
37Vitr.
De arch.
4.1.1;
Jones
1989,47,
51,
fig.
8b.
38Kolb
et
al.
1999,
269,
figs.
5, 6;
Netzer
2003, 162,
fig.
224.1.
39Fiema
et
al.
2001,
171,
fig.
38;
McKenzie
2001,
100-1.
The
severely damaged
Ionic
capitals
in
the
adyton
of
Qasr
al
Bint
may
also have been of the
canonical
type
(Zayadine
et
al.
2003,149,
fig.
15).
40Nielsen
1994,150.
41Blagg
1990;Joukowsky
1998b.
42Will
and Larche
1991,
pis.
36,
37;
see
also Nielsen
1994,
144,
fig.
76.
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8/10/2019 Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape
13/44
476
P.M. BIKAI ET AL.
[AJA
112
^-i
0.22
^^^^^^
[
~^
?'252
jjgpfea^f
I^C:^2j
?-175
|ll
|
|
|
1
^0.1cV-i
|
I
^
i
I
I
/.
0.20
v" I 'o
Fig.
10.
Order
composed
of
semicolonnettes,
a
pseudo-Ionic
capital,
and small entablature features
(drawing by
C. Kanel
lopoulos).
uncommon
at
Petra,43
they
are
nowhere
combined
with
small,
delicate
sculptural
elements
in the
abbre
viated
interiors of rock-cut
Petra.
This
combination is
feasible, however,
in
the
fully
developed freestanding
architecture
of
the
compound
of Beidha.
All the
architectural
sculpture
in
the
complex
of
Beidha finds
parallels
in
the
religious
and secular
monuments
of
the
city
center
of
Petra,
albeit
on
a
larger
scale and
at
a
slightly
ater date thanwhat is
pro
posed
here for Beidha.
The
griffins
n
the
Temple
of
the
Winged
Lions,
the
elephant-headed
capitals
of the
temenos
of theGreat
Temple,
and theMedusa heads
of
the residential
complex
Ez
Zantur
come
together
at
Beidha
more
gracefully
and
on a
smaller
scale.
The
setting
on a
cliff
t
Beidha
greatly
resembles the
contemporaneous
Herodian/Hashmonean
palatial
complexes
in
Masada
(ca.
25
B.C.E.)
and
Machaerus,
each of which has luxurious
reception
areas
overlook
ing
dramatic
views.44
While
the Beidha
complex
lacks
the
mosaic floors
of Herod's
compounds,
it has
sculp
tural decoration
in
a
variety
of sizes
and
in
all
areas
of
the
structure.
The similarities
to
the
complexes
at
Ma
sada and Machaerus
suggest
that the Beidha
complex
was
a
residence with
a
monumental
dining
hall.
This
identification is
supported by
the
presence
ofwhat
ap
pears
to
be
a
food-preparation
area
at
the
site,
the
use
of
a
nonaxial
approach
to
the
courtyard
and
oecus,
and
certain
Dionysian
elements
in
the
sculpture.
43Examples
include camels
(Siq),
lions
(Lion Fountain),
a snake (Snake Tomb), the horses of the Dioscuri, and ea
gles
and
lions
in the
eaves
of the Khasneh
(Bedal
2003,
pi.
28;
Ruben
2003,42).
44
Netzer 2001,92-5.
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8/10/2019 Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape
14/44
2008]
BEIDHA
IN
JORDAN:
A
DIONYSIAN HALL
IN
A
NABATAEAN
LANDSCAPE
477
-
ay
?I
r7^?
-
bf
I
?I
,/
9 I
d
/
e
f
I
l
I
0 0.1
0.2
Fig.
11.
Profiles of
seven
moldings:
a-d,
g,
cornices;
e,f,
architraves
(drawing
by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
This
monument
adds
a
variety
of
new
elements
to
our
understanding
of
Nabataean
history,
archi
tecture, art, and culture and opens a window onto a
period
that
is
little
documented
in
the
archaeologi
cal
record of the
Petra
region.
The
architecture
and
sculpture
demonstrate how
well the
Nabataeans
had
absorbed
Hellenistic
motifs and
blended them
with
Nabataean
traditions,
including
the tradition of
ritual
dining.
The
monument
also
contributes
to
our
under
standing
that the
Nabataeans
were
very
much
current
with
the fashion
for
palatial
facilities.
