_______________________________________________________________________

Between a Cock and a Hard Place: Cockfighting In Bali

By Daniel M. Peniston

SIT Study Abroad Indonesia: Arts, Religion, and Social Change

______________________________________________________________Advisor: Professor Wayan P. WindiaFall 2012

“You guys kept your head on a swivel, and thats what you gotta do when you find yourselves in the middle of a vicious cockfight” – Ron Burgundy

Table of Contents

1. Acknowledgements i

2. Foreword ii

3. Introduction or Finding a Chicken in a Haystack 1

4. Part 1: On Fighting and Raising Cocks

a. Tajen and Tabuh Rah or Ancient Tradition in a Modern World 4

b. Just Follow the Cocks or Finding a Cockfight 6

c. Very Important Persons or People in the Ring 10

d. No Use Crying Over Spilled Blood or Betting and Fighting 14

e. More Than a House-pet or Raising a Cock 19

5. Part 2: On Society

a. Men and Cocks or Cock Crazy 25

b. Women and Cocks or the Scapegoats of Tajen 27

6. Part 3: On Politics

a. Cowboy Diplomacy or Everyone’s a Dirty Cop 32

b. Pastika’s Ploy or Cocks Count Too 35

7. Part 4: On Economics

a. One’s Not Enough or the Temptation of Tajen 38

b. Tradition Creating Solutions or Why Tajen Works 40

c. Catch 22 or the Dark Side of Cocks 43

d. A Less Than Modest Proposal or Social Capitalist Enterprise in the Cock Ring 46

8. Part 5: Concluding Remarks

a. A Future for Tajen or Recommendations for Further Study 50

9. The Appendices 53

10. Glossary of Terms 56

11.Works Cited 60

Acknowledgments

There are a great many people who have been extraordinarily helpful to me throughout

the duration of this project, and without whose help this paper would be in all sorts of disorder

and confusion. The word ‘acknowledgment’ is not nearly strong enough a word to express my

gratitude and thanks for the people who helped me throughout this bizarre research enterprise.

My thanks is more akin to lying in submission before all of you who supported this weird desire

of mine to study cockfighting, searching for some appropriate way to repay you for all you’ve

done to humor and help me.

First and foremost, I must thank Wayan ‘Johnny Archer” Pardika for being an amazing

friend and without whose help many interviews, photographs and experiences would never have

happened. On that note I must also thank all the people I interviewed, for this paper (and

cockfighting itself) would be nothing without you. Pak Yudi, for the wealth of cockfighting

knowledge you possess, and for all the dirty jokes. I would also like to thank Pak Wayan Windia

(my advisor), whose substantial knowledge about Balinese tradition was essential to the

completion of this project. Aries, Dede and Mirah, the rides back and forth to Bedulu were

greatly appreciated, as well as all the experiences we shared along the way

And lastly, a venerable shout out to Bu Wayan Ariati for being an endless source of

knowledge and enthusiasm throughout the entire semester; your encouragement helped push this

project to fruition, and I gained a valuable friend along the way.

i

Foreword

I suppose I should continue my narration in the first person so as to explain just why I

chose to study cockfighting and spend a month researching its various tangible as well as

abstract properties. The topic came to me in a roundabout way, and at the almost the eleventh

hour before the ISP period began too. After witnessing a cockfight in Bedulu in our first week

there, I thought at the time that it would be an extremely interesting and fun ISP to conduct

research on. I soon forgot about it and set my sights on other topics of interest, none of which

eventually produced any sort of enduring appeal. With 2 weeks before the beginning of our ISP

period, I was getting desperate for a topic to study, and in searching through past paper’s found

one about cockfighting. This immediately rekindled my initial fascination in the topic, and I

decided then and there to follow this gut instinct and study this for my ISP.

I quickly learned that much of the current literature about cockfighting (or at least what

little there is, for it is indeed a relatively undiscovered topic of study in Bali) was centralized on

one location of study, and thus presents an ideal of cockfighting specific to one village or town in

Bali. Knowing of the tendency for distinct (and sometimes drastic) variance between Balinese

villages, I immediately set my sights (perhaps a little too high) on creating an analysis of

cockfighting across the island as a whole, so as to provide an inclusive study of cockfighting.

Well, I soon learned that this was indeed a much more complicated endeavor than I had

initially thought, because the topic of cockfighting is simply too broad to construct a functionally

comprehensive investigation of it, especially in the short time span of one month. As a result the

conclusions and ideas presented in this paper are a result of cockfighting largely in the regency

of Gianyar (as well as some from Denpasar, and one from the Tabanan Regency). Even after

ii

witnessing only a few fights outside of Gianyar, I noticed vast differences in the style and flair

cockfights (for example, in Denpasar the atmosphere was much more intense and the stakes were

higher, probably because of the vicinity of the police and higher potentiality of arrest). The rest

of the fights from which information for this paper was obtained from various excusrions to

cockfights in Mas, Pejeng, Tebongkang, and Bedulu, all of which are in Gianyar. Still, while the

conclusions here should not be applied to cockfighting all across Bali, I believe they can give

some semblance of cohesion on cockfighting in south Bali.

Furthermore, the conclusions and opinions reflected in this paper are largely a result of

informal interviews with people I met (gamblers, organizers of cockfights, workers at cockfights,

as well as other sources such as Bemo1 drivers, academics and friends, for I asked most people I

met about what they had to say about cockfighting, since it is such a popular past-time and

everyone knows it). Because of the lack of scholarly material regarding cockfighting is crippling,

the best method for learning about it is primary information obtained from discussions and

conversations with these people, as relying on the precious few articles about cockfighting is

simply not sufficient. This widespread, informant based method of collecting information is

partial to argument and should not be taken as representative truth, since many people

interviewed provided contrasting information. Instead, the information here is a compilation of

what different people told me about cockfighting, and while they cannot speak to an all inclusive

truth about cockfighting in Bali, they can speak to individual truths and experiences, which are

just as important (if not more so) than universal ones in the world of cockfighting.

iii

1 Bemos are busses that make up the public transport system of much of Bali

Disclaimer:

Before embarking to read this ISP, the reader should be made aware of certain jokes and

puns mentioned in this paper. Most (if not all) of these jokes are phallic oriented, largely around

the word ‘cock’ and have been carefully conceived; some are deliberate, some are accidental,

some are subtle and some are obvious, but all are accepted and done in farce, meant to keep the

tone form getting too dramatic and ominous None are meant to be insulting. If anyone should

take offense at these projections I would like to offer my sincerest apologies for your blatant lack

of a sense of humor, and do hope you take the initiative to educate yourself about the nature of

comedy; it will greatly assist in your enjoyment of this paper.

iv

Introduction or Finding a Chicken in a Haystack

The din of thousands of men yelling in conjunction combine to make dissonant chords of

cacophonous gibberish. Rows upon rows of motorbikes are parked disorderedly along the streets,

making it impossible for anyone to pass beyond them; men wearing black, white and red sarongs

stand in the middle, trying to maintain traffic flow at its usual pace. A group of idle policemen sit

under a roof covered veranda at the end of the street, occasionally drifting lackadaisically over

towards the source of the noise and returning with a couple thousand more rupiah, all the while

watching as more men arrive from all across the island, each one bearing a wicker basket with a

single rooster inside. The setting of this scene is on the island of Bali, and the event is a

cockfight.

The cockfight itself is not legal, but the police show no concern for making any arrests

there; corruption in Bali is infamous, explaining why the police come back with more money

than before. Likewise, the gamblers at the fight seem largely unaware, or at least largely

unconcerned of their presence. Their focus is instead entirely given to the two chickens fighting

in a small, sandy ring, leaving one to wonder what is so enthralling about the simple act of two

roosters engaged in ferocious battle?

Bali is indeed an island immersed in tradition, and it seems that cockfighting is their most

savage one. It is not one that’s exclusive to Bali however, because cockfighting exists in

hundreds of countries around the world (India, Thailand, Cuba, and the Philippines, to name a

few) but here it appears to be practiced and customized in a uniquely Balinese fashion. Its

popularity is tenaciously felt, as any stroll through a Balinese village is likely to prove for it

certainly feels that on any given day one is bound to find a cockfight somewhere; you just need

1

to know what to look for. But upon finding it, what exactly will you see? Surely there is more to

it than the sobering act of two fighting chickens.

Many anthropologists consider Bali to be a goldmine of research substance, and have

spend years conducting research here since the 20th century. Largely their work has excluded

cockfighting (with the exception of course of Clifford Geertz, who’s famous essay on

cockfighting permeates into many academic disciplines), instead focusing on studies of people

(i.e., not cocks). However the few whose work does saturate into the realm of cockfighting often

propose emphatic predictions about it, most notably that its presence will not be felt past the turn

of the century. Where does this theory fall short (or does it at all), and what can be researched

about modern cockfighting in Bali? In addition to this, their work focuses largely on

cockfighting in a one village in Bali; what can be said about its applicability on the island as a

whole (or is this too bold of an endeavor)?

While the author cannot speak to the cockfights of the late 20th century (instead having to

rely on precious few essays and discourses about them), an analysis of 21st century cockfighting

is attainable. Where is cockfighting now, and how has it changed? How are its affects felt beyond

the confines of the cock ring? How has it changed man’s relationship with the natural world,

with other humans, and with his own constructed world of society, politics and economics in the

age of digitalization? And could all of these changes be due to the plain act of chickens fighting?

While such an endeavor would seem like searching for a needle in a haystack, there is a

surprising amount that can be found within the mounds of hay (and its not necessarily a needle).

As it turns out, cockfighting's influence permeates into a surprising amount of seemingly

2

unlikely areas. Before inaugurating such an analysis at a grand scale however, a thorough

understanding of historical cockfighting is necessary, for that is where it all began.

