bennet j, galaty m 1997 ancient greece

Journal of Archaeological Research, 1Iol. 5, No. L 1997

Ancient Greece: Recent Developments in Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies

John Bennet 1,3 and Michael Galaty 2

This review begins by defining the diverse field of "Greek archaeology. " Based on our own expertise, we focus on recent advances in the study of ancient Greece, especially the prehistoric Aegean, and on regional approaches, primarily those associated with archaeological surface survey. General developments in method and theory are addressed as they relate to several major topics: social complexi~ Aegean chronology, writing systems, exchange, and regional studies.

KEY WORDS: Greece; prehistoric Aegean; regional studies; surface survey.

INTRODUCTION: DEFINING GREEK ARCHAEOLOGY

This article arose from an invitation to cover "classical archaeology" for this journal. That invitation forced us to attempt a practical definition of the field, a task that proved far from unproblematic. "Classical archaeology" is not a single field within the wider discipline of archaeology. One way of defining the field is by geographical area: the archaeology of "classical" lands. However, this immediately raises the problem of what to do, for example, about the Hellenistic world, which extended eastward from Greece as far as modern India, or the even larger territories of the Roman empire. Another common way of defining "classical archaeology" is by time period: the archaeology of the circum-Mediterranean region ca. 800 B.C. to A.D. 476, encompassing the traditional dates for the beginning of Greek history (776 B.C.) and the foundation of the city of Rome (753 B.C.) and

1Department of Classics, University of Wisconsin--Madison, 908 Van Hise Hall, 1220 Linden Drive, Madison, Wisconsin 53706.

2Department of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin--Madison, Madison, Wisconsin 53706. 3To whom correspondence should be addressed.

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1059-0161/97/~300-0~75512.50/0 © 1997 Plenum Publishing Corporation

76 Bennet and Galaty

ending with the traditional date for the fall of the western Roman Empire (A.D. 476). But this definition also presents problems, since it explicitly ex- cludes the important work pertaining to the prehistory of the region. Fur- thermore, scholars working in "classical archaeology" may hold positions in departments of classics, art history or history, and less often anthropology (although there are some distinguished exceptions). As a result, "classical archaeologists" typically have very different definitions of the field within which they work.

Clearly under any of these definitions, a summary of recent research would extend far beyond the confines of an article of this type. Conse- quently, we have chosen to focus first, by region, confining ourselves largely to the Aegean (Fig. 1), and, second, by period. We focus on two topics of direct interest to us and in which we have the most experience: the archaeology of the prehistoric Aegean and regional studies, based chiefly on data generated by surface survey. We consider these topics to offer material of most potential use and interest to the readers of this journal working

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Fig. 1. Map of the Aegean, showing sites and regions mentioned in the text.

Ancient Greece---Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies 77

in other parts of the world. Within the context of these broad topics, we focus on several narrow issues of present importance to Greek archaeology: recent approaches to method and theory; current research in earliest prehistory--those periods prior to the Neolithic--including the question of island colonization; Greek chronology and the eruption of Thera, later prehistory, with particular attention given to social complexity, the origins of the state, Bronze Age writing systems, and intra-Mediterranean exchange; and, finally, methodological advances in regional studies and surface survey. We make mention throughout this review of the methodological and theoretical impact that, in numerous instances, Greek prehistoric archaeology has made upon the wider field of Greek archaeology, especially historical studies.

ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE PREHISTORIC AEGEAN

The study of the prehistoric Aegean was revolutionized over 20 years ago with the publication of Colin Renfrew's (1972) The Emergence of Civi- lisation. The Cyclades and the Aegean in the Third Millennium B.C. Renfrew took the then-current theoretical framework of anthropological archaeology, the "New Archaeology," injected it with a heavy dose of systems theory, and applied it to the problem of the origins of complex societies, mainly in the Cycladic islands, but also on the island of Crete. His work led to an increasing interest in the prehistory of the Aegean among scholars, within both the classical and the anthropological fields. It also initiated a continuing trend among Aegean prehistorians to employ theoretical models in attempting to understand the societies of the prehistoric Aegean and to construct those models on the basis of anthropological research on other comparable societies rather than deriving them inductively from the archaeological materials or--more surprising still--from the later epic poems of Homer. We might add here that Renfrew's position, first as Professor of Archaeology in Southampton, then as Disney Professor in Cambridge, has helped to maintain the centrality of the archaeology of Greece, at least in the view of British archaeologists.

Method and Theory

In 1980, Renfrew coined the descriptive term "the great divide" to characterize the gulf that lay between anthropological archaeology and classical archaeology. This concept forms an important theme in publications concerning theory written by Greek archaeologists in the last decade


(Donohue, 1985; Dyson, 1985, 1989, 1993; I. Morris, 1994a; Renfrew, 1980; Snodgrass, 1985, 1987).

In a recent detailed account, Ian Morris (1994a) traces the complex evolution of classical archaeology, revealing the history of its development in relation to anthropological archaeology. According to Morris, classical archaeology presently suffers the lingering effects of the discipline's origins in classical philology (the study of Greek and Latin texts that began in the European Renaissance) and art history. For example, since the exploration of the sites of Troy, Knossos, and Mycenae late in the last and early this century, a fundamental dichotomy has arisen in Greek archaeology between prehistoric and historical archaeology. As a result, scholars practicing Greek archaeology work either in time periods in which, for many of them, textual evidence is of primary and archaeological data of secondary importance (Small, 1995a, p. 4), or in time periods for which there is essentially no textual evidence and which are by definition inferior, unless they can be linked to some major question of classical philology such as the histo- ricity of Homer's picture of the Bronze Age, or the coming of the Greeks, or the accuracy of ancient accounts of Rome's origins.

As a result, Morris (1994a) encourages his classical colleagues to accept and contextualize their discipline's history and to face the need to redefine and expand its academic goals, to include prehistory, for example. In fact, many prehistorians working in Greece, primarily members of classics departments, see no distinction between their research and that carried out in other parts of the world, invariably by members of anthropology departments. As a corollary, Morris also encourages anthropological archaeologists to recognize and take advantage of the admirable detail and extensive, high-quality data collected by classical archaeologists in over a century of fieldwork. The potential in the classical world for combining rich archaeological resources with the similarly rich textual record as historical archaeology is great and only just beginning to be realized systematically (Small, 1995a).

In general, classical archaeologists tend to privilege textual information over the "mute" evidence offered by material remains and have indeed been rather slow to adopt methods of analysis and theory-building commonly used by anthropological archaeologists, but the increasing theoretical sophistication of Aegean prehistorians (particularly in broadly social archaeology and in regional studies) has recently begun to influence the research strategies of archaeologists working in later historical periods in the region.

An example is Ian Morris's innovative study of late prehistoric and early historical burial ritual in ancient Athens and its relation to state formation, which uses data generated by anthropological versus strictly his-

Ancient Greece--Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies 79

torical methods. His work has had a profound effect on classical archaeology (I. Morris, 1987), polarizing text-based ancient historians and gener- ating considerable discussion (e.g., Cannon, 1989; Small, 1995b). Morris (1992) has now published a broader synthetic overview of burial ritual in the ancient world, almost entirely confined to the historical periods. A similar reaction has been mounted against "positivistic" interpretations of classical material culture, such as the disproportionate importance assigned by classical archaeologists to Athenian decorated pottery of the sixth through the fifth centuries B.C. (e.g., Gill, 1994).

Moreover, regional analysis, just as it has extended diachronic analysis back in time, also has begun to impact historical archaeology, as in the case of Susan Alcock's (1989, 1993) study of Greece in the Roman period, in which she uses archaeological data--much of it derived from surveys--to challenge long-held, text-based concepts of Roman imperial control of Greece. A similar approach was used by Cynthia Kosso (1993) to examine the relationship between Late Roman economic and political structures as attested in textual sources and the patteming of archaeological remains as attested primarily in survey.