The
complex
at
Beidha
joins
the
garden
and
pool
with
a
Cyzicene
oecus
in
the
city
center
of
Petra and
the
palatial
facil
ity
n
Urn
el-Biyara
in
the
list
of
Nabataean
pleasure
compounds.45
DECORATIVE
PROGRAM
Human-Headed
Capitals
Archaeological
excavation
of the
cryptoporticus
and
adjacent
areas
uncovered 31
heads
(12
male,
16
female,
and 3
unidentifiable);
29
were
half-life-sized,
and
2
female
heads
were
quarter-life-sized
(figs.
21-3;
appx. 2). Four heads (Heads 19-22) remained united
with their
capitals,
and
others
(Heads 1,2,8,11,17,18,
24)
were
subsequently
restored
to
their
capitals,
con
firming
the
original placement
of the heads
as
bosses.
The
use
of heads
as
bosses
perhaps
developed
as a
decorative
scheme
from the
Hathor-headed
capitals
of
Middle
Kingdom
Egypt.46
xamples
of
this
non-Greek
architectural
tradition
are
well
represented
around
the
Mediterranean.47 The
inspiration
for this archi
tectural
decoration
likely
ame
to
Petra
byway
of
Ptol
emaic
Alexandria,
which
gave
rise
to
many
of
Petra's
architectural
forms
and
to
Pompeii's
Second
Style
wall
paintings. Thus, the Beidha heads are related to the
headed
capitals
that
appear
in
two-dimensional
form
in the
Villa
of
the
Mysteries,
Villa A
at
Oplontis,
the
villa
at
Boscoreale,
and the
House of
the
Labyrinth.48
This
decorative element
attracted both
Vitruvius'
eye
and his
contempt.49
45Bedal
et
al.
(forthcoming).
46von
Mercklin
1962.
For
a
brief
history
of
figured
capitals,
seeWebbl996,18.
47
Locations
range
from
Palaestina
(Fischer
1991),
Sardis
(Hirschland 1967), Pergamon (Webb 1996, 18), Pisa (Gri
santi
1992,
51-6),
Ptolemais
(McKenzie
1990,
pi.
221b),
and
Pompeii
(von
Mercklin
1962,
figs.
351-57;
Staub-Gierow
1994,
igs.
118-27).
48Clarke
(1991, 111)
believes
that the
same
workshop
dec
orated
these four
villas.
Cubiculi 16
and 8 of
the Villa of
the
Mysteries
are
illustrated
in
McKenzie
1990,
pis.
239a,
240b.
Triclinium 14 of Villa A at Oplontis appears inMcKenzie
1990,
pis.
229a,
230a.
^ViXx.Dearch. 7.5.3.
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8/10/2019 Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape
15/44
P.M. BIKAI ET AL.
[AJA
Fig.
12.
Reconstructed section A-A
(north-south)
through
the
interior of the
oecus
(drawing by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
A
few
fragments
of
figured capitals
were
recovered
at
Petra
before
the Beidha
discovery.
A
finely
carved
female
head
graces
an
abacus from the
domestic
site
of Ez
Zantur,50
which,
although slightly
smaller
and
more
finely
worked than the
Beidha
heads,
is
essentially
identical
to
them.
A
sandstone
head of
a
male
deity
was
found
in
the
debris
covering
the
Petra
Church;51
the
cut
guideline
on
the
flat
crown
of the
head,
slightly
ff
center
in relation
to
the
nose,
indicates
that
thishead
also derives
from
a
capital.
The size
of
the
Petra
Church
head is
approximately
the
same as
those
at
Beidha,
and
the
eyes,
nose,
and smile
are
similar
enough
to
those
of Beidha
Head
8
to
suggest
that
they
re
by
the
same
sculptor.
The
excavator
of the
Temple
of the
Winged
Lions
reports
finding capitals
adorned with
Eros-type
heads,52
and elsewhere
in
Nabataea,
similar
capitals
are
50Kolb
et
al.
1999,269,
figs.
5,6.
This head is
one
of
several
similarities
in
architectural decoration that
are
shared
by
Ez
Zantur and Beidha.