3

Part 1: On Fighting and Raising Cocks

Tajen and Tabuh Rah or Ancient Tradition in a Modern World

There are three different words in Balinese that refer to cockfighting, and each is specific

to different types of fight although the boundaries between them have blurred somewhat in

recent years. The two that are most commonly used are tajen and tabuh rah, and refer

respectively to secular and traditional cockfights. The third, branangan, specifically means a

smaller, usually secular cockfight. They can also sometimes be called meklewan or ngadu,

however the first two are used far more often. Calling a cockfight a tajen means that it is secular,

implying that gambling will be involved, and thus is illegal as a result of the 1981 nationwide

gambling ban in Indonesia. Tabuh Rah on the other hand, implies that the fight is strictly for

religious purposes and only consists of 3 matches, thus a traditional part of Balinese culture (as

many gamblers are wont to tell the police when they are arrested for gambling).

Tabuh rah are crucial aspects of virtually every temple ceremony in Bali (if the ceremony

is a Hindu one, which is a fair assumption considering that 92% or more of the island is Hindu).

Balinese Hinduism is entirely unique in practice, differing in many extreme ways from other

more commonly known forms of Hinduism such as that which is practiced in places like India

and Nepal. Hinduism in Bali focuses largely on ancestor worship and animism, and a great deal

of attention is given to keeping a balance between the gods above, the demons below and the

world in between where humans inhabit, in an effort of preserving harmony between the separate

spheres of existence. The terms demons and gods are here loosely defined, because while these

words respectively carry diabolical and heavenly connotations in English, their Balinese

equivalents are not so. A better word would simply be ‘spirits’ living below and above, some

4

that could potentially harm humans when they’re not appeased appropriately, somewhat akin to a

hungry pet. For the gods, this includes praying at temples with flowers, incense and offerings as

a way of thanking them for all they provide. For the spirits underground (which in Balinese are

called butas and kalas), this includes offerings of similar nature, as well as arak (Balinese palm

wine) and a blood sacrifice, which is where tabuh tah comes in.

The words tabuh rah literally mean ‘spreading blood,’ and that is a cockfights primary

purpose; its secondary one is of course, gambling. The Balinese do indeed have a heavy

infatuation for blood in all its shapes and forms, for a blood sacrifice is required at almost every

temple ceremony, and men, women and children are all quite accustomed to seeing an animal

slaughtering as part of a ceremony, usually of a pig, cow, dog, duck or chicken. Eaten alongside

many of these ceremonies is the Balinese delicacy lawar which consists of various chopped

vegetables, jack fruit and young coconut flakes, combined with half cooked strips of meat,

seasoned with raw chicken, cow or pigs blood. While this may churn the stomachs of even the

least picky eaters, it is indeed delicious and savored by almost all Balinese; it is eaten on special

occasions, and many Balinese will say that its their favorite food. The bizarre obsession with

blood explains why issues of animal rights concerning cockfighting are relatively nonexistent in

Bali, much to the dismay of many a western animal lover.

Cockfights are sometimes done inside a temple (but never close to the holiest sections),

but more often are held in rings very close by since gambling is not technically allowed inside

temple grounds, a religious rule that even staunch gamblers are not quick to break (illustrating

the fundamental importance of doctrinal adherence for all Balinese). Instead people have set up

arenas near to temples, which usually consist of huge cement structured pits with a sandy ring in

5

the center, and hold cockfights there. This way they can hold a tajen whenever they please––and

thus include gambling––and should any nosy police decide to raid the arena the crowd can

quickly claim that the fight is tabuh rah, and they are doing it for a ceremony at the nearby

temple. Considering there is some sort of religious ceremony practically everyday in Bali (for

most temples celebrate both island wide and individual ceremonies), the excuse is a good one,

and the police generally buy it. However a small bribe doesn’t hurt as well.

For as long as anyone can remember, gambling has been a part of tajens and its presence

in Balinese cockfighting shows no sign of stopping. The exceptionally complicated rules and

requirements have been passed down through generations, and while many ordinary Balinese

don’t understand the intricacies of the sport, it has succeeded in creating a subculture made up

predominantly of resolute men who’s commitment to cockfighting has accounted for the sports

rampant spread across the island.

Just Follow the Cocks or Finding a Cockfight

A Balinese cockfight is, in and of itself quite a fascinating experience, whether you’re

someone who enjoys the sight of blood being spilled or not. They reveal a certain amount of

masculinity, typical Balinese blasé in the face of what is often a daily event, and most notably

and ironically, true and total honesty among men, in an otherwise dishonest business; Balinese

cockfighting is not called the most honorable form of gambling without reason.

In searching for a tajen (particularly a big one, as are particularly common in the regency

of Gianyar), there is admittedly a sense of excited apprehension. Large fights can often draw

crowds from all across the island, and one can easily pick out men headed to the tajen from

6

within a crowded traffic jam, wicker kisau with cock inside hanging perilously off the side of

their motorbike. Once you notice one person bearing this description, it becomes much easier to

distinguish others who are heading towards the fight as well. If that fails, simply asking someone

alongside the road (ideally a man, for the only reason that he is more likely to know the location

of a tajen than a woman) will do, and he can surely point the inquisitive visitor in the right

direction, or at least closer towards it.

Upon nearing the location of the fight, the observant attendee will notice cars and

motorbikes lining the streets, getting progressively more congested up until the entrance into the

tajen spot. When you see the 5 or so men in the street directing traffic flow, wearing a sarong

with (usually) a checkered black and white saput (cover that goes around a man’s sarong and

always required for a temple ceremony), and bearing polo shirts that read pecelang on the upper

back, you will know you have reached the right place. These men––whose job title literally

means ‘temple guards’––are hired to keep traffic flow at its usual pace, and maintain order in the

parking lot (which can crowd very quickly); their unwritten role is to keep the police happy as

well, usually with the small endowment of up to RP 50,000 (roughly $5.20)1.

Inside the makeshift parking lot there can be up to 1,500 motorbikes parked at peak times

in the fight (around 11:00-12:00, considering most large fights start at 10:00am), and thats not

including the thousands parked outside in the street. The location of large fights like this are

always close to a village pura (temple), and motorbike parking sometimes spills over into

outskirts of the temple grounds and often in the nearby graveyard due to a lack of space

elsewhere.

7

1 Currency conversions based on the exchange rate of RP 9600:$1.00

Outside the wantilan (which is an arena used only for cockfighting) there is usually a

provisional entrance booth, consisting of a table with a few chairs and a cardboard box with a

hole in it that reads tiket masuk 20,000 (or “entrance ticket RP 20,000”). This is a common price

for most large tajen nowadays; it used to be RP 10,000, but the inescapable force of inflation has

reached its ever extendable arm even as far as cockfighting. This money is used primarily to pay

the men working at the tajen (who are numerous, and quite important), but its main recipient is

the temple itself, for cockfighting is a major source of fund raising for many villages.

By now our inquisitive visitor will surely have heard the raucous calls of gasal or cok

coming from within the arena, and most likely will rush inside to see what this all means. Lining

the path inside are warungs (food stalls) and the smells of sate, babi guling and other delicious

foods is enough to make anyone stop here and not even enter the arena, instead enjoying the tasty

snacks outside it. If one can make it past the mouth-watering aromas coming from outside the

arena, they will next notice small stands selling everything from T-shirts with misprinted English

phrases to knock-off Swiss army knives; sometimes, there are traditional ‘magicians’ present too,

usually to assist the indecisive gambler in choosing a winning cock. Food at cockfights is

exceedingly tasty compared to regular warungs, (or at least thats the general consensus among

gamblers), and generally overpriced as well, for vendors know well of the omnipresent nature of

money at a tajen. They most often sell peanuts, coffee, Pocari sweat (A Japanese ion supply

drink), chicken satay, and babi guling (suckling pig) among many other delicious edibles. In fact,

food at tajens is considered to be so good that some men only attend them for the food (or so

they say; most people cannot resist gambling at least a little bit at a cockfight).

8

The wantilan itself is almost always a four sided structure with a fixed tin roof over head

(think the Greek’s colosseum, but take away the gladiators and add the chickens). The

surrounding stairs are made of cement and lead down into the cock-ring at the center of the pit,

where the fighting happens. The ring is usually no bigger than 40ft x 40ft (12.19m x 12.19m),

and is sometimes encased by a metal cage (an unnecessary precaution, as most cocks cannot fly

more than a few feet at a time). Men crowd the surrounding stairs, usually standing to get a better

view, and sometimes as many as 2,000 people can squeeze into one arena at a time. The rest stay

on the outskirts, consuming food and drinks. In one section of the stairs there is a small platform

(no more than 6ft long, or about 1.8m) upon which sit the juru klemong, the 2 chief judges

presiding over the fight. Alongside them is a single gong from a gamelan orchestra, a large clay

bowl (2.5ft, or 0.7m in diameter) filled with water and a coconut shell bowl with a hole in the

bottom. This is used as a method of keeping time during the fights; the coconut bowl is filled

with water, and then held above the clay bowl so that the water can drip back into it. A single

coconut bowlful is called a tjeng and measures approximately 21 seconds (although this can vary

depending on the size of the hole). The juru klemong always wear pakaian adat (temple attire

consisting of at least a sarong, sash and headband) whereas most spectators are not required to

don it.

A single cockfight––here meaning one match between two cocks, fighting to the death––

can be as short as 20 seconds, and typically no longer than 2 minutes. The brouhaha before that

however, takes much longer. Anyone wishing to fight their cock is welcome to do so (the more

the merrier it seems, for at large fights there can be as many as 200 cocks waiting to fight), but

first must register their cock with the men at the entrance booth. Once they do so, an owner will

9

usually not see his cock until the end of the fight, or––if he is less lucky––never again. Cocks are

then brought to a ‘waiting room,’ which is usually a corner of the wantilan reserved for keeping

cocks waiting to fight, and later moved into the arena circling the ring, to stay in their kisau until

their turn to enter the throes of the fight.

