bennett - children's identification with the group

7/27/2019 Bennett - Children's Identification With the Group

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Childrens identification with the group and theiracquisition of self-relevant knowledge: the case of the nation

Poster presented at the 9th European Conference on Developmental

Psychology, Spetses, Greece, August 1999.

Mark Bennett Evanthia Lyons

University of Dundee University of Surrey

Fabio Sani Martyn Barrett

University of Dundee University of Surrey

Mark Bennett and Fabio Sani, Department of Psychology, University of Dundee,

Scotland; Martyn Barrett and Evanthia Lyons, Department of Psychology, University

of Surrey, England.

Sincere thanks are conveyed to all the teachers and children who participated in

our research. We are extremely grateful to Mariangela Bati, Sian French, Nick

Messing, Katie Neale, Sarah Scott, Dawn Taylor and Sophie Whitehouse for their

assistance in data collection and extend our warm thanks to them.

The research reported in this paper was supported by a grant received from the

Commission of the European Communities DGXII Human Capital and Mobility

(Networks) Programme (Grant No. CHRX-CT94-0687). We are greatly indebted to

our colleagues who contributed to the design of this research: Luciano Arcuri,

Almudena Gimenez de la Pena, Annamaria Silvana de Rosa and Ignasi Vila.

Correspondence should be directed to Mark Bennett, Department of Psychology,

University of Dundee, Dundee DD1 4HN, Scotland (electronic mail,

[email protected])


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Childrens identification with the group and their

acquisition of self-relevant knowledge: the case of the nation

Abstract

Much previous research has shown that children's gender self-categorization as male

or female plays an important role in guiding the acquisition of self-relevant

information. The present study seeks to establish whether this reflects a general

phenomenon in identity development and looks at an abstract and relatively less

salient aspect of identity than gender, viz. nationality. Subjective identification with

the national group and knowledge of one's own and other national groups were

examined in 459 children between 6 and 15 years. Data are presented which indicate

that even with a level of identity which is highly abstract and not chronically salient,

identification with the group is strongly associated with increased acquisition of self-

relevant information.


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Introduction

Within developmental psychology, research concerned with the self has been largely

descriptive, focusing for example on the acquisition and development of children's

self-conceptions. Although much is known about the developmental course of the

self-concept (Damon & Hart, Livesley & Bromley, 1973; McGuire McGuire, 1987;

Peevers, 1987), relatively less is understood about the cognitive consequences ofvariations in children's self-concepts. In short, little work has examined process-

related issues. Thus far, such research, guided by social identity theory (Tajfel &

Turner, 1986), has shown how children's self-conceptions influence their in- and

outgroup evaluations (Bennett, Lyons, Sani & Barrett, in press; Bigler, Jones &

Lobliner, 1997; Powlishta, 1994; Yee & Brown, 1992). However, the role of self-

processes in children's acquisition of social information has been little-explored by

developmental psychologists. It is this latter issue which the present study addresses.

Within social psychology, cognitive approaches to the self have given prominence

to self-schemas, that is, "cognitive generalizations about the self derived from past

experience that organize and guide the processing of self-related information"(Markus, 1977, p. 63). There now exists a substantial body of research which

demonstrates that self-schemas are implicated in various forms of information-

processing (e.g., Markus, Crane, Bernstein, Siladi,1982). Markus (1977) has shown

that individuals who are schematic on particular personality dimensions, such as

independence, are able to make more rapid self-related judgments on those dimension

than on other dimensions. Self-schemas also guide judgment about others, so that for

example the "independence schematic" would be more likely to invoke this dimension

in the perception of others than would someone aschematic for that dimension (Park

& Hahn, 1988; Shapiro, 1988). For the present purposes, it is particularly important to

note that self-schemas play a role in the encoding and storage of information. Thus,

the independence schematic is much more likely than the aschematic to have a set ofmemories of his or her behaviors which exemplify that dimension (Markus, 1977).

Similarly, "weight schematics" will typically acquire greater knowledge about dieting,

the caloric values of different foods, etc., than will aschematics (Fong & Markus,

1982).

Within developmental psychology, the major theory which has drawn attention to

the consequences of self-conceptions for information-processing is gender schematic

processing theory (Martin & Halverson, 1981). This theory proposes that children's

sex-typing begins with the mere categorization of the self as male or female.

Following this, and as a direct consequence of categorization of the self, children are

increasingly oriented towards socially available information with which to elaboratetheir gender schema. Following an initial period of establishing rudimentary

characteristics of both male and female behavior, Martin and Halverson propose that

children focus increasingly upon information relevant to their own sex, thereby

becoming more expert with respect to what is considered appropriate to that category.