As the above examples affirm, Greek archaeologists, both prehistorians and historians, have now begun to integrate "classical" and "anthropological" approaches in increasingly sophisticated frameworks of analysis. Mor- ris, Alcock, and Kosso employ methods commonly applied in prehistoric periods to augment the already complex analyses afforded by historical data. In fact, Morris's (1994a) summary of the origins of classical archaeology, referred to above, was written as an introduction to a collection of new approaches in the archaeology of the classical world in Cambridge University Press's "New Directions" series (I. Morris, 1994b). A similar collection of examples of novel approaches to the problems and concerns of historical and prehistoric archaeology in the Aegean was published just over 10 years ago as a tribute to the innovative ideas of W'dliam MacDonald, who had initiated the first large-scale survey project in Greece on the model of then current surveys in Mesopotamia and Mesoamerica (see below) (Wilkie and Coulson, 1985).

Earliest Prehistory

Prehistoric research in the Aegean has tended to emphasize later periods of prehistory, particularly the mainland (Helladic), Cretan (Minoan), and island (loosely Cycladic) Bronze ages. However, in recent years the earliest prehistory of the region has attracted a greater degree of attention (Runnels, 1995). One contributory factor to this upsurge of interest is the


publication of extensive work at the site of Franchthi, a Cave site in the northeast Peloponnese (Jacobsen and Fan'and, 1987; van Andel and Sutton, 1987). Nine fascicles have been published to date, of which Talalay (1993) (figurines) and Vitelli (1993) (pottery) are the most recent. Occupation at the cave spans ca. 15,000 years, from the Middle Palaeolithic through the end of the Neolithic. The results of the Franchthi project are especially informative as regards Palaeolithic diet, subsistence strategies, and lithic technology [for paleoethnobotany, see Hansen (1991); for lithics, see Perl~s (1987, 1990b); for moUusca, see Shackleton (1988)]. Most recently, Cullen (1995) has summarized the earliest evidence for burial ritual dating to the Mesolithic, research shortly to appear in fuller form as one of the Franchthi fascicles.

A second contributory factor to the interest in the earliest prehistory of the region has been the development of regional studies. The region of Epiros, in the far northwest corner of Greece, was used as a testing ground for regional models of the Palaeolithic by a team from Cambridge Univer- sity in the 1960s. Building on that tradition, Bailey (1992) has carried out excavations at the cave site of Klithi, the results of which he has presented in the context of Palaeolithic settlement patterns and economy (see also Runnels and van Andel, 1993a). Runnels has been conducting similar research into the earliest prehistory of the region as part of the Boston Uni- versity Nikopolis project (Wiseman and Dousougli-Zachos, 1994). In northeast Greece, Runnels and van Andel have published evidence for a Lower and Middle Palaeolithic hominid presence in Thessaly (Runnels 1988; Runnels and van Andel, 1993b). As a result of the work at Franchthi, in Epiros, and in Thessaly, Greece has increasingly become a focus of interest to those archaeologists interested in the spread of hominids out of the Near East, through the Balkans, and into the rest of Europe (Runnels, 1995).

A related research question is the colonization of the numerous islands of the Aegean, a process that was until quite recently poorly understood. In a review of island prehistory, for example, Davis (1992) summarizes the increasingly sophisticated studies of island colonization, a subject certainly influenced by Renfrew's early work. In 1981 John Cherry summarized the current evidence for the spread of human populations to the Cycladic islands, further updating his views on the subject in 1990. A significant fea- ture of Cherry's discussion was the pan-Mediterranean perspective he used, considering the colonization histories of all islands in the region, not just those in the Aegean, thus clarifying the patterns observed and strengthen- ing the general conclusions drawn. He stresses the lack of any evidence for permanent human settlement in true islands--as distinct from those close to or connected to mainlands during periods of lower sea level--prior


to the Neolithic. The largest islands--Crete and Cyprus--received viable human populations in the earliest Neolithic, and the smaller islands became populated more gradually, many of those with more marginal environments only becoming populated by the beginning of the Early Bronze Age, some 3000 years later (Cherry, 1981, 1990).

Various archaeologists have used Cherry's work as a basis for studies of island colonization with a more narrow regional focus. Despite the fact that the zeal of collectors for objects of Cycladic art, especially figurines, has seriously hampered attempts to understand and interpret the archaeological record in the Cycladic islands (Gill and Chippindale, 1993), Brood- bank (1993, 1995) has studied their colonization. He has demonstrated that colonization was not a randomly structured phenomenon, but took place along distinct routes. He also assessed the transport technology available to these Early Bronze Age island societies and its relationship to the scale and extent of the first Cycladic settlements (Broodbank, 1989). Using evidence for population and subsistence practices from the only known aceramic Neolithic site on Crete--Knossos--Broodbank and Strasser (1991) modeled the island's colonization and emphasize that, in order for it to have been colonized, both for humans and domesticates, it must have been a more complex, planned undertaking than previously thought.

Recent work also has explored the relationship between colonization-- or perhaps predation by visiting hunting bands prior to true colonization-- and devastation of Crete's endemic fauna, none of which are attested in even the earliest Neolithic contexts (Lax, 1991; Lax and Strasser, 1992). That this also may have happened on Cyprus is more plausibly demonstrated by the discovery of a possible hunter camp at Akrotiri Aetokremnos (Held, 1992; Simmons, 1991, 1995), dated by 14C to close to a millennium earlier than the earliest Neolithic occupation. Possible evidence for a pre- Neolithic human presence in west Crete has, however, been discounted (Cherry, 1990, pp. 158-159).

Chronology and the Eruption of Thera

Before turning to the later prehistory of the Aegean, we address questions of Greek chronology (Table I). The chronology of the earliest periods of prehistory have only become accessible to dating with the application

r4 of C techniques, with some important results (e.g., Manning, 1995a). The date for the earliest colonization of Crete has now been pushed back to the end of the eighth rather than somewhere in the seventh millennium, and new 14C dates from the site of Akrotiri Aetokremnos on Cyprus have established that there was an early Holocene settlement (Cherry, 1990;


Table I. Outline of Greek Chronology from Earliest Prehistory to the Historic Period a

Mainland Crete Cyclades

Palaeolithic 25,000-11,000 B.P. -- [Franchthi] Hiatus?

Mesolithic 9,500-8,000 B.P. --

Neolithic Aceramic 6,800-6,500 B.C. 7,000--6,500 B.C. Early 6,500-5,800 B.C. 6,500-5,000 B.C. Middle 5,800-5,300 B.C. 5,000-4,500 B.C. Late 5,300-4,500 B.C. 4,500-3,500 B.C. Final 4,500-3,200 B.C. 4,000-3,100 B.C.

Bronze Age Helladic Minoan

Early 3,100-2,000 B.C. 3,100-2,000 B.C. Middle 2,000-1,680 B.C. 2,000-1,650 B.C. Late Bronze I-II 1,680-1,415 B.C. 1,650-1,405 B.C. Late Bronze III 1,415-1,100 B.C. 1,405-1,100 B.C.

Whole region

Dark Age 1,100--700 B.C.

Archaic 700-480 B.C.

Classical 480-323 B.C.

Hellenistic 323-31 B.C.

Roman 31 B.C.-A.D. 337

n

m

D

4,500-3,100 B.C.

Cycladic

3,100-1,900 B.C. 1,900-1,600 B.C. 1,600-1,405 B.C. 1,405-1,100 B.C.

aDates are approximations only (based on Demoule and Perl~s, 1993, p. 366, Fig. 2; Man- ning, 1995a, p. 217, and Fig. 2, Runnels, 1995; Rutter, 1993, p. 756, Table 2).