Very Important Persons or People in the Ring

Life in the ring itself is quite crowded, because along with the dozen or more cocks that

are waiting to be fought, there are also about 20 men (most, if not all, dressed in pakaian adat)

who are arguably the most important men at any cockfight. Some of these men are pemasang

taji, who fix the taji (metal spurs, and what many consider to be the root of the word tajen) onto

the cocks feet. The taji themselves belong to another person, who rents them out to owners

wishing to fight their cock; they are paid a small percentage of money that comes from the

entrance fee. The taji are tied on using specific, red string called Belulang or sabuk.

There is a great deal of lore surrounding taji, for unbeknownst to most people there is a

certain amount of mysticism about them that still exists today, a common trait about many

things, tangible or not on the island of Bali. In the past taji were perceived as having a flair for

the occult, and while this perception has conceivably waned in recent years, many people still

believe the traditional legends about them. One such belief is that taji blades are dipped in a

deadly poison before being tied onto a cocks foot, hoping to end a cocks life faster and more

effectively. Menstruating women are not permitted to touch or even look at taji, for the same

reason that they cannot enter a temple during this period. It used to be that the blades could only

be sharpened by the dark of the moon, and they must be forged using embers (usually coconut

10

husks) that came from a tree that has been struck by lightening. Also, a blade cannot be touched

by someone who has had a recent death in their family. That was then however, and as the rest of

Bali has modernized, so too have taji traditions.

Today, the required metal that can be used for taji is not as dreadfully specific as it once

was. In fact, some taji owners are getting so fed up with Balinese metal that they are turning to

foreign steel to use for manufacturing taji. Most of the market for imported metal is from

Switzerland and Japan, where it is believed to be stronger and more resilient, although evidence

of this remains to be seen. Then, Balinese smiths carve out the thin, slightly curved blade,

11-15cm long (about 4-6in), that ends in an unsharpened, smooth handle that is then tied to the

cocks leg. The blades are kept in a small leather wallet called a kupak, and handed out to those

wishing to use them in the fight. Standard cost for a taji now is about Rp 300,000 (compared to

the usual price Rp 20,000 in the early 1990s, a sure sign of product inflation), but many men

have a friend who gives them a discounted price. There are two types of taji, taji sangket and taji

Bali, and each is distinguishable by the handle. Handles on the taji sangket are protruding at

about a 45 degree angle from the end of the blade, while taji Bali stick out straight at the end of

the blade, in a long, thin strip of steel. Each is good for different types of cocks, but mostly taji

sangket are used.

In order to ensure fairness, sometimes the taji must be placed at different positions or

angles on the cocks foot. Typically, the blades are attached to the left leg, on the outside for

smaller, weaker birds and on the inside for larger ones; this is done to equalize the birds various

strengths. When the cocks preparing to fight are deemed to have unequal strengths (a common

occurrence, for no two cocks are ever the same), this equalization process is assessed and

11

determined between the two pekembars. Varying differences of fairness have been established,

and each has a specific term for it, which are: Taji Pade, Nyomerang, Nyomerang Yeng,

Nyomerang Yeng Leb, Pade Jero, Pade Sisi, Pade Tengah, Dur Tegil, Ngisor and Taji Dua. This

cornucopia of words is made of up of the verifications of inequality between cocks. Taji Pade for

example, refers to two cocks that are deemed to have equal strength, and thus can have equal

positioning of taji on their legs. Nyomerang refers to two cocks that are slightly unequal, one

being moderately stronger than the other so that the taji must be placed accordingly; this

continues with increasing differences of strength up until taji dua, in which two cocks are so

unequal that the underdog must resort to using two taji, a very comfortable advantage. After

deciding the appropriate difference, pemasang taji attach the blades to the cocks feet, and the

pekembars take over.

Pekembars are arguably the most vital aspect of any cockfight, and without them

cockfighting in Bali would likely be vastly different. These men are extraordinarily skilled cock

handlers (a skill shared by too many young women with whom the author is regrettably

acquainted with), and they are the ones caring for and managing a cock in the fight. By this time

they have already been entrusted with a cock, and before the fighting begins they seek out any

potential opponents, making their final decision based on whether or not they think the fight will

be equal. They find a rival, and thus begins the mebong-bong, the ‘matching’ of the cocks, or

squaring off. Pekembars squat down in front of each other, each holding their cock and push his

face in the others, making them both agitated and angry, thus more likely to produce a good

fight. Then, they switch, and the opposing pekembar feels his opponents cock, making sure their

sizes and bodies match equally, in a friendly comparison of size between men. The arena is loud,

12

with cock calls and crows combining with the voices of 1,000 or more men to make a cacophony

of noise that can usually be heard around the neighborhood.

There are usually about 12 or more pekembars in the ring throughout the duration of the

entire tajen, and they are frequently checking their cock to prepare him for battle. This entails

everything from ruffling up the cocks tail feathers, squeezing his breast muscles, stroking his

feathers, using various salves, oils or medicines and even putting the cocks head into their own

mouths to literally breathe life back into him. Matches consist of three ‘sets’ (individual fights),

and between sets pekembars will do all of this and more, in an effort to milk a dying cock for

every last drop of strength and power he possesses, in hopes that he may come out the victor of

the match. Pekembar's have no vested interest in the outcome of any match since they are not

paid by commission and thus have no monetary incentive to ensure that their cock wins, but you

would not know this for looking; for all that one can tell, they may as well be the owners of the

cock. They are literally doing everything they can to make sure that their cock wins, and while

one would think that this may urge some pekembars to engage in cheating or resort to dirty tricks

during a fight, there is in fact very little if not any of that involved; only one person the author

talked to had ever heard of anyone cheating at a tajen (and even he heard second hand as well), a

remarkably good record for a sport in which money plays such a pivotal role. Pekemars are

entirely trustworthy and impeccably honest. Always they are very good at what they do, for no

blame is ever placed on a pekembar if ones cock loses. Men spend years raising, caring and

nurturing for their cocks, so to entrust them in the hands of another person takes a great deal of

trust in that person, especially if there are high amounts of money riding on that cock, which

presumably, there always is.

13

Next, there are the sayas, or match referees. Unlike the juru klemong, these men are

present in the ring during the fight and are unremittingly engaged throughout this time. Much

like the pekembars, these men are an unblemished example of irreproachable honesty, whose

word is trusted beyond any doubt. It is their job to act as an umpire during the match, to ensure

fair play and arbitrate terms between owners. This could include overseeing the use of two

blades instead of the usual one, or changing the positions of the blades on the cocks feet, all in an

effort to make the match fair.

No Use Crying Over Spilled Blood or Betting and Fighting

Before the actual fight begins however, and after the taji have been so meticulously

attached (for it takes quite a while to tie them on securely), bets must be placed, and to do so

requires a complete knowledge of the regulated betting system, for unwise betting will always

end up in a loss (as the author was quick to learn). Betting at a tajen is always done in ringgets,

an ancient currency used during Dutch colonial times that has since been abolished in all other

uses except for cockfighting. A ringget is always equal to 2 ½ RP, regardless of exchange rates.

Bets are placed in ringgets and later paid in rupiah, because ringget coins have no use today

outside of cockfighting. When asked why gamblers continue to use this archaic, intangible form

of wagering, they reply in typical Balinese fashion with, “That's just how it is. That’s how our

ancestors did it.”

There are two systems of betting at a tajen, the toh sisi and the toh tengah, and each one

refers to different ways of placing bets with other spectators. Bets placed in the toh sisi system

include all wagers made between individuals in the crowd, usually with the people who are

14

standing close by. They are always 1:1 bets, are very informal and rarely deal with large

quantities of money. These are all done casually and is generally good fun between gamblers, but

the real high stakes betting takes place within the toh tengah system.

Toh tengah bets are those made within the system regulated by the sayas. These regulated

bets are what most people bet within at larger tajens because the rewards––and thus the risks––

are higher, providing a far more riveting and exhilarating betting experience. However, what

makes toh tengah an even more rousing betting experience than toh sisi is the organization of the

odds, done so in a clearly defined value system that pits one bettor literally ‘at the odds’ of

another. This coupled with the raucous energy while placing bets makes for a stirring flurry of

boisterous, male adrenaline, an irresistible draw that keeps people coming back for more.

There are seven terms for the odds, and while they cover an extensive range of amounts

of money to be won, people usually just use three of them. For a list of the Balinese words for

each of odds and their assigned values, refer to Figure 1 of the appendices.

The terms most commonly used are gasal, cok and teludo, and these are the three words

that supporters of the underdog yell. Pekembars determine the favored cock to win, or kebut, and

the underdog (or ngai) through a number of various factors such as size, strength, or feet, and

other more intangible differences (often to the point of being seemingly minute ones) such as

color or the breast feathers, feet scales or the cocks comb. These outwardly superfluous

qualifications are important because various combinations of feet, feathers, comb, and breast are

disparately propitious on different days of the week, in a kindred relationship with the intricate

Balinese calendar.

15

Many bettors at large tajens don’t actually know which cock is the kebut or ngai, but

instead decide instinctively to take a chance by betting on the underdog or to play it safe and

stick with the favorite. There has always been a great deal of superstition involved in tajen, and

much of this takes full form in the process of placing bets. It would be wrong to say that bets are

placed entirely at random, because there is certainly a great deal of thought that goes into making

them, but at times it does seem that bettors do not know actually what they are doing. This is in

part true, because it can be hard to determine which is the favorite and the underdog from a such

a far distance (made harder by the fact that cocks are flying and squawking over and underneath

each other throughout the fight, leading a gambler to quickly lose track of who he is betting on),

so instead gamblers make an assessment for themselves and decide whether or not to take the

risk of betting on what they presume to be the underdog. They base their decisions largely on

instinct and feelings in the moment, because many bettors can’t actually tell the underdog or

favorite, and take a gamble of their own in guessing which is which. The ambitious gamblers

who choose to take this precarious risk then shout the odds they wish to bet, usually starting at

gasal (5:4) since these are the highest odds (aside from dapang at 10:9, a little too high for

supporters of the favorite to feel comfortable accepting) that they are likely to find a match for.