This theory has been well supported empirically (e.g. see Durkin (1995) for a

summary) and can account for a broad range of phenomena, such as self-evaluation in

the light of gender stereotypes about behavior (Cramer & Skidd, 1992), toy and

activity preferences based on gender-typed labeling ("this is for boys/girls") (Masters

et al, 1979), distortions in the assimilation of counter-stereotyped information (e.g.

taking a female doctor to be a nurse; Carter & Levy, 1988; Liben & Signorella, 1993),

and the finding that children who learn gender labels early in life know more about


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what is appropriate for their sex than do those who learn labels later (Fagot, Leinbach

& O'Boyle, 1992).

Martin and Halverson explicitly present the theory as a domain-specific account,

that is, they do not make general claims about the role of identity schemas in

children's information processing. Arguably, however, the theory's basic assumptions

are applicable to other domains; children's self-categorization with respect to aparticular group may encourage the acquisition of knowledge relevant to that group.

The extent to which the theory's assumptions may be generally applicable may

nevertheless be circumscribed by the particular characteristics of different categories,

especially their abstractness. We propose that categorization at the level of gender

may be an optimal level in terms of demonstrating the role of schemas in the

acquisition of new information; other types of identity schema may not facilitate this

process to anything like the same extent. This possibility is suggested on the basis of

three principal considerations, which we now outline.

Martin and Halverson note that schemas differ in their salience and suggest that

gender schemas are likely to be particularly salient: "Gender is an obvious and stablehuman characteristic. Other types of self-defining groupings such as national origin

are not so apparent" (p.1127). We contend that the central point here is that, as a

highly abstract and inclusive category, nationality has significantly lower utility than

does gender. Whereas gender is an effective basis for distinguishing between persons

within one's typical social contexts, the same is not true of nationality since the

overwhelming majority of one's peers, relatives, teachers, et. al. are likely to be of the

same nationality as oneself. As a basis for distinguishing others in one's everyday

contexts, then, nationality has very low utility indeed. Moreover, understanding of

one's national identity is relatively late-appearing, undergoing substantial development

between six and ten years (Lambert & Klineberg, 1967). Thus, nationality schemas are

unlikely to be as chronically salient as gender schemas and may not therefore play asimportant a role in guiding cognition (1). In view of this difference it seems plausible

to argue, from a purely cognitive perspective, that the role of self-schemas in

information acquisition may be a function of categories' utility; categories of low

utility may play a less significant role in this respect than those of high utility.

Apart from cognitive considerations, it is important too to consider social factors,

since the cognitive processes associated with sex-typing are likely to be supported and

augmented by social processes (Maccoby, 1988). Thus, early self-labeling as a girl or

a boy, and subsequent sex-typed behavior, will be reinforced by agents of

socialization; similarly, sex-inappropriate behaviors will frequently be punished

(Fagot & Hagan, 1992). Although this general point is almost certainly true for allsocially significant categories, we suggest that it is particularly pertinent for gender

categories, since, as Banaji & Prentice (1994) have argued, gender is "the most

fundamental of human categories" (p. 315). To illustrate the point, consider the case

of a boy who fails to make sex-typed discriminations in play, for example between

dolls and airplanes. We suggest that such a child is much more likely to be subject to

censure than is the child who fails to make nationality-typed discriminations, perhaps

between pretending to be both Prime Minister Blair and President Clinton. That is,

norms surrounding gender are particularly potent, prescribing very strongly what is

appropriate and inappropriate behavior for category members (Bem, 1981). Such

prescriptions at the level of nationality are much less clearcut. Thus, we suggest that

in terms of adult demands upon children, those pertaining to gender are likely to bemore significant and frequent than those related to nationality (at least in the absence


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of serious international conflicts). This bolsters our previous point and supports our

contention that gender schemas are likely to be more available than many others, and,

as such, that Martin and Halverson may have identified an optimal context for the

demonstration of the role that self-processes might have in the acquisition of

knowledge.

Finally, "unlike many other types of self-defining categories, gender categoriesare... dichotomous. Information about either group can be used in defining the self"

(Martin & Halverson, 1981, p.1127). Thus, unlike a system of categorization based on

nationality, which involves a multiplicity of groups (and groups within groups, e.g.

England, Scotland and Wales as parts of Britain), that based on gender is both simple

and, potentially at least, directly informative with respect to the self.