Manning, 199tb), almost a millennium earlier than the earliest sedentary Neolithic settlement.

The chronology of the later Greek world has been constructed by the correlation of a detailed scheme of artifact seriation (chiefly ceramics) with historical texts (e.g., Biers, 1992). Prehistoric chronology is no exception, the Bronze Age ceramic sequences being correlated with the "historical" chro- nologies of Egypt and--less often--Mesopotamia [Warren and Hankey, 1989; cf. Hassan and Robinson (1987) and Kitchen (1987) for the nature of the Egyptian chronology]. The method essentially involves examination of the archaeological contexts of Egyptian objects found in the Aegean and Aegean objects found in Egypt, and then use of the well-established Egyp- tian chronology to date both. The simplicity of this scheme has been challenged in a number of ways, primarily as a result of the regular sampling


of Aegean sites to provide 14C determinations and their subsequent calibration. As a result, the earliest phase of the Bronze Age--previously dated in Crete by correlations with Pre- and Early-Dynastic Egyptian objects--is now more securely dated by 14C (Manning, 1995a), coincidentally weakening the case for diffusionist explanations of the origins of Minoan civilization.

However, scholars have challenged the value of 14C determinations in later prehistory, arguing that the well-developed ceramic seriation scheme defies disruption and that the precision of I4C determinations is inferior to that offered by historical synchronisms. In this debate, the chronology of the destruction of the island of Thera (Santorini) by a massive volcanic event has become an area of radically differing opinions, polarizing scholars. The traditional chronological sequence placed the eruption of Thera (for significance of site see Doumas, 1983) at ca. 1550 B.C., representing the transition from ceramic styles labeled Late Minoan IA and IB. (As an aside, we note that earlier attempts to bring the date of the Thera eruption into synchronism with the collapse of the Minoan palatial civilization were no longer tenable even under the traditional scheme.) The availability of a large suite of 14C determinations on short-lived samples, together with calibration of those determinations, opened up the possibility of assessing how 14C could contribute to dating such an event.

The results, however, were surprising to most Aegeanists, since they suggested that the eruption should be placed significantly earlier than the traditional date. With only 14C determinations available, the debate turned into an attack on the technique, particularly focusing on the issue of calibration. AS a result, other approaches were introduced, chiefly examination of ice cores and frost-ring dendrochronology, to determine whether the eruption had left a record, and when that might have been. Each technique now appears to be in agreement in recording a major volcanic event between 1640 and 1626 B.C., and it seems that a date within this range is now inevitable for the eruption of Thera (Baillie, 1995, pp. 108-121; Be- tancourt, 1987; Manning, 1988, 1989, 1991a, 1992, 1995a; Manning and Weninger, 1992).

Redating of the Theran eruption effectively lengthens the chronological sequence by nearly a century in absolute terms and, in fact, fits with the evidence from well-excavated Late Bronze Age sequences that offer deeper stratigraphy and more phases than expected on the traditional, short chronology (e.g., Davis and Cherry, 1984). Those archaeologists who accept the new date do not push back the whole Aegean chronology, rather they tend to telescope the length of the Middle Bronze Age (see especially .z~str6m, 1987a, b, I989; Downey and Tarling, 1984; Manning, 1995a). This approach has met stiff resistance among classical archaeologists, many of whom do not accept a4C dates as being accurate and are justifiably dis-


turbed by the inability of several 14C labs, analyzing the same specimen, to produce identical dates (Manning, 1995a, pp. 17-18; Muhly, 1991a; War- ren and Hankey, 1989). Furthermore, many Aegean archaeologists see no convincing reason to connect the dendrochronological/ice core evidence with the Theran event (Muhly, 1991a).

The specifics of this debate return us once again to the "great divide." Many classical archaeologists prefer to ground chronology in textual evidence and to rely on the possibility of tying the Aegean sequence in with the text-based historical sequence of Egypt. However, the redating of Thera calls into question quasi-historical explanations for developments in the Aegean, such as the emergence of rich burials at the end of the Middle Bronze Age on mainland Greece, particularly at Mycenae. It has been suggested that Mycenaean mercenaries, fighting in Egypt during the Hyksos campaigns of the Second Intermediate period, returned to Greece rich and deposited much of their wealth in the characteristic burial structures known as "shaft graves." Such explanations can be contrasted to those based on processual approaches (e.g., Wright, 1995). The debate over Aegean chronology does not, therefore, concern just the application of radiocarbon dating, but impacts theory-building and explanation in Aegean prehistory as a whole.

Social Complexity and the Origins of the State

The ongoing clarification of Aegean chronology, leading to a more accurate integration of historical and archaeological data, has allowed Greek prehistorians the recent opportunity to construct sophisticated processual models for the rise, in various regions, of social complexity. As Davis (1992) emphasizes, the Aegean islands, with their clear-cut physical boundaries, serve as ideal laboratories for the study of prehistoric culture contact and change. For instance, Broodbank (1992) reviews in detail evidence for the foundation and growth of prepalatial Knossos during the Neolithic. Focusing on "upheavals" in several categories of archaeological remains, such as clay tokens and figurines, he notes a periodic increase in their numbers from Neolithic times, which he argues reflects periods of "social restructuring" at the settlement. He stresses that the evolution of social complexity here was an indigenous development rather than a response to the diffusion of ideas and objects from the wider Aegean region or the Near East, although cultigens in the earliest levels at Knossos have Near Eastern origins. However, it should be noted that Whitelaw (1992), in a response to the paper, has suggested that Broodbank's conclusions may be premature due to the incomplete picture available to archaeologists


of the extent and structure of the Neolithic site of Knossos at various periods. Excavation there had of necessity to take place in a series of "win- dows" through the remains of the later Minoan palace, extensively conserved by its excavator (of. Winder, 1991).

The question of the emergence of the palatial culture of Minoan Crete (ca. 2000 B.C.) has generated much discussion in the wake of John Cherry's work on the origins of the state in the Aegean, which situates their rise in a cross-cultural context (e.g., Cherry, 1983b, 1984a, 1986, 1987). In 1987 at a conference on the functions of the Minoan palaces (H~igg and Mari- natos, 1987), a section was devoted to palatial origins in which explanation varied between indigenous causes (e.g., Warren, 1987) and exogenous ones (e.g., Watrous, 1987; cf. Watrous, 1994). In 1994, the Fifth International Aegean Conference contained a whole session on processes of state formation, at which a number of approaches were stressed. None of them emphasized exogenous stimuli; rather, all focused on the social mechanisms by which elites achieve control of resources. Relevant to Crete are the papers by Branigan (1995), emphasizing social transformations in the preced- ing Early Bronze phase, and Dabney (1995), suggesting that the first palaces on Crete represent a stage in state formation only fully realized in the second palace period. Manning's (1995b) recently completed Ph.D. dissertation explores these issues, suggesting a subtle blend of indigenous development combined with external contact and stimulus.

Questions of cultural interaction and nonindigenous change are often raised within the Aegean, such as in the context of the "Minoanization" of Cycladic islands in the Middle and Late Bronze Age, a process that archaeologists have often seen as diffusion on the microscale: the palatial civilization of the island of Crete gradually imposing its culture on the neighboring islands through political control. The issue of the relationship between the Minoan palatial states and the rest of the Aegean continues to be of considerable interest to Aegean archaeologists, as demonstrated by the fact that a whole conference was devoted to the question (H~igg and Marinatos, 1984). In addition, the recent discovery of a Minoan administrative document on the northern Aegean island of Samothrace significantly expands our view of the likely extent of Minoan political influence (Matsas, 1991).