They yell to be heard over the clamoring crowd and signal wildly with a beckoning gesture, or

by waving rupiah bills in the air to notify any supporters of the favorite that they are willing to

bet (the word they’re yelling––in this case gasal––indicates how much). If they cannot find any

takers, they will lower their bet a notch, and yell cok (4:3) to more easily lure in an opposing

bettor.

16

By this point they usually will have found someone supporting the favorite willing to

place a bet with them, and with a quick nod, glance or sometimes as little as brief eye contact,

they agree on the terms. One can pick out supporters of the favorite in the crowd by listening for

the calls of the color or other distinguishing characteristic. There are a great deal of determining

factors of color, comb2, wattle3 and various other characteristics, each with a specific name and

qualification.

When the pekembars determine that enough time has been allotted for bets to be made,

they face off one last time in the middle of the ring, and then quickly move outwards and release

the cocks at the sound of the juru klemong’s gong signaling the start of the match. The

cacophonous crowd hastily quiets down and watches intently as the cocks hop towards each

other, jumping in the air and trying to land on the other to deliver a blow with their legs or peck

with their beaks, since these are the most effective weapons they possess. They squawk and

squeal, and when one forces the other to the ground, the downtrodden cock tries to writhe and

wriggle free from underneath his attacker. After a few trials in which the cocks exchange blows

(none yet lethal for both are wounded but still breathing), many cocks get tired and stop fighting,

wandering off into a corner of the ring. When this occurs, and the juru klemong determines that

already too much time has passed, the fighting stops momentarily as the pekembers race to their

entrusted cock and pick them up to be put underneath a kruput, a bamboo woven cage (larger

than a kisau and can be seen through) for a cage match fight to the death. While the saya gets the

kruput, the pekembars are hurriedly trying to revitalize their cock, ruffling its tail feathers,

squeezing its muscles and breathing into its mouth; they have the astonishing power to

17

2 The comb is the red skin on top of a roosters head, resembling a mohawk

3 The wattle is the red skin underneath a roosters chin

resuscitate an apparently dead cock, breathing life into a creature that often appears to be beyond

death. A second saya then takes the two cocks from the pekembars and, holding them in one

hand with a surprising amount of balance and composure (for the cocks are big, and still rather

feisty), quickly places them underneath the cage at the sound of the gong while another saya

encloses them within it, in hopes that they will continue to want to fight. He keeps his hand on

the cage, and for a few seconds the cocks are quiet; then, one inevitably strikes at the other, and

the cage is lifted off again. Often a single blow dealt under cover of kruput is enough to kill a

cock, but sometimes the fight continues for longer. It is sometimes hard to tell when a cock is

close to death, even if he is covered in blood and staggering on his feet, as most pekembars are

so skilled that they can even enable a cock in such a grim state to come out the victor of the

match. Suddenly however, after a final blow from one cock to the other, the gong is sounded one

last time to declare the end of the match and winner. The crowds are then bustling as men hand

money to each other or crumple it up into a ball to throw across the crowd to their opponent. The

next pekembars move in to the center of the ring with the next two cocks, and the whole process

is repeated again.

The body of the losing cock, or meli matih, goes to the victor, who will proudly take it

home for dinner that night. It is commonly agreed that the meat of the meli matih is tastier than

regular chicken meat, although this too could be mere urban legand; either way, the victor goes

home happy. However, he does not get everything, because the leg that the taji was tied onto

goes to the owner of the knife, as payment for using his tool. This is called the pukangan. The

owner of the winning cock can then decide if he is feeling lucky enough to fight his cock again,

18

or to quit while he is ahead. The owner of the meli matih goes home to his other cocks, to

continue to raise them to become stronger than their fallen friend.

More Than a House-pet or Raising a Cock

Qualities of a fighting cock are very different from those of a regular chicken, and there is

a great deal of care that goes into nurturing and bringing up a fighting cock to produce a winning

one. There are literally hundreds of species of chickens, each with differentiating combs, wattles,

wings, feathers and feet, and although not even close to all of them originate from Indonesia, five

of them are native. The one most commonly used in cockfighting is the Ayam Bekisar (Gallus

Gallus Bankvia), a hybrid crossbreed between the Green and Red Jungle-fowl from Java. They

typically have a glossy, black plumage embodied with shades of green, and red, orangish feathers

covering their wings and neck. Other species that are used in Bali include Lensi, Grey, Klayret,

White Kelso, Black Bonanza, Red Bucher, Black Bucher, Lemon, Texas, Betat, Junior, Saigon

and Sweeter. Black Bucher’s are considered to be the strongest fighters. A recent trend has been

importing cocks for use in tajen and because of this intense species variation has occurred on the

island in the mixing of different breeds.

Many of these imported cocks come from the Philippines and other surrounding islands,

where wild cocks are captured and later brought to Bali, usually smuggled into the country.

Reasons for importing cocks vary, but mainly its for vexations with native Indonesian species

that many owners believe local cocks are weaker and more tame. Wild cocks from the depths of

lush, Filipino jungles surely sound more feral and aggressive, thus more likely to best a local

19

Balinese cock; says one avid cockfighter, “They’re instinct killers.” Filipino cocks––when

compared side by side with a Balinese one––do appear to be larger, fiercer and more combative

than their Balinese counterparts, and are much more likely to snap at a curious observer.

Importing cocks is expensive though, but thats not enough to stop many a zealous gambler from

doing it. Despite the expense however, the vast difference in cock stature is certainly appealing,

but there are other reasons to account for this; one of these, is doping.

In Bali, doping means exactly what it does in the West. However, unlike the Western

world, there is no agency to strip any doped cocks of their win or their owners of their money,

allowing the Lance Armstrong’s of the cockfighting world to persevere. Owners dope their

cocks for the same reason anyone takes performance enhancing drugs: to make them stronger

and more aggressive, more likely to win. There are two drugs most commonly used for cocks,

Supertop and Complexor and both generally produce the same effect. Supertop is a pill form

drug that is usually crushed up and mixed with water, and later added to the cocks food.

Ironically, it is also believed (although not yet proven) to make the cock’s blood thicker, thus less

likely for the blood to be spilled and spread, (illustrating the paradoxical priority shift from a

religious ceremony to a hankering for money). Other methods of doping include the injection of

daily vitamins into the cocks breast, such as a vitamin C booster.

Nowadays its generally assumed that everyone dopes their cocks, so there is never an

issue of an unfair match between a doped cock and a clean one. A doped cock is not considered a

cheat, since most owners are up front about it before their opponent; besides, even doped cocks

can die, pointing to the ineffectively of most of the drugs, so its up to individual owners to decide

whether or not they believe in its functionality. There are still traditionalists however, who prefer

20

a more orthodox method of raising their cock and these methods have changed little throughout

the generations.

Raising a cock is definitely a time consuming endeavor, and for many men is often a

primary household chore (sometimes taking priority over their other duties, for example towards

his wife or family). Household cocks are placed under cover of a kruput, albeit one that is

slightly thinner with room enough for only one cock inside. Hanging from it is usually a small,

coconut shell food bowl, made easily accessible to the cock and replenished frequently. Most

cocks are fed grains, nuts, rice, and corn mixed with warm water, and are given special

nutriments on important religious occasions. Most often, this is a left over grilled meat (sate) and

sometimes the leaves of a Jackfruit tree, which is believed to strengthen the cocks blood and

prevent serious bleeding during a fight. In a typical Balinese household compound (which can be

quite expansive, consisting of various individual houses) cocks are sometimes allowed to roam

free, but never allowed to leave venture beyond the compound walls. Serious cock owners will

often have a special enclosed coop specifically for cocks, but even these are usually tied to a tree

stump near their kruput and kept several meters apart from each other so that they don’t harm

one another. Often cock cages can be seen lining busy streets as well, which is done to get them

used to the loud, bustling sounds of cars, motorbikes, people and general activity, all in an effort

to make them more likely to fight when the time comes.

It is arguable whether or not the cocks body size makes a difference in the fight. Some

say that it doesn’t matter, while others claim that bigger cocks always win (although they may

just be compensating for something else). The body of a cock is not complex, and consists of

only a few physical features, which are the eyes, beak, comb, wattles, ear lobes, wings, tail, feet

21

and claw, and each of these comes in handy in a vicious cockfight. While the beaks initial

purpose is for breaking down food into bite sized portions, its secondary one is for fighting and

protection; a single peck from the sharp beak can often mean the end of a cockfight. Since

cocks’ blood is predominately hot (their average body temperature is 107 degrees, proportionally

higher than other domesticated animals), cocks use their comb and wattles––red flaps of skin on

the head and chin––as internal methods of cooling down and making sure that their blood

doesn’t stay too hot. Their eyes are stationary, so they must turn their head in order to see. Cocks

cannot fly much higher than 3 meters, and usually not for very long, because they are principally

flightless birds. Cocks utilize their often lavish tail feathers as a method of keeping balance, and

when they’re flying it serves as a sort of rudder, to help direct its short flight path. Feathers are

used as a thin layer of armor and on a male cock (as opposed to a hen) are often longer and more

colorful. The molting period––the time where feathers change color and sometimes are shed––

happens at a much slower rate than regular chickens, and takes much longer. Fighting cocks

heartbeat averages about 300 beats per minute, and because its lungs are located almost directly

behind the breast, a single strike to this area is often terminal, which is why most cocks die after

just one hit.

As a general rule, cocks are not ready to fight until they are at least 2 years old, and

should be fought no later than after 3 years, when they are too old and weak to fight. Imported

cocks however, can be fought earlier (at only 1&½ years, and sometimes as young as 1 year and

2 months), one reason they’re becoming more popular among the most dogmatic of gamblers.

Many times these cocks have better ‘features’ than local cocks, which include differences of

22

color, feet, feathers, comb and wattle. The Balinese have developed excruciatingly specific

names for these features (refer to Figure 2 of the appendices for a full list).