51Roche
2001,
353,
no. 13. The head is dated to the sec
ond/third
centuries
C.E.,
but Roche
notes
the
similarity
with
the
goddess
of
vegetation
at
Khirbet
et-Tannur,
which isdated
to
the end of the first
century
C.E. This
may
be
Hermes,
be
cause
behind each
ear,
there
are
the
remnants
of
a
long
taenia
that would fall over each shoulder.
52Hammondl977,51.
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8/10/2019 Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape
16/44
2008]
BEIDHA
IN
JORDAN:
A
DIONYSIAN HALL
IN
A
NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE
479
attested
at
Khirbet
et-Tannur,
Ma'in, Oboda,
Mampsis,
and
at
several
sites in the
Hauran.53
The
Beidha
assem
blage,
however,
is
the
largest by
far.
The
iconographic
program
of the Beidha
assem
blage
is
Dionysian.
In
fact,
Head
2
(see fig.
21
[2])
is
easily
identifiable
as
Dionysos,
for
he
is
singled
out
by
the
vine wreath that
crowns
his
head. This is the
god's
youthful
image, popularized
in the
Hellenistic and
Roman
periods.
That
Dionysos
should
appear
in
a
Nabataean context
is
not
surprising,
as
both
Herodo
tus
and Strabo
explicitly
state
that the
Nabataeans
worshiped
him.54
The
cast
of characters in
a
Dionysian
thiasos is
not
fixed,
but the main
actors
are
Dionysos,
Silenos,
satyrs,
and bacchantes.
To
this
core
can
be added
Ampelos,
Ariadne,
centaurs,
Dionysos
Pais,
erotes,
Herakles,
hermaphrodites,
nymphs,
Pan,
and the Four
Seasons.55
The headed
capitals
at
the
Beidha
complex
include,
in
addition
to
Dionysos
himself,
Ampelos
(Head
18),
Dionysos
Pais
(Head 3),
Herakles
(Head 13),
Pan
(Head
19,
on an
anta
capital),
Silenos
(Head 14),
satyrs
(Heads
15,
20, 24, 25,
27,
29),
and
bacchantes
(Heads
4-7,10,12,16,17).
The three
veiled females found
at
the
site
(Heads
8, 21,
22)
may
be
Ariadne,
Nysa,
and
Ino,
the main
female characters in
Dionysian mythol
ogy.
The
presence
of Isis
(Head 11)
can
perhaps
be
explained
by
her
popularity
in
Petra,56
but
it
should
be
noted that Herodotus
and
later Plutarch
equate
Dio
nysos
with
Osiris,
the
consort
of
Isis.57
t
may
be
that
the
patrons
or the
sculptors
at Beidha were aware of
this
relationship
and
referenced it n the
iconographic
program
of the
building.58
Identifying
the other
female
figures
at
Beidha
is
problematic;
they
may
be
Muses, maenads,
or
nymphs,59
all of
whom
are
also
associated with
Dio
nysos.
In
mythology,
Muses
appear
in the
worship
of
Dionysos
in
the
festival known
as
the
Agrionia.60
In
art,
they
appear
with
Dionysos
on a
late
fifth-century
B.C.E.
hydria
by
the
Priam Painter
now
in
the
Metropolitan
I
I 0 0.5m
Fig.
13. Reconstructed elevation and
a
section of the hall's
entablature with elevation of
headed
capital (drawing
by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
Museum
of Art and
on
the
so-called
Muse
sarcophagi
of the
second
century
C.E. The
sarcophagi
suggest
an
indirect link
between
Muses and
Dionysos
in
the
con
53Glueck
1965,
224
(Hauran),
pis.
132c
(Ma'in),
132a, b,
133,134
(Khirbet
t-Tannur);
egev
1974,155
(Oboda);
156,
pi.
27e,
no.
5070
(Mampsis).
54Hdt.
3.8;
Strabo 16.1.11. See
Healey
(2001,
100-1)
for
a
summary
of
Dushara
as
Dionysos.
55E.g.,
the
Dionysian
thiasoson the
sarcophagus
of Maconi
anaSeverianain
thej.
Paul
Getty
Museum
(inv.
no.