Davis (1992) notes that more elaborate models are now being developed to explain the phenomenon of "Minoanization" and that the recent increase in data produced by survey and excavation projects operating in the Cyclades makes the investigation of just this type of processual question more feasible now than ever before. An example of such a sophisticated overview is that by Manning (1994), who discusses the question of the ex-


pansion of Minoan control in the Cycladic islands and the subsequent collapse of Minoan power in the region.

Likewise, Paul Halstead has made significant contributions to the pro- vision of a theoretical framework for the origins of the Minoan state and the development from Neolithic societies to the palatial societies of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages (summarized in Halstead, 1995). His model, jointly developed with John O'Shea and termed the "social storage" model (e.g., Halstead, 1981, 1989), explains the origin of state-level organizations in Greece as the capture by elites of a preexisting system of overproduction and storage typical of agricultural communities. The early palaces functioned as central brokers to minimize stress brought about by crop production variation over time and space. However, certainly by the time of the later palaces when documentary evidence becomes available from the Linear B texts (see below), centers were using their position to mobilize raw materials that were transformed into goods produced by a palatial labor force for elite exchange within and beyond the system (Halstead, 1992a, b). Halstead (1994) also has recently stressed the different developmental trajectories followed by societies in northern as opposed to southern Greece, using a broadly ecological model. A contrasting model for the origins of social complexity, based on trade and exchange, has been proposed by van Andel and Runnels (1988) (see below).

Unlike Crete, the Greek mainland does not show an uninterrupted evolutionary progression from the Neolithic societies to Bronze Age states. There does appear to have been a "false start" in the Early Bronze Age, with evidence for some degree of complexity (e.g., Cosmopoulos, 1995) at sites such as Lerna that were destroyed late in that phase. These destructions have been explained by an influx of new groups into the region (Indo- Europeans speaking a language ancestral to later Greek), although more recent work emphasizes the continuities as well as the discontinuities (e.g., Fors6n, 1992). Because of this interruption in cultural development, the emergence of states on the mainland ca. 300-400 years later is a phenomenon that earlier this century was "explained" by reference to the inspira- tional effects of the Minoan palatial centers that had already emerged. Current theoretical approaches, however, emphasize indigenous developments. In the absence of large-scale structures--the famous citadels of My- cenae and Tiryns, for example, are a phenomenon of the later phases of the Aegean Bronze Age--mortuary evidence takes on an important ex- planatory role (e.g., Dietz, 1991; Graziado, 1991; Voutsakis, 1995).

Indigenous models of state formation do not ignore influences from Crete, but construe the relationship as the active appropriation of aspects of the Minoan apparatus of power rather than their passive absorption. Features such as writing (Palaima, 1988b), perhaps even a kit of "kingship,"


including control of esoteric knowledge and materials of exotic workman- ship (Wright, 1995), have been highlighted as significant elements in this appropriation. Building on the work of the late Klaus Kilian (1988), Palaima (1995a) has stressed the intrusive nature of kingship in early Late Bronze Age mainland Greece, emphasizing the point that the name of the ruler (wanax, attested in documentary sources) cannot be etymologized as a Greek or Indo-European word. How this transformation affected settlement patterns and organization is beginning to receive attention generally (e.g., Maran, 1995) and in the context of recently completed regional survey projects, such as those in the northeast Peloponnese [southern Argolid (Jameson et al., 1994); Nemea Valley (Wright et al., 1990)], in the region of the so-called Palace of Nestor in Messenia in the southwest (Bennet, 1995), and in Lakonia in the southeast Peloponnese (Cavanagh, 1995).

Bronze Age Writing Systems and "Paratextual" Phenomena

The decipherment of the Linear B script by Michael Ventris in 1952 (Chadwick, 1990) made it possible to read contemporary documents from the Late Bronze Age palaces on Crete (Knossos, Hania) and mainland Greece (Pylos, Thebes, Mycenae, Tiryns, and Midea). Much of the early research in the new discipline of Mycenology was centered on determining the linguistic and administrative function of the terms on the documents. A second phase of research refined our understanding of the administrative procedures, primarily through identification of individual scribes by pa- leographical methods (Olivier, 1967; Palaima, 1988a). Because of their importance for the question of the relationship between the Greek mainland and Crete, the origins of the Linear B script also have received considerable attention. Linear B's relation to the earlier (and as yet undeciphered) Mi- noan Linear A, the extent of literacy in the Mycenaean world, and the context in which it was adopted by the mainland polities (Palaima, 1987, 1988b) are other related, important issues. The recent discovery of an inscribed pebble in a late Middle Helladic context near Olympia on the Greek mainland has forced some scholars to reconsider the origins of the Linear B script, raising the possibility that it was first developed on the mainland before the formation of states there (Godart, 1995).

Building on this detailed understanding of the script and administrative practice, research has turned in the past decade to broader contextual questions and to the integration of the textual data contained in the Linear B tablets with the archaeological data from the palaces themselves and their extensive territories (e.g., Bennet, 1988a, b; Shelmerdine and Palaima, 1984). From an anthropological view, perhaps the most interesting research


involving the Linear B documents has been that which involves comparative data. John Killen has pioneered the study of the Mycenaean economy by comparison with similar redistributive economies in the Near East and South America (Killen, 1985). Such comparative evidence can sometimes shed light on specific problems in the texts. For example, Killen (1994), drawing analogies with feasting in the Inka state, has reinterpreted refer- ences to domesticated animals in some of the Linear B texts from Thebes, Pylos, and Knossos. He suggests that palace elites mobilized goods not only for redistribution, but for consumption at state-sponsored banquets de- signed to reinforce the power and prestige of the ruler. This interpretation receives confirmation from inconographic evidence in fresco decoration on the walls of the palace at Pylos (McCallum, 1987, pp. 68-141) and fits nicely with the evidence for massive numbers of plain drinking cups preserved in its destruction level (Blegen and Rawson, 1966).

Detailed examination of a single text from the point of view of its formatting has allowed Palaima (I995b) to challenge traditional interpretations of the nature of the collapse of Mycenaean states. Earlier positivistic readings of the tablets sought direct evidence of the destruction of the palaces in the texts. One Pylos text (Tn 316, detailing religious offerings), apparently hastily composed, has been used as evidence for the sudden destruction at Pylos, the scribe hastening to write the text in advance of the invading hordes. Palaima demonstrates that the document is composed according to rational administrative principles used on other texts by the same scribe and is, therefore, unlikely to be part of some special program to avert disaster. He replaces the text in its systemic context, suggesting that one must look elsewhere for historical explanations for the breakdown of Mycenaean social and economic structures. Palaima conceptualizes the end of the Mycenaean polities as a gradual decay of elite power, culmi- nating in the eventual abandonment and destruction of palaces, such as occurred at Pylos.

Research like that just described--that resists a strictly historical interpretation of the Linear B texts--has facilitated the combination of textual and archaeological evidence in Aegean archaeology. According to Bennet (1988a) it is both possible and desirable systematically to combine textual and archaeological data; and this exercise produces explanations of greater overall value than either data set alone can offer (cf. Small, 1995a). The combination of Linear B records with archaeological evidence has produced models of state-level administration in the palatial contexts of the Aegean Bronze Age (Bennet, 1985, 1986, 1988b, 1990, 1992; Carothers, 1992; H. Morris, 1986) and has elucidated the detailed workings of the palatial centers themselves as administrative and production centers (Palaima and Shelmerdine, 1984; Palaima and Wright, 1985; Palmer, 1994;


Shelmerdine and Palaima, 1984), as well as enabling a developed understanding of the details of such industries as the production of perfumed oil (Shelmerdine, 1985), wine (Palmer, 1994), or bronze (J. Smith, 1992- 1993). Combination of archaeological and textual data also has elucidated some problematic areas, such as the apparently high losses of stock recorded in Knossian sheep records (Halstead, 1990-1991) and the question of whether barley or wheat was the more widespread grain in the palatial economies (Palmer, 1992). Such approaches are of potential methodological relevance to archaeologists in other parts of the world--such as the Indus Valley or the Yucat~in--grappling with the interpretation of undeciphered writing systems or the integration of recently deciphered texts with archaeological evidence. It is perhaps in just this kind of data-rich environment that anthropologists and Greek archaeologists can begin to bridge the "great divide."