The list goes on for much longer, but these are just a few of them. Each of these

characteristics affects the cocks prowess and power in very minuscule but (apparently) important

ways, and experienced cock raisers know exactly which ones to look for. Certain combinations

of these features are known to be particularly good, and these are:

Igo, Gading (kuning), Sandeh, Dimple Aneh, Lekong

Bieng, Beru, Jamul, Dimple Tengan, Lekong

Buwik, Kedas (Putih), Bulu Barat, Lekong, Jamul

Ser, Kedas (Putih), Sandeh, Gregas

Serawah, Bulu, Telu, Wok, Sandeg, Jamul

Brumbun, Kuning, Mata Putih

Kelau, Beru, Lekong, Jamul

Wangkas, Kuning, Lekong, Jamul

Papak, Buwik, Bulu Barat, Wok

While these combinations do not come close to ensuring victory for any cock, they are

believed to have an effect on the cocks success rate. As with anything in Bali, there is much more

at play than the just physical world we live in.

Along with the physical stipulations of raising a cock go the spiritual ones, which are

arguably just as important in the outcome of a match––if not more so––than the physical ones.

Spiritual superstitions about raising cocks are closely related to the elaborate Balinese calendar

system, which is composed of three different weeks (each with a different number of days) that

23

are continuously cycling through each other. There is a 3 day week, a 5 day week and a 7 day

week, and they all started on the same day, moving forward together until the begin repeating.

Eventually, they will all end up at the beginning again and the confusing cycle will repeat again.

Scattered throughout this period, the 3 day week will eventually end at the same time as the 5

day week (every 15 days, since 3 x 5 = 15), and this is always an important ceremony. This is

called kajeng kliwon, and a laborious ceremony is always held on this day (demonstrating

empirically just how frequent temple ceremonies are in Bali). On this day, along with many other

auspicious days, it is particularly appropriate to tending to ones cocks; often times this entails

giving them a special bath, or special food on (grilled meat, jack fruit leaves). The life of a cock

in Bali is surely a luxurious one, that is at least until they enter the cock-ring.

In addition to that––and here the author apologizes for further adding to the readers most

likely already flummoxed mind-–there are also particularly auspicious days on which to fight a

specific cock. Refer to figure 3 of the appendices for a short list. These are just a few of the

‘lucky’ days on which to fight cocks of the corresponding color or feature. Many men follow

these rules with dogged adherence, because they can often spell the demise of success of his

cock.

The profuse nature of tajen in Bali connects innumerable different aspects of Balinese

culture with an abundance of complicated facets, and while the various relationships are surely

surprising, cockfightings affects on other matters are perhaps even more so.

24

Part 2: On Society

Men and Cocks or Cock Crazy

Anyone who’s spent time in Bali (outside of the hotels and resorts of Kuta and Sanur, that

is) will quickly notice first of all the ubiquitous presence of cocks and chickens roaming the

streets and household compounds, and furthermore many mens deep-seated, psychological

relationship with their cock. The innuendo here is deliberate, because for many men, their animal

cock is indeed unconsciously confused with their phallic, creating a slew of problems in the cock

ring as well as the bedroom. Some have gone so far as to suggest that––in accordance with

Balinese conceptions of figure––the body is viewed as collection of separate, vibrant entities,

each existing in distinct but related realms; a man’s cock then, is perceived as a detachable

organism, with the essence of having a life of its own. Empirical evidence for this is lacking, but

casual observation is enough to convince anyone of man’s deep, carnal relationship with their

cocks.

Fowl imagery is also employed to refer to men with intimacy issues, for example a

haughty, conceited man who is sometimes likened to a cock without a tail, who struts about as if

he had a glorious one. Men in dire straits of desperation, making a last attempt to bring

themselves out of an unfortunate situation are much like the dying cock in the final stages of a

fight, making a last, valiant effort to bring down his opponent. Shy, young men who have yet to

find a wife and are still timid in the face of the opposite sex are much like a fighting cock being

caged for the first time, not yet ready to face the onslaught of the cock ring. However more

evident than the metaphorical affinity with cocks is the physical one. An alarming majority of

Balinese men spend an exorbitant amount of time with their favorite members, grooming them,

25

squeezing them, ruffling up their feathers, and often simply gazing at them in awe with starry-

eyed admiration and narcissistic rumination. Gatherings of males squatting in a circle, each with

cock in hand are commonly seen, and usually men take time to twiddle with another man’s cock

as well as their own, in a sense of abstract sensuality. This rapt enthusiasm for cocks is so great

that it even transgresses over the intense Balinese abhorrence for animism.

Balinese revulsion with animalistic qualities in humans is a large part of traditional belief

and cannot be accented enough. Animals are usually seen as dirty creatures, and Balinese seek to

remove any trace of relationship with them. For example, everyone has to at some point in their

life have their teeth filed. The teeth filing ceremony is extremely important and consists of

smoothing over the 6 molar teeth, in an effort to eradicate any trace of demonic, animal traits in

the person for its believed that these teeth resemble an animals fangs. Most temple ceremonies

require an animal sacrifice, and bestiality is a heinous crime resulting often in social exclusion

(for example, the recent case of a boy in Karangasem, East Bali, who was ostracized from his

village after being caught copulating with a cow). It is thus remarkably peculiar that a man

would identify so much with an animal that is so demonically vile; clearly the devotion to cocks

supersedes the value of religion, hard to believe in a place where failure to practice religion

usually results in social stigma.

This relationship of man and cock is in fact a relationship of power structures being pitted

against each other, because by identifying with his cock a man is identifying with his own inner

strength and authority, while paradoxically empathizing with that which all Balinese intrinsically

fear and hate; the animism of the underworld and the power of demons. Cockfights are held

primarily for the demons, as a blood sacrifice to wet their savage appetite. They thus become the

26

setting for fights not only between two cocks but between two men, each existing as part of the

bestial world and the human one, each wrestling between their own ego and their superimposed

id that culminates in the sadistic shredding of the losing cocks meat by the owner of the winning

one. In a cannibalistic twist, he is eating more than just chicken meat that night for dinner, for the

meat is his adversary’s personal power, strength and innermost demons, all fused together and

taking form in the body of a cock. But while the extrapolation of cockfighting masculinity

certainly paints a barbaric picture, it is nothing like the image it creates for women who feel the

effects of cockfighting.

Women and Cocks or The Scapegoats of Tajen

Recently a story surfaced in Bali, concerning a gambler and his wife. The man––an avid

cockfighter and one who owned many tajis––was having an affair with another woman (an

unconventional habit for many middle-aged Balinese men, unlike their Western equivalents) and

his wife soon began to suspect something was up. She decided to follow him one day, and lo and

behold, there he was in bed with another woman. Immediately she screamed and slashed open

his stomach with the taji blades she brought with her, killing him instantly. Whether or not tajen

is to blame for his cheating is unclear, but what is inexplicably transparent is that a problem

exists concerning the women of cockfighting in Bali.

The masculinity of cocks has proven to produce sometimes harrowing problems for the

involved men, but these issues have culminated in creating more than just strained relationships

between husbands and wives. A cockfight is entirely a male dominated sphere, and the only

women present are vendors selling food and drinks (in all the cockfights the author attended,

27

only one woman was seen making bets there, an extremely rare occurrence, even by modern

standards). Many of these women travel between different villages, moving from cockfight to

cockfight, but also maintain at least one other job (often as farmers or owning a small warung).

When asked about what they think about cockfighting, and tajen in general, most replied with

quintessential Balinese indifference, saying that they are just there to sell food; they don’t care

what happens there. They are acutely aware of the tendency for men at tajen to become quickly

drunk with their affliction for gambling, and thus less likely to care about the extortionate prices

at which they sell their food. When pried further, this time about their opinion on their husband’s

gambling at tajen, again they replied in common Balinese manner, claiming that it is not an issue

for them at home, as long as his ceremonial temple duties are done first (however, the presence

of a nosy Bule probably had some affect on their answers)4. Again the Balinese propensity to

avoid talking about personal issues in front of strangers is revealed. The gambling men had the

same thing to say about it: most of their wives allowed them to gamble at tajen when they had

free time or when it is for ceremonial purposes, and many people simply claimed that they just

go to tajen to watch. The stigma about gamblers being particularly frivolous with their money

exists here as well as in the West, but this is a somewhat recent trend. Men who work in

government positions are not allowed to attend tajens, although this too is leisurely enforced and

one usually sees at least one person at a cockfight still wearing their government employee

uniforms. On the other hand, some do actually obey this rule, and claim that they do not like

gambling, or that they’re afraid to lose their money at tajens (many jokingly claim, upon being

asked why they don’t go to tajen, that they don’t make enough money). However later, the same

28

4 Bule is the Balinese term for referring to any person of white skin

men mentioned that they would indeed like to go to cockfights but their wife won’t let them,

revealing much about the clandestine character of gambling men.

While the philosophy of tajen tries to create harmony between the underworld and our

world, it sometimes fails to do so in the domestic realm. Stories of men becoming obstinately

enmeshed in gambling that they end up losing all their money and sometimes their entire

family’s land at the cockfights are incontrovertibly common, and many people have mentioned

friends or family members who have been reduced to states of destitute poverty. Legends tell of

kings who have lost fortunes, palaces and even their own wives at cockfights and for many

Balinese, the term ‘cock crazy’ brings back sour memories of ancestors who have lost everything

at cockfights.

Historically––and even still to this day––it was their wives who absorb the true affects of

this. Men who lose everything at the fights find a scapegoat for their loses in their own wives,

and sometimes this can result in beatings and unabashed thrashings. Cases of domestic abuse

often do not get reported on, so its hard to say how common these affairs actually occur. It would

be hard to imagine that things of this nature indeed befall many women, because men typically

don’t leave a tajen inebriated with rage, and in fact hardly seem to get angry at all when they lose

(again denoting the Balinese proclivity for saving face, keeping their reputation untarnished). It

is thus left up to speculation and word of mouth whether or not domestic abuse occurs, and these

are indubitably susceptible to embellishment and exaggeration, so that the issue may in fact

never be brought to light on whether or not the stories are true. However they are still stories, and

their existence leaves room for speculation as to what actually occurs at gamblers homes.