All these considerations suggest that, in terms of guiding information-processing,

gender identification may differ from more abstract and inclusive forms of

categorization, such as at the level of nationality. We suggest that the generality of

this phenomenon in children's development should therefore be subject to empiricalstudy. Conceivably, this phenomenon may be limited to highly salient categories

which discriminate between others within one's immediate social sphere. Thus, the

study that follows examines the generality of the application of cognitive approaches

to the development of the self, looking at the extent to which children's knowledge of

the national group is a function of their identification of themselves as group-

members. In particular, it aims to determine whether children identifying with their

national group are more knowledgeable about their group than those not identifying

with it; and whether their knowledge is particular to the ingroup rather than outgroups,

as would be expected under Martin and Halverson's account. The study thus addresses

the issue of whether children's subjective identification as members of their national

group has a bearing on the acquisition of various types information relevant to thegroup.

Method

Participants: The sample comprised 459 predominantly white British children drawn

from schools in the London and Dundee areas. Participants were divided into four

age-groups: 6-, 9-, 12- and 15-year-olds. There were 108 6-year-olds (M = 78

months, SD= 2.8; 51 boys & 57 girls), 110 9-year-olds (M = 113, SD= 2.9; 59 boys

and 51 girls), 122 12-year-olds (M = 149 SD= 3.4; 62 boys and 60 girls) and 119 15-

year-olds (M = 184, SD = 3.3; 61 boys and 58 girls). Children's names were drawn

randomly from class registers. The only criteria for inclusion in the sample were thatthe children were British (either by birth, parentage or passport held)

Procedure: Children were seen individually as part of a broader study concerned with

children's beliefs and feelings about their own and other national groups. For the

purpose of the present study, two types of measure were employed, those concerned

with subjective identification with the group, and those examining knowledge of

national groups.

Subjective identification

Children were provided with two measures of subjective identification with the

national group, one open-ended, the other forced-choice. The former always preceded

the latter.

Open-ended task. Children were presented with 15 cards, each with a potentialself- descriptor on it: British, French, Italian, German, Spanish, Scottish, English,


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Dundonian, Londoner, girl, boy, 6-years-old, 9-years-old, 12-years-old and 15-years-

old. The cards were spread, in a randomized order, on a table in front of the child. The

child's task was to identify only those cards which might be used to describe the self.

The interviewer instructed him or her to Have a look at these cards. All these words

can be used to describe people. Which ones do you think could be used to describe

you, which ones do you think are you? You can choose as many as you like. (And inthe case of 6- and 9-year-olds) Shall I help you to read them?

When the child had made his or her selection, the remaining cards were removed.

He or she was then asked to place all the selected cards on the table. The interviewer

then asked the child, If you had to choose just one of these cards because it was the

most important to you, which would you choose? The selected card was then removed

from the table and the procedure repeated until only one card remained.

Scoring for this task was in two stages, as follows. First of all, the first-ranked card

was assigned a score of one, the second 2, and so on. The value assigned to each of

the cards not chosen from the total set of 15 cards was the average of the remaining

ranks up to rank 15. For example, in the case of a child who had selected only 4 cards,ranks 5 to 15 would remain. The average of these ranks is established as follows:

(5+6+7+8+9+10+11+12+13+14+15) / 11 = 10. The rank assigned to the British card

was then used as a basis for creating a factor reflecting the important of British

identity: Ranks 1 and 2 were taken as indicating that British identity was very

important; ranks 3-6 fairly important; less than 6 (i.e. in practice, unranked)

unimportant. The conversion of these ranks to a factor with three levels was to enable

comparison with data resulting from the forced-choice task.

Forced-choice task. In order to assess the degree of children's identification with

the category British, they were presented with the following four cards, placed in front

of them, from left to right: very British; little bit British; not at all British; don't know.

The interviewer asked, Which one do you think best describes you? Are you (pointingto the cards) very British, a little bit British, not at all British, or don't you know?

Answers were recorded in terms of the response options indicated above. To enable

comparison with the previous variable, we combined those children who denied being

group members with those who expressed ignorance of group membership. This

decision was guided by social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986), the main

assumption of which is that to define the self in terms of the group, that is, at a social

categorical rather than personal, idiosyncratic level, is the psychological process

responsible for group behavior. Thus, the two response types (denial and ignorance of

group membership) are theoretically equivalent in that they both indicate a lack of

subjective identification with the group and therefore both imply the absence ofgroup-relevant cognitions and behavior.

To establish the extent of convergence between the two measures, a test of

association was conducted on responses to the open-ended and forced choice tasks.