The focus on the combination of archaeological and textual data in the Aegean also has led to the incorporation of "paratextual" phenomena into examinations of administrative control and exchange relations. Such evidence includes seals sealings, and pottery marks. Clay was used in the Aegean from the Early Bronze Age to seal directly (e.g., doors, containers, small document packages) and indirectly, when applied to a piece of string (Weingarten, 1986, 1988). In many cases these clay pieces were impressed with seals, and, in a few cases, inscribed, mostly in Linear B. Such sealings are therefore administrative documents, although the majority never actu- ally contained written information, and represent one aspect of the interaction between literate palace bureaucracies and their largely illiterate territories. Changes in sealing technology and sealing systems have been correlated with changes in the structure of Minoan and Mycenaean administration (Weingarten, 1990). Again, such work has been most productive when carried on in a comparative context (e.g., Palaima, 1990b). Somewhat related to sealing systems, and certainly connected to economic administration, pottery marks provide an important line of investigation into administrative practices in the Aegean (Bennet, 1996; Bikaki, 1984). Study of such marks assists in an understanding of the use to which early symbolic systems were put in managing regional-scale production and exchange (Hirscb.feld, 1990a, 1990b, 1992).

Finally, the other scripts of the Bronze Age Aegean remain undeciphered and are likely to remain so until the number of texts increases sub- stantially. The earliest attested script, the so-called Cretan hieroglyphic, has its origins in the prepalatial period but continues in use concurrently with Linear A. That two scripts were in use contemporaneously in different parts of the island in the early palatial period is of some cultural significance. As a corpus of all "hieroglyphic" documents nears completion, there is now


a much better understanding of the script's distribution and content, and its relationship to earlier paratextual phenomena and the Linear A script (Olivier, 1990; Palaima, 1990a; Schoep, 1996). Linear A--the script used in the Middle and early Late Bronze Age prior to Linear B on Crete and in those areas of the Aegean in contact with Crete--is the most widely attested, in terms of both numbers of documents and range of documentary types (Olivier, 1986), but still resists decipherment (e.g., Duhoux, 1989); the numbers of new documents (reported chiefly in the journal Kadmos) are quite small. Nevertheless, because of the script's close relationship to Linear B, we can use Linear A evidence to some extent to interpret economic administration in the Minoan palatial society (e.g., Palmer, 1995), and patterns in the occurrence of the script to examine the relationship between ritual and political activity (e.g., Schoep, 1994). Finally, the Bronze Age scripts of the island of Cyprus, dearly related to Minoan Linear A, are beginning to receive the attention they deserve, although decipherment in this case seems unlikely in the near future (Palaima, 1989).

Provenience Studies and Exchange

It is somewhat surprising and counterintuitive that the documentary data from the Aegean Bronze Age are reticent in the area of exchange. Studies of exchange in the Aegean are therefore based predominantly on material evidence and have focused on two major regions: exchange within t he Aegean itself and exchange between (parts of the) Aegean and the wider circum-Mediterranean world, including Egypt and--indirectly-- Mesopotamia. Because of the diffusionist framework that existed earlier this century and the high visibility of the items exchanged, much emphasis has been laid on items entering the Aegean from outside. Such objects also were used, as we saw above, as chronological indicators, and some have seen their existence as proof of exogenous stimuli to social development. Just as these extra-Aegean interactions have been reevaluated in more recent studies (see below), the study of intra-Aegean exchange has likewise moved away from diffusionist models to more complex models of interaction, fueled partly by the development of broadly scientific techniques of provenience determination. Classical and anthropological archaeologists will find common theoretical and methodological ground in such discussions of trade and exchange.

Exchange of exotic material within the Aegean was occurring regularly as early as Neolithic times, if not earlier, if one includes the Melian obsidian found in late Upper Palaeolithic levels in the Franchthi cave (Perlrs, 1987, 1990b). For Neolithic Greece, Perlrs has identified and compared three


systems of production and distribution of goods (Perl~s, 1992; cf. Demoule and Pedrs, 1993). She interprets each system in different socioeconomic terms and posits a variable degree of interaction on the part of Greek Neo- lithic communities, depending upon both the item being exchanged, and the spatial and temporal context. The analysis Perlrs provides of her data and the methodology she espouses is of interest to all archaeologists in- vestigating situations of early exchange, in general, and is of special concem to the study of the Aegean and its relationship to other parts of the Medi- terranean. Specifically, Peflrs reveals an already sophisticated and complex system of regional Aegean exchange that functioned in the absence of state- level hegemonic controls. Exchange therefore existed well before the hy- pothesized incorporation of the Aegean into a Mediterranean world system.

Perlrs' work builds upon the earlier research of, for instance, Renfrew et al. (1965) on obsidian "interaction zones," Torrence (1986) on the exchange of stone tools, and Runnels and van Andel on trade and the origins of agriculture (Runnels, 1989; Runnels and van Andel, 1988). Renffew and his collaborators demonstrated, in the course of some of the earliest extensive characterization studies carried out in the Aegean, that almost all the obsidian used in the Aegean came from the island of Melos, suggesting the existence of an Aegean interaction zone, to which all groups using Melian obsidian belonged. However, as Torrence notes, Renfrew stopped short of explaining exactly how and why obsidian was exchanged. She therefore constructed a model of intraregional exchange based on comparison of the Aegean data to those available in other parts of the world, conclud- ing that the trade in obsidian was noncommercial and unsystematic and occurred, during the Bronze Age, outside the purview of state-level controls. According to Torrence, obsidian was directly procured. Peflrs (1990a) has recently questioned Torrence's analysis, identifying specialized procure- ment, based on high stylistic standardization of blades, in at least the Early and Middle Neolithic. Finally, Runnels and van Andel (1988) link the spread of farming, as an agricultural package, through the Mediterranean to production and trade of wealth items. Trade in "cash crops" between villages located in different ecological zones explains the simultaneous appearance of sedentary lifeways and social stratification throughout the Mediterranean. Similar interesting research has centered on pottery interaction zones (e.g., Cullen, 1985; Vitelli, 1993).

Bronze Age exchange has acted as a focus of a number of recent conferences and books (e.g., Gale, 1991b; Knapp and Cherry, 1994; Laffineur and Basch, 1991). These recent publications either represent new theoretical models of interaction within and beyond the Aegean world (e.g., Knapp and Cherry, 1994, pp. 123-155; Sherratt and Sherratt, 1991) or present new scientific analyses of materials. Knapp and Cherry (1994), for example,


combine the two approaches, with a primary focus on the island of Cyprus. They pool the results of six ceramic data sets, each produced by the chemical characterization (NAA, AA, PIXE) of a wide variety of Cypriot ware types, and combine these results with those generated by Gale and Stos- Gale's lead-isotope analyses of Aegean metals. Knapp and Cherry then use these data to discuss the relative strengths of various theoretical frameworks--centralized control, localized control, freelance trade, and gift exchange-as applied to Mediterranean exchange. Their method results in a conception of Mediterranean trade--and trade in general--that is multi- layered, multidimensional, and multifunctional. In short, they conceive of Mediterranean trade as a network of interconnected and dynamic sociocul- tural processes, a reconstruction based on the work of both classical and anthropological archaeologists (e.g., Brumfiel and Earle, 1987; Gale, 1991b; Renfrew, 1975, 1977; Sherratt and Sherratt, 1991).