29

Notable still are stories of men stealing their wives money to gamble at tajens, however

historically this was a much more pervasive issues and has since died down somewhat. Working

women would keep the money they earned under their mattress and many men stole this money

to bring to tajens; their own money they’ve already lost at the cockfights. Since temples are built

and restored almost entirely using money from tajens, there is indeed a good chance the temples

of old were built on the hard earned money of women, in an exploitative cycle the belittled

working class women. Nowadays this is less common, with women securing more jobs in more

places and often at higher levels than their husbands. However one still wonders how Bali has

managed to maintain such beautiful temples throughout the years, and who has had to pay––in

more than just rupiah bills––for their construction.

More common than suspected issues of domestic abuse or issues of theft are cases of men

simply lying to their wives about how much they really lost at the tajen. Men will often designate

a certain amount to bring to the tajen, and then a certain amount to bring back. They often

‘forget’ to mention to their wives that they are headed for a tajen and conveniently forget to

mention just how much money they are bringing as well. Its not out of the ordinary to keep tajen

in a grey area in household conversations between spouses, leaving much left unsaid about

expenditures there and what exactly occurs in the wantilans.

Due to the secrecy surrounding tajens its no wonder that a woman may be mistrustful of

her husband (enough so to slash him with a taji blade, proving that men too can be the architects

of their own demise), but it is surely no secret that tajens still prevail in modern Balinese society,

as is evident from any extended stay in Bali. Its presence is considerably visible that its a wonder

why most tourists have no idea of its existence in contemporary Balinese society. But while

30

societal woes may plague the family atmosphere in many villages across the island, they are

nowhere near the scale of the various controversial issues within the political sphere in Bali.

31

Part 3: On Politics

Cowboy Diplomacy or Everyone’s a Dirty Cop

On January 24, 2004, anyone driving down the streets of the Yangbatu area in downtown

Denpasar would find their way blocked by barricades and road barriers, put there in protest by

distraught gamblers of the neighborhood. The cause for the road blocks was in response to a

police raid of a recent tajen, in which the police were blamed for using excessive violence

against gamblers and for desecrating temple grounds through violence inside the temple

(violence between chickens however, is totally acceptable). The police fired three shots and

entered the open air arena, reportedly injuring hundreds of gamblers in the ensuing chaos. They

were also accused of taking advantage of the harmless gamblers by taking their phones and

money. In the midst of the mayhem, one person managed to sound the temple warning gong, and

within moments members of other neighborhoods came out and began throwing stones at the

police, which prompted them to hurriedly leave the scene, but not without first confiscating cell

phones, money and 28 cocks.

Raids of this sort are uncommon nowadays, especially in regencies outside of Denpasar

where police have less of a menacing presence. They are always to be found nearby a cockfight

though, for they are well aware of the potential financial availabilities and they take full

advantage of their status to the point of an irksome flaunting of it. Occasionally they will

casually wonder over to the fight if they need a little lunch money or just a further supplement to

their already high salary. They rarely arrest anyone because there is a mutual understanding

between them and the gamblers, a relationship that incorporates a give and take between forces

of government control and spiritual tradition. If they are to make arrests––usually at the beseech

32

of the police chief, for its too much trouble to bother arresting anyone on their own––they will

usually inform the gamblers beforehand so that they’re ready. Anyone who is caught gambling

during this period is then arrested. This doesn’t happen often, and when it does its usually for

political reasons (for example, during President Susilo Bambung Yudoyono’s (SBY) brief visit

for the Bali Democratic Forum on November 12, there were not supposed to be cockfights for 2

weeks, however the embargo only lasted about 2 days; the desire to gamble was simply too much

to control. The police of course, had no trouble allowing fights to start up again earlier than they

were supposed to).

Everyone in Bali knows that the government is corrupt. Even the police know it (but will

never admit it). The fraudulent activities of policemen and politicians is so well known in fact,

that hearsay has now made accepting bribes a part of their job description (although not

officially, of course). People entering the police force or the political realm now do so because

they know of the included monetary benefits, for police usually get paid a higher than average

Balinese in addition to the amount of bribes they receive. The illicit money handling is so

ubiquitous that it even extends as far up the government ladder as politicians and (most likely),

all the way up to the governor himself. It is so common that even if a politician were to provide

every scrap of evidence that they mean to eradicate corruption in government, it would still be

expected that they are reaping the benefits of it. Any politician’s trial to curb the sweeping

official graft is quickly disregarded as blatant fabrication or simply a redeeming political move.

Political power at the top surely provides a comfortable livelihood, and it is sought after by many

an ambitious plebeian, sometimes unlikely ones like Made Sudarna.

33

A congressman from Selemadeg in the Tabanan regency in central Western Bali, Made

Sudarna is often described as a sort of modern cowboy (probably because of his tendency to don

a cowboy hat in public appearances, as well harnessing an inherent love for tajen) and regarded

by many to be a crook. He even had a small stadium constructed in his home in Tabanan to be

used purely for tajen. He is covered in tattoos and is quite an eccentric character, even by

western political standards; others still believe that he had his own house built underground,

although this is probably rumor. Still, it sounds like something he would do. He is a

representative from the PDIP (Peoples Democratic Party of Indonesia), and has made several

statements on television supporting tajen.

In 2008 he made a public statement coming out in support of tajen, claiming that it is an

essential aspect of Balinese culture that should not be abolished as a tradition (which was the

opinion of some contemporary politicians). Immediately members of the PDIP came out to

support his endeavor, but they make up only a small part of the population; there were others

who derided him for making such a bold statement, saying he should not have supported

addictive gambling habits. With an onslaught of media attention, he quickly reversed his opinion

about the matter, saying that instead of supporting it in full he would rather see it regulated by

the government, proving that he is indeed a true politician, and like all policy makers he is

willing to change his own opinion according to where the votes are. His wily character and

devious political moves have made him an untrustworthy politician, and people generally take

everything he has to say with a grain of salt. Still, he is one of the few politicians in support of

tajen, for most others take the opposite point of view.

34

Pastika’s Ploy or Cocks Count Too

In October of 2002, Bali’s famous Kuta district was struck by a suicide bomber that killed

hundreds of mainly Australian tourists as well as Balinese, and the effects of the bomb are still

felt in Bali today. Made Mangku Pastika, chief of police at the time led the recovery operation

and the subsequent investigation that eventually led to the capture and execution of the

perpetrators. His success as chief of police was inspiring for many Balinese, particularly those

who had lost loved ones in the bombing, and his popularity across the island was so immense

that it incited his mushrooming desire for power and tempted him to run for political office. His

political campaign towards governor was fueled by tremendous boasting of his successful and

wise handling of the Bali Bombing (as it has been come to be known), and eventually earned him

a place in Indonesian politics; his other qualifying factor that he ran off of is a burning hatred for

cockfighting.

As chief of police, Pastika made it one his priorities to stamp out any and all forms of

tajen on the island. He oversaw the raids of scores of fights across the island, and while his

attempts were indeed valiant (for it surely takes guts to go against generations of tradition), his

campaign was wildly unsuccessful. The backlash from thousands of gamblers across Bali was

colossal and Pastika’s ambitious crusade never came to much fruition. That was however, not

enough to stop him using the same ploy in his run for governor. Many still remember his moving

television ads featuring a hardworking, Balinese mother, exhausted from hours of work in the

rice field, coming home to find her son waiting for. He asks her, with the endearing face that only

a toddler can pull off, “Mom, where is dad?”. She looks at him and replies, “He’s gone to the

tajen again! He’s taken the money and gone to the tajen!” The ads, while certainly tore at the

35

heartstrings of many undecided voters did little to sway most traditionalist families, particularly

men.

While Pastika’s campaign was originally driven with the intent of running off his

successful ousting of the Bali Bombers coupled with a target of eradicating tajen, his political

advisors quickly realized that this would not produce a win for the congressman. The successful

way to win a political nomination is not to create in groups and out groups between voters, and

Pastika’s current campaign was currently doing this by ostracizing gamblers and tajen

supporters. These men make up a very large percentage of voters and thus potential supporters,

and Pastika’s sudden realization of this forced him to change his position on tajen so as to appeal

to a wider audience. He would start a speech mentioning tajen as one of the islands greatest ills

of society and end it saying that tabuh rah is not that bad, leading many voters to doubt his

political dependency and backbone. Soon, his advisors (and other prominent figures in the

Denpasar area) told him that he must take a clear position on tajen and do it soon, because his

ambiguity was hastily losing the support of many swing voters. Eventually he made statements

to the various media that tabuh rah should be legal, but should be regulated in an effort of

keeping the amount of money flow to a minimum.

While this did little to remove tajen from a political grey area it previously was in,

Pastika still won the position of governor, and is currently the governor of Bali until the end of

his term in 2015. Till this day he remains intrinsically against tajen, and wastes no time

mentioning so in many of his long winded speeches. He is credited with saying, “The land in

Bali is scraped with cocks” pointing to the land issues involved in gambling at tajen, and the

various societal ones that accompany it. Said Pastika in 2004, “Tajen drains peoples financial

36

resources, is a bad influence on Bali’s youth and desecrates the sanctity of temples.” Many

zealous gamblers retaliated with protests and demonstrations, claiming that Pastika was

discrediting an essential religious tradition (because as far as he knows, they are just doing tabuh

rah, right?), and was consequently debasing the very core of Balinese Hinduism. The word of

gamblers never holds much sway in any contentious debate however, and did little to persuade

Pastika of making any drastic changes in office.