Rankings of the British card were found to be highly associated with responses to the

question about the extent of Britishness: Cramers V = .227, p< .0001. Thus, children

who ranked the British card highly were likely to respond that they felt very British;

those who did not rank the card, or who gave it a low ranking, were likely to respond

that they did not feel very British.

Knowledge of national groups

Children's knowledge of the following five European countries was assessed:

Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Spain. For each country, three distinct types of


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knowledge were examined: geographical knowledge, knowledge of significant

symbols, and knowledge of famous people.

Geographical knowledge

Children were presented with an A3-sized outline map of Europe indicating national

boundaries. For each of the five countries (which were considered in a random order),

they were asked (in the following order):a) to point to the named country. Responses were recorded as either correct or

incorrect. ('Don't know' responses were recorded as incorrect.)

b) to name the capital of the country. Again, responses were recorded as either correct

or incorrect.

c) to mark with a cross where they thought the capital of the country was. Only those

responses within a 30-mile radius of the capital were accepted as correct.

For each country, responses from each of these questions were summed to give a

measure of children's geographical knowledge.

Knowledge of symbols

Children were presented with a set of cards, each of which depicted what a group of15 adults had judged to be the most prototypical exemplars for each country under the

following headings: buildings (e.g. for Britain, Tower Bridge; for France, the Eiffel

Tower), food (e.g. for Britain, an English breakfast of eggs, bacon, sausages, etc; for

Spain, paella), scene (e.g. for Britain, a thatched cottage in a rural village; for Italy, a

hilltown in the countryside of Tuscany) and event (e.g. for Britain, the Changing of

the Guards; for Germany, the Oktoberfest). To this set was added the national flag for

each of the countries.

Children were presented with the total card set (n = 25) in a random order and were

asked to place each picture into one of five boxes representing each of the countries

(i.e. the boxes were labeled Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Spain). There was

also a further box marked "Don't know".For each country children were assigned a score between 0 and 5, depending on the

number of correct responses given.

Knowledge of famous people

For each country, children were asked to provide the names of as many famous

people as they could. Although the names given were typically familiar to

interviewers (usually being heads of state, royals, pop stars, or soccer players),

problematic cases where the interviewer had no knowledge of named person (less than

5% of the total) were referred to at least two colleagues in an attempt to determine

whether it was appropriate to record them as correct responses.

For each country, frequencies of between 0 and 5 correct responses were recorded.Few children gave more than 4 or 5 names per country; where the number exceeded 5,

this was often the result of the names of entire soccer teams being given. To avoid

artificially inflating means with these outliers, it was thus decided to limit the highest

score to 5.

Results

Three principal sets of analyses will be addressed. First of all, attention will be given

to the relationship between age and level of identification with the national group.

Next, age and level of knowledge about each of the countries will be considered.

Since these initial analyses are not of central importance in the present context, they

will be covered relatively briefly as important precursors to our examination of therelationship between level of identification and knowledge. In particular, these initial


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analyses demonstrate the highly significant effect of age on both identification and

knowledge, and guide the form of statistical analysis employed to investigate the

hypothesized relationship between identification and knowledge.

Age and identification

Both measures of identification were found to be highly age-related. For the open-

ended measure, a Kruskal Wallis test was conducted on the rankings of the Britishcard. Older children ranked this card more highly than did younger children: X2 (3) =

26.12, p


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open-ended measure, and knowledge of famous Germans when using the fixed choice

measure.

Tables 3, 4 & 5 about here

Post hoc testing showed that in all cases but one, where there was a significant effect

of level of identification, differences were between children not identifying with the

category "British" and those who identified with it to a greater or lesser degree.(p


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plausible, it leaves unaddressed the issue of why identification was found to be related

to geographical knowledge of France and Italy in particular. On this matter we are less

confident, but speculate that France is likely to be significant because of its proximity

as a neighbor to Britain; and Italy, because of distinctive shape, may provide a notable

cue to organizing knowledge of European geography.

Although a number of findings emerged which suggested that ingroupidentification may be related to knowledge pertaining to groups other than one's own,

for only one was this effect consistent over both measures of identification:

knowledge of Italian symbols. We are unable to provide a plausible account for this.

An important objection that might be leveled at our conclusion about the

relationship between ingroup identification and knowledge is that it assumes a

particular causal relation: that identifying with the group leads to acquisition of

information relevant to one's group. However, an alternative interpretation is that

knowledge of one's group may drive identity development: As one acquires more

knowledge of the group, so identification with the group is heightened. Evidence

contradicting this latter account is that 12-year-olds identify significantly morestrongly with the national group than do 15-year-olds. Over all three knowledge

measures, however, they fare significantly less well than 15-year-olds. Thus, it

appears unlikely that identification with the group is determined by knowledge of it.