One reason for the increasing sophistication in the analysis of exchange patterns is an explosion of archaeometric work on provenience studies, summarized recently by McGovern (1995). Metallurgy has formed one major focus and work is now carried out at five major centers: Oxford (Gale, 1989, 1991a; Gale and Stos-Gale, 1981; Gale et al., 1984; McGeehan-Liritzis and Gale, 1988; Stos-Gale, 1989, 1992; Stos-Gale and McDonald, 1991, Stos-Gale et al., 1984), Philadelphia (e.g., Muhly, 1991b; Muhly et al., 1988), Heidelberg (Pernicka et al., 1990, 1992; cf. Willies, 1992), the Smithsonian (e.g., Yener and Goodway, 1992; Yener and Vandiver, 1993a, b), and Brad- ford (e.g., Budd et al., 1995). Interest in metallurgical provenience studies by means of chemical characterization in the Aegean was pioneered by Muhly and his colleagues (e.g., Muhly, 1985). More recently, Gale and Stos- Gale introduced the application of lead isotope analysis to provenience studies of lead (and therefore silver) and copper in the Aegean, shedding light on the origins of Early Bronze Age metals in the Cycladic islands, as well as copper in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages. Before scientific provenience studies began, most Aegean prehistoriaus thought that the island of Cyprus supplied the Aegean with copper, while sources of lead and silver were unknown. Gale and Stos-Gale have demonstrated that Lavrion in At- tica and the island of Siphnos were sources of lead ore. For copper, the picture has become increasingly complex as work has progressed, and it is now clear that by the latest phases of the Bronze Age, the copper trade spanned the Mediterranean from the Levant to Sardinia, exploiting copper sources in Cyprus, the Aegean (Lavrion and Kythnos), Sardinia, and elsewhere (see also Smith, 1987). The possibility that tin was available to the Bronze Age Aegean in the "Ihurus mountains of southwest Turkey--rather than only by means of long-distance exchange networks--has recently come


into question (Hall and Steadman, 1991; Muhly, 1993; Yener and Goodway, 1992; Yener and Vandiver, 1993a, b).

The emphasis in metallurgical studies has turned to evaluation of the lead isotope characterization technique, notably in a recent issue of the Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology with a section devoted to the analysis of metal in the prehistoric Mediterranean. It presents an informative overview of metals analysis, as well as a current critique of the state of the art. The primary authors, Budd and others (1995), take a position directly con- tradictory to many of Gale and Stos-Gale's conclusions. In particular, they react to what they perceive as the "simplistic manner" with which metallurgical data have often been interpreted (Budd et al., 1995, p. 25) and suggest methods whereby these data might be more correctly understood. Specifically, they call for the incorporation of recycling into traditional models of the metals industry. It is clear that patterns will not become clearer until the methodological evaluation currently under way achieves a consensus.

A second major artifact category that has been subject to scientific provenience studies is pottery [Jones (1986) offers an overview; cf. also McGovern (1995)]. Within this large category, one example will suffice: stirrup jars. These are relatively small, squat containers that held liquids, most often perfumed olive oil. In some cases these vessels are painted with Linear B signs indicating place of origin, destination, sometimes content, and owner. A characterization project undertaken by Catling and others (1980) indicates that stirrup jars found at Mycenae (and other mainland sites) were made of clay that, in all probability, originated somewhere in western Crete, probably Hania. Subsequent provenience studies of ceramics have broadened the techniques to include petrography (e.g., Day, 1988, 1989; Day and Jones, 1991; Whitbread, 1989, 1995) and to examine all periods of the Bronze Age (e.g., Cadogan et al., 1993; Wilson and Day, 1994). Major programs of study are now under way at the two chief foreign archaeometry labs in Athens, the Fitch laboratory at the British School and the Wiener laboratory at the American School (McGovern, 1995, pp. 115- 117).

Well known in later periods of the Mediterranean, relatively few shipwrecks are known in the Bronze Age Aegean. The advantage of shipwreck evidence is that it offers a context for traded objects directly related to their transshipment, rather than at their final destination, or even beyond. The discovery of a late 14th century B.C. wreck at Uluburun off the coast of southern Turkey (Bass, 1986, 1991; Bass et aL, 1989; Pulak, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994) has offered a laboratory for examining trade in the Mycenaean period in progress. The cargo of the ship seems to have been primarily metal ingots (mostly copper, ca. 350 in the canonical "ox-hide" shape, but


also tin), bun ingots of glass, and ca. 120 Syro-Palestinian amphorae containing terebinth resin (Haldane, 1993). In addition, a small number of high-value items were present, including hippopotamus tusk. A large clay jar contained Cypriot fineware ceramics for export. It is unclear whether prestige items such as a stone scarab, numerous shell rings, and faience beads were for trade or were personal items owned by the crew. Some items relate directly to the practice of trade, in particular a number of pan-balance weights and a wooden diptych writing tablet (Payton, 1991). Given the origin of the primary cargo, the ship seems to have been sailing from somewhere on the Syro-Palestinian coast, via Cyprus. The presence of Mycenaean swords and fineware pottery in the wreckage suggests that the overall trade route was circular: from the Levant, to Cyprus, to the Aegean, then to Egypt and back to the Levant. Certain artifacts, such as a Danubian-style sword and a possibly Bulgarian stone ceremonial mace-ax, indicate connections that would have reached far beyond Greece, although these objects could have been acquired in Greece, themselves the result of long-distance trade or exchange. The quantity of goods being trans- ported, the variety of the cargo, and indications of far-flung trade connections all point to the possibility that the owner/captain of the Uluburun ship either was an independent merchant or was operating in the service of a wealthy, perhaps royal, client. In either case the scale of operations represented by Uluburun is impressive.

Data generated by the excavation of Bronze Age shipwrecks, when combined with those provided by the research of Perlrs, Renfrew, Torrence, Runnels, and van Andel, cited above, produce a complex vision of Aegean and Mediterranean exchange. The subsequent discoveries of an Early Bronze Age wreck at Dokos and of a Late Bronze Age wreck containing Cypriot ceramics at Iria, both off the coast of the Southern Argolid, Greece, have raised the possibility of examining intra-Aegean trade at a much earlier period and of further study of Late Bronze Age interconnections, particularly with Cyprus (Papathanasopoulos et al., 1992, 1993; Penna et al., 1993).

Recent theoretical and scientific work has not ignored the large data- base of loosely "oriental" objects known from archaeological work in mainland Greece. Eric Cline (1994) has examined a wide range of objects that were imported into and exported out of Greece throughout the Late Bronze Age, tracing fluctuations in their numbers over time. His broad approach allows qualitative and quantitative assessment of the different trade connections between Greece and Egypt, Syro-Palestine, Cyprus, Ana- tolia, and Mesopotamia in a diachronic perspective. Cline does not confine himself to material objects but compares the patterns they offer to the textual and pictorial evidence relative to such exchange relationships--primar-


ily from outside the Aegean. In this way, he achieves a synthesis of archaeological data and textual evidence, thereby producing inferences of convincing theoretical value. Furthermore, as did Knapp and Cherry (1994), Cline takes a processual approach rather than a simply descriptive one.

We also should note here that recent discoveries--still being fully evaluated--have provided further evidence of interaction between Minoan Crete and Egypt, in the form of Minoan-style frescoes found at the site of ancient Avaris (Tell el Dab'a) in the Delta (Bietak, 1992; Davies and Schofield, 1995) and an Egyptian papyrus apparently illustrating Myce- naean soldiers (Schofield and Parkinson, 1994). At the site of Tel Kabri in Israel, Aegean-style frescoes also have been found (Niemeier, 1995).