Pastika’s ambiguous crusade against cockfighting––while ambitious and to this day still

largely unsuccessful––did end up proving one thing: that tajen does in fact have a place in

politics. There is no denying that support for tajen is infinitely widespread across the island, that

in all regencies, cities and villages across Bali cockfights can be found and gambled at, and the

numbers of people who do so are not diminishing. The sustaining infatuation with cockfighting

finds home in thousands of devoted gamblers, and each of these men possess a small portion of

the political vote that––when grouped with other concerned gamblers––has the potential to

change policies at an island wide scale. A wise politician would do well not to disparage tajen,

because do to so could spell the end of his political career. However while tajen indisputably as

potential to act an impetus for political change, their faculty for effecting market economies is

felt at an even greater level, and certainly by more people.

37

Part 4: On Economics

One’s Not Enough or the Temptation of Tajen

It can be irrefutably stated that gambling in any way, shape or form is an addicting habit,

and surely one that has successfully stigmatized by Western civilizations cleansing sweep of

societal ills, and has been so for decades now. Gambling has been vilified and denigrated in

media, politics and general culture to harsh degrees and the overwhelming amount of biased

rhetoric has placed it at the bottom of the barrel of societal woes alongside cigarette smoking and

drunkenness. In Bali such systems of belief have fostered across generations, and while they are

valid concerns they fail to take into account aspects of gambling that could potentially be useful

in small market societies, and further even on the grander scale of the island.

While the casinos of Las Vegas are considerably addictive, they are nowhere as

enthralling as a Balinese cockfight. Cockfighting is not an individual sport unlike much of the

gambling that takes place in casinos, and thus the feeling of winning is shared between gamblers

(but not opponents) as opposed to individually. The addiction to gambling covers only half of

tajens popularity because addiction to the atmosphere is a separate drug entirely; cockfights are

still the only places where men can go to be totally immersed in a world of pure, male oriented

adrenaline. The cacophony of noise when making bets, everyone trying to be louder than the

person next to him, hungry for someone to take their offer, an offer that quickly turns to

desperation when they find no takers. Then, the euphoric ecstasy at finding an opponent finally

willing to match their odds. The whoops and hollers of glee and distress as their chosen cock

takes the lead, then suffers a vicious blow and––appearing dead beyond any possible prospect of

resurrection, when all hope of winning seems thrown out with the bath water––the pekembar

38

works his magic and seems to literally bring the cock back to life, or at least alive enough to

deliver a final strike to his opponents breast, ending the fight and the other cocks life. The relief

felt at the end of the match is effusive, and after treating his friends to a round of babi guling, the

winner takes the money and bets again. Its surely no wonder why so many people go cock crazy.

This masculine milieu is unique to cockfighting, further narrowing the subculture of

fanatic gamblers, each one baptized in his own vice of gambling, by creating strong bonds of

male kinship that are unlike any other. The flavor of a cockfight is entirely esoteric, and after

having been experienced once is hard to forget, and hard to leave behind. Men know what

they’re getting into when they go to a cockfight; they know that they can arrive at a cockfight on

a motorbike and leave in a new car. They also know that they can arrive at a cockfight with land,

a house and a family, and leave with none of these, for its often much more than rupiahs that are

being wagered at cockfights; often larger bets are made with certificates of land ownerships

(which is what Governor Pastika is referring to with his quote of, “the land in Bali is scrapped

with cocks”). Fortunes, families and livelihoods are built and simultaneously destroyed in the

cock ring, in an essential, cyclical infrastructure that keeps money flowing between hands

(because one man’s loss is always another man’s win). One addicted gambler who has lost

money and land at tajen (and who the author saw at almost every cockfight he attended) says he

has already lost too much at the cockfights, and when asked why he continues to bet at tajen,

replied simply with: “It’s what my ancestors did; it makes me happy.”

39

Tradition Creating Solutions or Why Tajen Works

This achieved sense of divine happiness is based partially on a love for the camaraderie at

tajen but also due to feelings of ones own influence in the greater society of their own village.

Support for tajen is widespread across the island and the influence they have on individual small

market economy’s is prodigious (illustrating why any politician seeking to eradicate them

entirely would be chasing an unreachable goal). A vast majority of Balinese villages are more

akin to communal hamlets, where everybody knows your name and interacts harmoniously with

each other on a daily basis. It would be a stretch to say that everyone is friends with each other,

but a more appropriate way of putting it would be that everyone is friendly with each other. Thus,

when someone loses money at a cockfight, it can generally be assumed that it is going into the

hands of another member of their community, and kept within their own small locale. In this way

money doesn’t have far to travel (sometimes as close as the next door neighbor), and has a high

chance of back to the original owner at the next cockfight; men feel happy knowing where their

money went, and even happier at the prospect of winning it back at the next cockfight. Many

times the winners––still entranced by their gambling ‘high’ and harnessing a desire to spend

money––end up treating their friends to food and drink around the tajen. Some people take

advantage of these hand outs and seek out winners from whom to scrounge a meal or cup of

coffee from. Furthermore, at larger cockfights where there is an entrance fee, almost all the

money goes back into the community (the rest of it is reserved for the people working at the

tajen). This money is usually used for maintaining temples, by renovating buildings and statues

or repainting figures, making gamblers feel as if they each had a hand in building and

maintaining their village temple. Cockfighting is definitely one of the most successful methods

40

of fundraising in villages where other forms don’t work. Some tajen can generate as much as Rp

60 million or more, no small sum in any country, rich or poor.

Besides for strictly monetary benefits to local villages, tajen also provide hundreds of

people with jobs. Involved in the fight alone are the juru kelmong, pekembars, pemasang taji,

and sayas, as well as the countless number of food venders who frequent most cockfights. Add to

that the pecelang and various taji and clothes sellers, and you have a significant amount of

people whose income relies on the illegal activities of gamblers, and while most of them have

second jobs as well, their profit at tajen is usually much more than outside. In a paradoxical way

gamblers create these jobs for people, because it is the gamblers money that is being paid to

sellers at tajen; without the presence of gambling, many villagers would not be at their current

financial position. As well as money flow between gamblers and venders, is the exchange

between the police and the gamblers, which extends to include even more people into that cycle.

On a grander scale than just the village, cash flow to the police ensures that more people are

getting paid more money, in a continuously fluctuating economy. Because an economy cannot be

successful if it remains stagnant, the bribery to the police ensures that more people are creating a

more diverse economic system, by exchanging more money. In an ironic twist of fate, their own

proclivity for corruption moves to create more financial opportunities for more people, which––

from the perspective of a capitalist economy––cannot be considered a detriment.

As well as enabling a more diverse, cyclical economy, the presence of gambling at tajen

even affects the degree of religious practice in many men, again in roundabout methods. It

exposes the Balinese esoteric ability to tap into a market of previously unexploited buyers, by

knowing exactly what it is that people want. At some point in time (no one can be sure because

41

there is no timeline of tajen in Bali), all cockfights were tabuh rah and thus only used during

religious ceremonies. Soon however, the Balinese shrewdly discovered that with the addition of

gambling at tajen people were more likely to attend, and thus more likely to practice their own

religion. Gambling now gives men an incentive to hold tabuh rah during ceremonies, because

they are presented with the prospect of monetary gain, which is enough to lure any man already

bored with the too long temple ceremonies.

The Balinese attending tajen have also proven to be remarkably savvy at knowing

precisely what people want, and giving it to them. For example, the layout of a Balinese Hindu

temple is always divided into 3 sections, each of varying levels of holiness. The first is furtherest

from the shrines, and is where food sellers set up shop, selling food, drink and snacks to people

waiting to pray. The second level is sometimes where small branangans are held, off to the side

of the courtyard so that they are not in the way of devotees bound for the shrine. The third level

is the holiest one, and is only the place where people pray. Between these three sections, the most

crowded ones are the first two, because thats where the entertainment is. People quickly learned

that many people get bored at temple ceremonies (due to the Balinese concept of jam karet, or

‘rubber time’ referring to the Balinese tendency to be late in starting anything) and to keep

people at temples, venders sell food and men can join in cockfights. In this way, religious

ceremonies are kept alive and still practiced today, partially due to the presence of tabuh rah

(which always end up becoming tajen) and food at the necessary ceremonies.

However tajens role at religious ceremonies also means that people are now gambling

within temple grounds, which was never allowed before; men convince themselves (and other

concerned parties) that tajen in the second level of temple grounds is not a form of desecration

42

because it isn’t in the holiest place. Still, for all the good that tajen can do, gambling is not

considered a reprehensible practice without reason, and tajens propensity to cause harm often

outweighs its ability to provide in beneficial ways.

Catch 22 or the Dark Side of Cocks

If gambling at tajen can be argued to have profitable effects on a Balinese village society

(in more than merely monetary rewards), its probability of effecting them in detrimental ways

surely is much more likely, but often not in more lucidly understood ones. Tajen’s potency as a

force of change is revealed again in circuitous ways, but its noted efficacy is powerfully felt in

modernist Bali. In the perpetual path of globalization, Cockfighting––always masked as tabuh

rah but always referred to as tajen––is many men’s excuse to continue practicing ritual tradition

in modern Bali, and they are finding themselves relying on it more often. Ironically, in a place

where religion is of utmost importance for everybody, most Balinese know surprisingly little

about their own traditions, especially the reasons for doing any of them; ask any Balinese why

they begin making canang sari offerings days before kajeng kliwon and they’ll reply, “we don’t

really know what they’re for. We just do it because our ancestors did.” Growing up, girls learn to

make these early on, and also learn not to question it; the blind adherence is certainly confusing.

This, along with the excruciating length of most ceremonies fuels the growing disinterest in

ceremonies, because not knowing what exactly is going on often prohibits one from being

mentally engaged in them. It seems surprising that in a place where religion is so paramount (and

even obligatory) very few people seem to understand why it is so, depressing for traditional as

well as economic reasons.