83.AA.275)
involves
a
basic cohort of
Dionysos,
Ariadne,
Ampelos,
Pan,
Dionysos
Pais,
and
Silenos. The
supporting
cast
includes five
maenads
(with
a
tympanon,
kithara,
cymbals,
double
flute,
and
one
with
tympanon
and
thrysos)
and 10
young
satyrs
(car
rying
the
child,
playing
the double
flute,
with
a
lagobolon
and
syrinx,
with
a
lagobolon
and
pulling
a
goat,
holding
a
torch,
holding
a
basket of
grapes,
three small
satyrs
crushing
the
grapes, and one pouring grapes into the vat) (Walker 1990,
fig.
la-g).
The
thiasos
on
the
sarcophagus
in
the Museum
of Fine
Arts,
Boston
(inv.
no.
1972.650),
includes Herakles
(Comstock
andVermeule
1976,
no.
244).
56
For
Isis
in
Petra,
see
Roche
1987;
Zayadine
1991;
Merk
lein
and
Wenning
1998;
Parlasca 1998.
57Hdt.
2.42;
Plut.
Dels,
et
Os. 364e-365a. A connection
be
tween
Isis and
Dionysos
is
also
apparent
in
Cyprus,
where late
first-century
B.C.E.
Magenta
Ware
jugs
depict
the
goddess
with
Dionysian corymbs
crowning
her head
(Karageorghis
et
al.
2000,276-77,
fig.
447).
58McKenzie
(1990,117)
postulates
that Alexandrian crafts
men
created
the fine
work of the
early
Petra
monuments.
59
The difficulties of
identifying Dionysos'
female
compan
ions in relation
to
fifth-century
B.C.E.
vases
are
discussed
in
Carpenter
1997,
52-69.
60
The association of the
Muses with the festival
seems re
stricted, however, to Boeotia, specifically Orchomenos (Plut.
Quaest.
Graec.
299-300).
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AL.
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12
Fig.
14.
Top plan
of
a
headed
capital
with
masons'
marks and
oblique joints
(drawing by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
quest
over death.61Mortal maenads
usually
appear
with
wild
unbound
tresses
crowned with
ivy
reaths,
while
stephanai,
the
Hellenistic
crownlike
headpiece
worn
by
the
Beidha
females,
are
rare.62
he
first
acchantes
are
the
Nysian
nymphs
who raised the child
Dionysos,
and this is
the
simplest
identification
of the
seven
Beidha
females.
The
Beidha females
certainly
fit
the
definition of
nymph
as
"a
non-wild
bacchant."63
If
the
Beidha
females
are
nymphs,
their
open
smiles
express
the
gaiety
of
the
Dionysian
thiasos,
yet
they
possess
a
61
The
link
is
more
directly
made in
the
example
in
the
Louvre
(inv.
no.
MR
880),
with its
lid decorated
by
Dionysian
scenes
of
satyrs
and maenads
(illustrated
in
Matz
1968-1975,
3:179,
no.
235).
62
Carpenter
(1997,
59
n.
44)
notes:
"There is
no
consisten
cy in the treatment of the women's hair. Some wear wreaths,
some
fillets,
some
sakkoi,
some
nothing."
Stephanai
do
crown
the
heads ofmaenads
in
two terracotta
figurines
(LIMC
suppl.
8(2):781,
figs.
210,
211).
Certainly,
iademed
nymphs
o
ap
pear
in
Graeco-Roman
art
(see,
e.g.,
Carpenter
1997,
pis.
11A,
19B, 22A, 26A,
37B. For
further
discussion,
see
appx.
2,
Head
1).
63
Smith
1991,
130.
Carpenter
(1997)
notes
that
it is
more
appropriate to call the female characters who appear with Di
onysos
on
fifth-century
B.C.E.
vases
nymphs
rather than
mae
nads
(121).
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112
f-
0.48
-1
I
Fig.
16. Elevation of
a
Medusa
capital (drawing by
Q.
Tweissi).
refined
elegance
befitting
the
grand
architecture of
their
setting.
It
should be noted thatDiodorus Siculus
and others locate the
place
of
Dionysos' youth,
Nysa,
in
Arabia,
and therefore
the
inclusion
of
nymphs
in the
decoration of the
oecus
may
be
a
visual
link
between the
Nabataeans and the
birthplace
of
the
god.64
Dionysian imagery
is
common
among
figured
capi
tals,
and
such
capitals frequently
adorn
structures
with
Dionysian
connections.