Finally, in the context of Greek-Near Eastern connections, we feel obliged to mention the work of Bernal (1987, 1991) who, in his Black Athena volumes, asserts the need for a paradigm shift away from what he describes as classical archaeology's 'Aryan model." According to Bernal, the current and traditional classical paradigm ignores evidence for the origins of Greek culture--including myth, aspects of language, art, and archi- tec ture- in the East, especially Egypt. In fact, Bernal posits a colonization of Greece by Egyptians sometime in the early third millennium. He refers to this "new" paradigm for interpreting the Greek past as the "revised ancient model," because, in his view, it is based on a concept that ancient historians such as Herodotus accepted without question--that Greek culture owed much more to the south (Africa) than to the north (Europe).

The "revised ancient model," classical archaeology's first major brush with a postprocessual style critique (as noted by Manning, 1990), has not been well accepted in any quarters (e.g., Lefkowitz and Rogers, 1996). Ac- cording to Jonathan Hall (1990), for instance, Bernal's approach does not signal a paradigm shift so much as a return to discredited method and theory: a return to normative culture-historical approaches in which the exchange of goods as well as ideas is not studied as a dynamic process and in which Greece is conceived of as a passive receptacle for all things Egyp- tian (cf. E. Hall, 1992). Furthermore, as Sarah Morris notes (1990), most classical archaeologists are prepared to accept the possibility of heavy contact between Greece and Egypt, probably to the benefit of both. However, such contact need not be the result of colonization. The archaeological record can be more satisfyingly accounted for within the models described above (e.g., Cline, 1994; Knapp and Cherry, 1994). The Uluburun ship carried an astounding array of wealth objects from several locations, including those with seemingly official characteristics, such as seals and scarabs. Given the evidence of Bronze Age wrecks alone, the possibility of Egyptian influence on aspects of Greek culture need not be subjected to a new paradigm (S. Morris, 1990). Rather, the combination of classical and anthro-


pologicai approaches to archaeological explanation and interpretation is already producing politically correct and scientifically valid descriptions of the past and, in so doing, is bridging the "great divide."

To conclude this overview of recent Aegean archaeology, we note that extensive and informative reviews of recent (past 10 years) fieldwork and conceptual developments in the prehistory of Greece have recently been published in the American Journal of Archaeology, and others are in prepa- ration on palatial mainland Greece, palatial and postpalatial Crete, and prehistoric western Anatolia. Reviews have already appeared on the archaeology of the Aegean islands (Davis, 1992), the prepalatial phases of the central and southern mainland (Rutter, 1993), prepalatial and early palatial Crete (Watrous, 1994), the archaeology of the Stone Age (Runnels, 1995), and the Neolithic and Bronze Age of northern Greece (Andreou et al., 1996).

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN REGIONAL STUDIES

Implicit in Renfrew's (1972) work on the prehistoric Aegean was the idea that sites on the Cycladic islands should not be viewed in isolation, but as components in a regional "culture" whose characteristics evolve through time. This conceptual shift toward a regional approach was not unique to Renfrew. In the same year that The Emergence of Civilisation was published, the results of the first large-scale regional survey project in the Aegean were published (McDonald and Rapp, 1972). The Minnesota Messenia Expedi- tion (MME) sought to reconstruct the "environment" (both physical and social) around the palatial center of Late Bronze Age Pylos in southwestern Messenia, Greece. The project--explicitly modeled on similar projects outside the "classical" world, in Iraq and Mesoamerica--covered extensively a total area of 3800 km 2, providing information about 455 archaeological sites (Rutter, 1993, p. 748, Table 1). Although the MME sought specifically to elucidate the settlement context for the Bronze Age center at Ano Englianos (Bronze Age Pylos), the project published sites of all prehistoric and historic periods in its Gazetteer (McDonald and Rapp, 1972, pp. 263-321), providing the basis for diachronic study of the region with considerable time depth.

Roughly contemporary in its origins, but of much longer duration than MME, the Argolid Exploration Project (AEP) carried out survey exploration (as well as excavation at Franchthi cave and the historical site of Halieis) in the southern Argolid (Jameson et al., 1994; van Andel and Run- nels, 1987). In the context of this project a number of methodologies were tested. Against the background of the conceptual shifts embodied in the MME's research and the methodological experimentation of the AEP


emerged the study of the island of Melos directed by Renfrew in the mid- 1970s, part of which was an intensive survey of a systematic random sample of the island directed by John Cherry, who incorporated methodological advances made in new world archaeological survey. The survey results lie at the heart of the diachronic reconstruction of settlement on the island, from its colonization through the medieval period, and contribute considerably to discussion of the changing relationship of the island's settlement system to larger economic and political systems in the Aegean (Renfrew and Wagstaff, 1982).

The examples of MME, AEP, and Melos initiated a flood of survey projects in the Aegean. In the past 20 years no fewer than 14 regional survey projects have been undertaken in mainland Greece alone (Rutter, 1993, p. 748), plus a number in the Cyclades (cf. Davis, 1992) and in parts of Crete (Bennet, 1986, pp. 42-44, Fig. 2.19; Haggis, 1992; Hayden et al., 1992; Nixon et al., 1990; Watrous, 1994, p. 698; Watrous et al., 1993). How- ever, projects have used widely varying strategies, such as intensive versus extensive approaches, varying degrees of intensity, and different sampling techniques. As a result, data collected in different regions are sometimes difficult to compare and suffer variable levels of reliability (Alcock, 1993, pp. 36-37; Bennet, 1986, pp. 42-44).

In recent years, something of a consensus has been reached on field techniques. Summarizing the state of the art in 1983 at a conference on survey in the Mediterranean region, Cherry (1983a), using data from post- 1970 surveys in the Aegean and Italy, demonstrated the increased benefits to be gained by intensive pedestrian survey with close walker spacing in terms of both numbers of sites defined and filling out the lower levels of the settlement hierarchy (Cherry, 1983a, p. 410, Fig. 1; Snodgrass, 1987, p. 103, Fig. 21). This summary led to a vigorous debate with more traditional practitioners of the technique (e.g., Cherry, 1984b; Gallant, 1986; Hope Simpson, 1984, 1985), but most surveys now operate some form of intensive pedestrian survey (e.g., Cherry, 1994; Cherry et al., 1991; Watrous et al., 1993: Wright et al., 1990).

Standardization of methodology has facilitated comparability between surveys and encouraged the employment of survey data in exploring wider archaeological questions, such as the effects of Roman control on Greece (Alcock, 1993; Kosso, 1993), and even the comparison of settlement histories in different areas within the vast Hellenistic world (Alcock, 1994). A recent refinement in field methodology has been the development of surface survey techniques to cope with relatively large urban centers, particularly in historical periods (Alcock, 1991; Snodgrass, 1991; Snodgrass and Bintliff, 1991; Whitelaw and Davis, 1991). Survey data have formed


the basis for a number of recent general studies of Greek rural settlement (e.g., Osborne, 1987; van Andel and Runnels, 1987).

Theoretical debate concerning survey in an Aegean context continues on more detailed questions, such as the behavioral interpretation of particular types of artifact distribution (e.g., Alcock et al., 1994; cf. Bintliff et al., 1990), or the relative preservation of sites of different periods (Bintliff and Snodgrass, 1985), or the quantification of artifact densities in different environmental zones (Bintliff and Snodgrass, 1988). A recent example of such debate is Ammerman's suggestion of the need for resurvey of previously surveyed landscapes, especially in areas where modern land use has changed in the years following initial survey (Ammerman, 1995). He compared results of survey in 2 years (1980 and 1989), correlating results with changes in land use. He found that planting of certain crops, especially fruit trees, dramatically affected the diachronic interpretation of settlement patterns for a given region, such that in the absence of certain land-man- agement practices, ceramics of particular time periods never reached the surface or were not recorded by surveyors. In a response to Ammerman's article, Davis and Sutton (1996) take issue with his call for resurvey, citing the results of the Nemea Valley Archaeological Project (NVAP). Using carefully recorded statistics on visibility and land use, they are able to demonstrate that such effects could be evaluated without the necessity for costly resurveying.