However, there must remain some uncertainty over this issue given that, in order to

test the theory formally, it would be necessary to perform experimental manipulations

of gender and other forms of identity, which is clearly an impossibility.

Previous research concerned with children's identity development has taken a

discrete view of identities. For example, one either recognizes that one is a boy or

girl, or one does not. In this study, identification was conceived as graded, so that one

might identify with one's national group very strongly, somewhat, or not at all. A

secondary aim of the study was thus to attempt to determine whether the extent ofidentification may be related to the extent of knowledge. Our data indicate that the

crucial distinction is between identifying and not identifying with the group: It was

not the case that differences in knowledge emerged between children strongly and

moderately identifying with the group, but between these children and those who

failed to identify with the group. It would therefore appear to be defensible for future

research to adopt a straightforward approach which treats children's identities

discretely.

Footnote 1. Consistent with social identity theory, we take the view that the

salience of an identity is not unchanging but contextually variable. There are clearly

circumstances under which national identity can be chronically salient, as in cases of

prolonged international conflict, such as wars. However, during the lives of the

children studied here, Britain has not been involved in a major and sustained

international conflict. Given this, it seems defensible to argue that national identitywill not have been chronically salient.


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Damon, W. & Hart D (1988) Self-understanding in Childhood & Adolescence.

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Table 1

Children's degree of subjective identification as British over age-groups

Self-reported importance of 'Britishness'

Age-group Not at all/DK A little bit Very

6-year-olds 81 7 20

9-year-olds 34 23 52

12-year-olds 7 52 63

15-year-olds 18 51 50


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Table 2

Extent of children's knowledge over age-groups, countries and types of knowledge

Type of

knowledge

& country

6-yr-olds 9-yr-olds 12-yr-olds 15-yr-olds

F value (df

= 3, 458),

p


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Table 3

Children's geographical knowledge over level of national identification,

countries and measures

Country Measure Level of

Identifica

tion F value (Df

= 2, 453

probability

(fixed-

choice

vs. open-

ended)

1

(not at all

British)

2

(a little bit

British)

3

(very

British)

Britain fc .57 1.95 1.82 19.8 .001

oe 1.10 1.95 2.07 10.92 .001

France fc .40 1.49 1.25 9.17 .001

oe .75 1.47 1.49 10.41 .001

Germany fc .25 .92 .62 2.5 ns

oe .43 .81 .82 .56 ns

Italy fc .31 1.41 1.01 8.5 .001

oe .67 1.30 1.10 3.7 .05

Spain fc .41 1.66 1.22 4.04 .01

oe .82 1.49 1.47 1.35 ns


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Table 4

Children's symbol knowledge over level of national identification,countries and measures

Country Measure Level of Identific ation F value (Df

= 2, 453)

probability

(fixed-

choice vs.

open-

ended)

1

(not at all

British)

2

(a little bit

British)

3

(very

British)

Britain fc 1.94 3.69 3.80 31.7 .001

oe 2.71 3.82 4.00 10.91 .001

France fc 1.17 2.36 2.24 5.84 .01

oe 1.64 2.37 2.40 2.77 ns

Germany fc 1.00 1.96 1.74 .69 ns

oe 1.36 1.84 1.96 .42 ns

Italy fc 1.11 2.50 2.21 9.31 .001oe 1.61 2.51 2.29 6.81 .001

Spain fc 1.21 2.00 1.90 .68 ns

oe 1.49 2.01 2.10 1.47 ns


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Table 5

Children's knowledge of famous people over level of national identification

countries and measures

Country Measure Level of Identific ation F value (Df

= 2, 453)

probability

(fixed-

choicevs

open-ended)

1

(not at all

British)

2

(a little bit

British)

3

(very

British)

Britain fc .62 2.36 2.03 3.92 .05

oe 1.23 2.35 2.31 3.47 .05

France fc .15 .62 .45 .20 ns

oe .29 .64 .45 2.42 ns

Germany fc .17 .83 .51 3.06 .05

oe. .34 .73 .68 1.16 ns

Italy fc .17 .65 .46 .53 ns

oe .28 .70 .44 3.29 .05

Spain fc .06 .19 .12 .66 ns

oe .09 .17 .16 .06 ns

bennett - children's identification with the group

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