For
example,
Dionysian
figures greet visitors at the entrance to the House of
the
Figured Capitals
in
Pompeii,
dated
to
120
B.C.E.,
and their
presence
there
has been linked
to
Dionysos'
connection
to
the
afterlife.65
A
pilaster capital
of
un
known
provenance
now
in Boston
depicts
Silenos
standing
between
acanthus bushes
with
a
wineskin
at
his
right
foot;
it sdated
to
200-260
C.E.66
The head of
Pan,
a
drama
mask,
and the head and
upper
body
of
Dionysos
appear
on
three
capitals
at
the
Decapolian
city
of
Scythopolis,
which
had close ties
to
the
god.67
Dionysian-headed capitals
also
appear
in
Villa
A
at
Oplontis
and
in the
Villa
of the
Mysteries
at
Pompeii,
where
we
see a
bearded Silenos
figure wearing
a cor
ymb
wreath
in
a room
adjacent
to
the famous
room
depicting
the
Dionysian
rites.68
Both Italian
capitals
come
from
a
wine-producing
area,
which recalls the
vineyards
present
at
Beidha.
In
broad
terms,
the heads fall into
two
groups:
a
Hellenizing style
and
a
strongly provincial style.
An
example
of the first
group
isHead
18,
with
its rakish
anastolehairstyle,
modeled forehead and
furrowed
eye
brows,
upward-gazing
face,
and
slightly
open
mouth,
which
are
all characteristic of Hellenistic
sculpture.
Although the female faces are more restrained and
lack the
sense
of drama that
emanates
from their male
companions,
their
softly
modeled features
with
eyes
and mouths
deeply
carved for chiaroscural effect
are
also
Hellenizing.
In
fact,
the female faces share char
acteristics with those of the
Pergamon
altar,
which
are
noted for their
"fleshy,dimpled,
rounded
chins,
full
lips
and
wide
open
eyes."69
Most of
the female heads
from Beidha have
open
smiles,
refined
coiffures,
and
balanced
crowns
that recall the
"light"
or
"elegant"
Dionysian style,
hile
the troubled
expressions
of
many
male
figures
express
the
"serious"
Dionysian style.
Thus,
the heads
convey
the full
range
of
the
Dionysian
spirit
seen
in
Hellenistic
art.70
64Diod. Sic.
3.59.2, 3.64.5,
3.65.7,
3.66.3. In
addition,
an
anonymous
poet
is
quoted
in
Dalby
2003,
43. Diodorus
(3.66.4,
3.67.5)
does
note
that other authors
place
Nysa
in
North
Africa,
and Herodotus
(2.146,
3.97)
says
that it is lo
cated in
Ethiopia.
65
Staub-Gierow
1994,
73.
The
juxtaposition
of the home's
master
and mistress
on one
side of the
entrance
with
a
satyr
and maenad
on
the other makes
a
strong
statement
regarding
the devotions of the household. Zanker
(1998, 37-9)
views
this
as a
turning point
for Samnite
society,
when
it
adopted
the values of Greek
luxuria,
including
a "hedonistic
lifestyle
celebrated
by
Oriental monarchs and characteristic of
con
temporary
Greek cities"
(37).
66
Museum of Fine
Arts, Boston,
inv.
no.
01.8211.
Comstock
and Vermeule
1976,193,
no.
307.
67
Turnheim and Ovadiah
2002,
210.
All the
capitals
were
found
in
secondary
contexts,
reused
in the
propylon
of the
city's
grand
Byzantine
bath house.
68
von
Mercklin
1962,
figs.
1373-75.
Note that the heads
turn to
look into the
center
or corners
of the
room,
a
feature
shared
by
some
of
the Beidha heads.
69Ridgway2000,42.
70Smith
1991,128-29.
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BEIDHA
IN
JORDAN:
A DIONYSIAN
HALL
IN
A
NABATAEAN
LANDSCAPE
483
Fig.
17.
Top plan
of
a
heart-shaped pier
and its
capital, composed
of three
half-parts
and the actual
quarter-part (drawing
by
C.
Kanellopoulos).
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P.M. BIKAI ET AL.
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112
^^^^^^^^1 ^^^^^^^^B ^^^^^^^^B
^^^H Fl I ^^^^^^HR
Fig.
18.
Photorealistic
re-creation
of the hall above the actual remains of the
infrastructure,
view from the
west