At a higher interpretive level, the diachronic sweep of survey data has drawn researchers to the "annales" framework of historical interpretation (e.g., Bintliff, 1991; Knapp, 1992; Snodgrass, 1982). Scholars have sought to elucidate their data not at the level of the historical event, but in the framework of long-term process (the "longue dur6e"). Such intersections with historical data have created productive interactions between documentary sources and--in particular--the rather ambiguous artifactual remains of medieval and later Greece. For example, Davis (1991), by integrating Ottoman documentary evidence for political and social changes in the Cy- cladic islands with archaeologically visible shifts in settlement patterns, was able to suggest models for past land-use strategies and their impact on the nucleation or dispersal of farmsteads and other settlement types. A similar exercise by Bennet and Voutsakis (1991) set documentary information from early travelers against the archaeological record of northwest Keos from the medieval period to A.D. 1821.

Finally, it is in the context of survey work, whose aim is to reconstruct past environments and interpret how they both affected and were affected by past human groups, that disciplines such as geoarchaeology and paleoethnobotany have increasingly become incorporated into Greek fieldwork strategies (see especially Kardulias, 1994). Almost all Greek survey


projects incorporate researchers to study the geomorphology, pedology, and paleoethnobotany of their study regions. Broadly geoarchaeological research has contributed considerably to our study of the past, both in a general understanding of the effects of humans on the landscape (e.g., Demitrack, 1986; Finke, 1988; Pope and van Andel, 1984; van Andel and Zangger, 1990; van Andel et al., 1986; Zangger, 1992a, 1992b, 1993), but also in understanding the depositional processes affecting (particularly early) sites (e.g., Cherry et al., 1988; Runnels and van Andel, 1993a, b; van Andel et al., 1990). In some cases, geoarchaeological research has led to striking new reconstructions of what seem familiar modem land forms (e.g., Zangger, 1991, 1994a, b). Studies of past plant environments have been carried out either through the collection of pollen cores, a difficult propo- sition in many areas of Greece (e.g., Allen, 1990; Bottema, 1994; Hansen, 1994; Moody, 1987; Wright et al., 1990, p. 592; cf. Bottema and Woldring, 1990; McGovem, 1995, pp. 93-96), or through the study of plant ecology (e.g., Rackham, 1990).

CONCLUSION

Greece offers a long archaeological sequence from earliest prehistory to the present. It is also a crossroads, a dynamic ever-changing place, in which indigenous developments and external contacts were in constant in- terplay. The research we have highlighted above is exploring Greece's earliest prehistory and settlement, seeking to expand our knowledge of these earliest phases and, importantly, to situate them in the wider context of human development in the Pleistocene. Research in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages has developed and refined theoretical models for the rise and evolution of social complexity on Crete and the mainland. Archaeometric methods of analysis have been applied to questions of provenience and exchange.

Throughout this review we stress instances in which the combination of textual and archaeological data works to the advantage of Greek archaeologists. Recent advances in the method and theory of Greek archaeology demonstrate the potential of this strategy, and it has indeed borne fruit in its application to several research areas, including Aegean prehistory and regional analysis. Importantly, work done in early periods increasingly has positive spin-off effects in later periods of study well into historical times. For example, advances in survey methodology applied to the very earliest prehistory of Greece have been incorporated into research that ad- dresses historical questions.


The field of "Greek archaeology" is a diverse one, combining wide expanses of both time and territory. In this review we have tried to represent this diversity and, in so doing, highlight what we perceive to be significant recent theoretical and methodological advances, primarily in the study of the prehistoric Aegean and in regional studies. We see no fundamental difference between the methodologies espoused by anthropological archaeologists and those of most classical archaeologists working in these areas. If there is a significant difference, it is perhaps in the richness of data available to those working in the classical world, with the widespread availability of texts that can be productively brought into dialogue with the material remains. For this we make no apology.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We should like to thank the following for advice and information in preparing this review: John E Cherry, Jack L. Davis, Ian Morris, Jeremy B. Rutter, and Anthony M. Snodgrass. For comments on an early draft, we are grateful to Jack L. Davis, Curtis Runnels, David B. Small, and an anonymous reviewer. Needless to say, none of the above should be held responsible for the views expressed or for the chosen emphasis. John Ben- net also would like to thank Christina Clark and Laura DeLozier, who as project assistants, helped greatly in tracking down and acquiring bibliog- raphy.

ENDNOTE

It seems from talking to a number of archaeologists in other areas that one of the greatest barriers to becoming acquainted with research in another field is the unfamiliarity of journals, which in most cases carry current research and fieldwork reports. For this reason, we include here a list of the most important journals for research and fieldwork in Greece and beyond. The primary resource for those interested in all aspects of the prehistoric Aegean is the journal Nestor, founded in 1957 by Emmett L. Ben- nett, Jr., at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, transferred to Indiana University in 1978, and now--1996--at the University of Cincinnati. Nestor contains bibliographic listings of all publications and book reviews in Aegean prehistory or of relevance to the field, as well as notices of conferences and lectures and other items of interest. Its nine monthly issues are indexed at the end of each year, and back issues are available for down- loading over the Internet by anonymous ftp.

Ancient Greece---Aegean Archaeology and Regional Studies I01

For specific data on the progress of ongoing fieldwork, the best~ most accessible resources--widely available in academic libraries--are the Ar- chaeological Reports, published as an annual supplement to the Journal of Hellenic Studies and the Annual of the British School at Athens, and the "Chronique des fouilles," published annually in the Bulletin de Correspon- dance Hellgnique. Both list all work carried out in Greece over the year, including publications of earlier work published that year, mostly ab- stracted from the national journals that publish Greek research (Arhaioloy- ikon Deltion, Ergon, Praktika) and from numerous local journals and newspaper reports. Overviews of recent work in particular geographical areas (Latium, Albania, and Sicily, for example) are included periodically. Fieldwork on Cyprus is reported regularly in the Report of the Department of Antiquities Cyprus, while updates on Anatolian archaeology (and, less often, other geographical areas) appear regularly in the American Journal of Archaeology.

Many of the foreign institutes of archaeology based in Greece publish their own journals, in which fieldwork and research (mostly, but not ex- clusively, carried out under their sponsorship) are published: Hesperia (published by the American School of Classical Studies), Annual of the British School at Athens (British School at Athens, particularly strong in prehistoric archaeological research), Bulletin de Correspondance Hellgnique (French School at Athens), Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archiiologischen lnsti- tuts (German Archaeological Inst i tute) , and Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente (Italian School of Archaeology).

Major English-language journals in which research is published include the American Journal of Archaeology, Minos, and Kadmos (for new information on Bronze Age scripts and related phenomena), while there are frequent publications on research in broadly classical archaeology in the Journal of Field Archaeology, the Oxford Journal of Archaeology, and Ar- chaeometry. In addition, a number of synthetic journals have appeared recently: the Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology (founded in 1988, by A. Bernard Knapp, and likely to be of particular interest to anthropologists), Aegaeum. Annales d'arehdologie ggdenne de l'Universitd de Lidge (founded in 1987, by Robert Laffineur--also a monograph series and host to the bien- nial Aegean conferences), the Cambridge Archaeological Journal (founded in 1991 and not specifically devoted to the Aegean), the Journal of Prehis- toric Religion (founded in 1987, by Paul .X~str6m and John van Leuven), and Aegean Archaeology (founded in 1994, by Bogdan Rutkowski and Krzysztof Nowicki).


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