43

The religious unconsciousness fueled by religious impassivity pushes an economic

system that disempowers practitioners towards states of financial deficiency, in a laissez-faire

systematic structure that is in turn unwittingly facilitated by the government, proving (among

other things) that connections across sectors are numerous and confusing. The Balinese selling

food and drink at tajen for example, have created a systematic, free market economy based

solely on fluctuating patterns of supply and continuous demand. Since they control the prices at

tajen (which are generally high, based on the high levels of attendance, thus generating greater

demand for their products), government involvement is nonexistent, which enables a thorough

privatization of the businesses at cockfights. This privatization concentrates most of the wealth in

the hands of the venders, because while winners surely come out with more money than they

started with, they inevitably spend at least some of it on food at tajens, consequently enabling the

venders to be the real winners (or at least the most continuous winners). A gambler goes to a

tajen with an equal opportunity of winning or losing money; venders go to tajen knowing they

will make money. With intrinsic Balinese acuity in knowing how to please gamblers, they have

tapped into an apparently bottomless market of gamblers with deep pockets and thick wallets

(sometimes as thick as Rp 5 million). Through the concentration of wealth in the hands of the

few, and the growing privatization of business, this self imposed, pseudo neoliberal agenda is

partially a result of religious ritual practices which create beneficiaries in venders, and fiscal

insolvency in gamblers.

The importance of religious ritual in Bali often takes preference over professional

occupations and duties, and thus has impeded economic growth for gamblers. Religion is the

preeminent determiner of importance that can often requires strict adherence, strict enough for

44

employees to ask for a day off work or half day at their office. Religious ceremonies take up a

great amount of time, which keep people away from their working schedule, and their fixed

income as well; people are spending more time in the temple, and less time at the office. And

accompanying any religious ceremony is of course, a tajen! An employee having missed most if

not all of his day at the office then, may choose to attend the tajen in hopes of trying to win

something to take home that night so as to not feel entirely economically unproductive that day.

This can quickly become a habit for many men (for a gambling addiction is easy to catch, and

lard to lose), and tajen are always more fun than working, not to mention easier; it takes very

little effort to make money at a cockfight and requires hardly anything of the gambler. This is

enough to keep many men from keeping a real job; one informant said that he doesn’t even have

a job anymore, only tajen. The transformation of tabuh rah into tajen then, succeeded in luring

more men away from their working jobs, and incorporating them into the disenfranchising

pseudo neoliberal agenda of tajen; it gave them a reason to attend ceremonies.

It is a true catch 22 scenario, because while rituals divert men away from the office and

into the temple (thereby diverting them away from financial income, forcing them to resort to

gambling), they cannot stop participating in rituals because to do so would result in serious social

stigma. The cycle is indeed a vicious one, and the irony is apparent, made even worse by the fact

that tajen itself is at heart a ritual! It seems then, that religion is to blame for this economic

disorder. Alongside this is the pseudo-neoliberal deregulation of government involvement in

tajen that aids in exacerbating the issue. The problem is apparent, and to fix it is no small

endeavor, requiring enormous amounts of effort and time; however there is a plan in works (or at

least the workings of a plan) that could change the pernicious nature of tajen in Bali forever.

45

A Less Than Modest Proposal or Social Capitalist Enterprise in the Cock Ring

Currently the largest industry in Bali is tourism, accounting for about 80% of the annual

GDP output, making Bali one of Indonesia's wealthiest islands (although regrettably this wealth

is concentrated in the hands of the few). Tourism is centralized largely in the southern region of

the island, with a few places scattered further North, such as Lovina and Ubud. A growing sector

within the industry is cultural tourism which posits incoming tourists in direct relationships with

local culture, in a learning exchange that aims to benefit both parties (although there are issues in

this too). Many tourist packages involve visits to local temples and religious sites, to expose

tourists firsthand to the culture and religion of Bali. What they refrain from exposing however, is

how these temples were built and funded.

Tajen is (and forever has been) an exceptionally successful method of fund raising for the

Balinese, and is the reason why many of Bali’s temples are so well maintained today. The stone

carved statues, intricate permanent offerings and entire structures have all been funded largely by

cockfighting, a fact that tour guides conveniently forget to mention. Tourists then photograph and

document their eye-opening vacation in Bali and show them to their friends back home, speaking

of the wonders and elegance of Balinese temples, thus tempting others to come see the beauty of

Bali for themselves. All of this is done without the knowledge that these temples have been

funded almost entirely by what many tourists would consider to be a cruel and brutal tradition. In

this way, Tajen has a significant role in funding Bali’s largest industry, but this effect has gone

largely unnoticed (or at least unreported on) by many people. However with cautious

government intervention, this could change and tajen could potentially be used to maximize

economic output by showcasing it as a tourist attraction.

46

One major part of cultural tourism packages are traditional dances such as the Barong,

Kecak, and Kris dances, each of which are important aspects of religious ceremonies. They are

generally accompanied by a loud and sometimes ear-piercing gamelan ensemble. These

packages are thoroughly enjoyed by tourists, but remain selective about which aspects of

Balinese culture they wish to expose: tajen, for example, is not one of them. Some social

activists seek to change this, and have suggested including tajen as an exposé of Balinese

traditional culture for tourists.

This would entail legalizing tajen for its use in tourism income generation, and could be

showcased alongside dances and puppet shows. Tourists could make small bets with each other,

could learn the complicated system and have the chance to experience the feeling of winning or

losing at the cockfight. The option of being a part of the fight itself is available too, allowing

tourists to experience firsthand what it is like to be a pekembar, juru klemong, or saya in the cock

ring. Others still could let the professionals take over, and watch a real cockfight from start to

finish as locals bet and exchange money; essentially it could become the ultimate participatory

cultural tourism attraction.

It would take a great deal of social change (and as long as Governor Pastika is still in

charge, political change as well) for an idea like this to be accepted as a part of cultural tourism;

obstinate animal lovers are sure to take offense at the brutality of it, not to mention the Balinese

who would feel queasy about showcasing yet another aspect of their culture for tourists to gawk

and stare at. Still, an interested tourist could potentially take part in tajen, to experience what it is

like to be in the heat of a raucous cockfight, because the atmosphere is already akin to the

eardrum splitting noise of gamelan music. It would provide more stable and high paying jobs for

47

involved members at cockfights such as the pekembars and sayas, potentially becoming a full-

time occupation for these people. Perhaps it could even make tajen totally legal. One certainly

hopes that there are still tourists with a more pragmatic sense of judgement who could take a

more cognizant and educational view about tajen as a part of Balinese culture (after all, isn’t

cultural tourism aimed at promoting an understanding another culture)?

As an idea aimed at promoting tourism and cultural understanding, introducing tajen into

the tourism sector could only work with government support in a social capitalist way that

utilizes the support of current tajen aficionados, providing them with stable, higher paying jobs.

Many of these people would likely support an endeavor to legalize tajen for tourism, because it

would let them do what they love (and get paid for it too, probably higher than they already are

paid from the entrance money at tajens). Still, their insatiable appetite for gambling may not be

wetted enough, for the inclusion of gambling as a tourism attraction would surely be fought by

many people, local and foreign. It thus begs the question, of if showcasing tajen for tourism is a

good idea in the first place. Too many times have efforts been made to preserve local tradition

and resulted in a demoralization and eventual undoing of it all together; in the name of

preserving tradition, the inclusion of tajen could actually end up losing more than is preserved.

Will tajen become just another tourist attraction in Bali, and thus removed form its religious,

social and economic importance in the minds of local gamblers? Or could such a crusade

actually work and successfully incorporate the know how and skills of local gamblers and

workers to create a harmonious relationship between locals and tourists?

No one knows exactly how such a campaign would work, and there is certainly much

planning that must be done in order to satisfy both tourists and local gamblers as well. However

48

before the government can successfully enact such an ambitious trial, a thorough eradication of

corruption in politics is necessary, for there is simply too much of it to go around at the moment

for any Balinese to feel comfortable trusting their government. Before any move towards a total

legalization of tajen can occur (thus removing it from behind the shadows of its current political

grey area), trust in their own government must be restored in individual gamblers minds, because

at the end of the day they are admittedly the core of tajen and should be the ones who determine

its persistence and pertinence in the future.

49

Part 5: Concluding Remarks

A Future For Tajen or Recommendations For Further Study

Of the many traditions in Bali, few have held such tenacity with Balinese men as much as

cockfighting has. The sport has thrived despite instances of public vilification and political

slander, maintaing with dogged persistence its original vivacity and flavor. Even modern

technological advancements like cell phones have had little effect on the organization of tajen for

most broadcasts about an upcoming tajen are still done through word of mouth (you generally

find out about near future tajens at the one you’re at).

Still however, there is much that can still be learned about tajen in Bali, for example as

the rest of Bali modernizes and becomes more akin to the global village the rest of the world is

experiencing, will technology continue to have such a small effect on tajen? Or will modern

advancements finally break through and touch tajen, potentially altering the very essence of

cockfighting in Bali? Throughout the author’s research many informants mentioned that

cockfighting exists in other islands too, such as Java and Kalimantan (Borneo), although they

don’t use taji there, especially in Muslim communities. Are these statements subject to the usual

Balinese flair for hyperbole or are they indeed true? How does cockfighting differ across

religions in Indonesia?

In Bali what is perhaps most striking about cockfighting is the masculine energy that

encapsulates every tajen, but what is less conspicuous are the bonds formed between males. Men

brag about cockfighting in Bali as being the most honorable form of gambling, and while this is

superficially true it doesn’t account for what occurs behind the closed VIP gate of the cock ring;

what kinds of relationships are shaped (or simultaneously broken) at tajen? Furthermore, what

50

are the real implications for the women of cockfighting? Are relationships as harmonious as

gamblers say, or is there more that operates under the emblem of secrecy? Lastly, what kind of

movement is there to legalize tajen, potentially for the sake of tourism, and if it were to take full

form, how would a legal tajen differ from the current ones? Furthermore, is such a scheme a

good idea, or would the bastardization of tajen demoralize its importance as a religious practice,

and instead make it strictly a tourist attraction? A thorough political analysis could uncover much

about the legality of gambling in Indonesia.

These questions and more are ones that remain left unanswered, partially for the reason

that they are each vastly broad in their own ways and indeed make for separate topics entirely

(illustrating why an in depth, comprehensive analysis of tajen is virtually impossible).

Tajen in todays modern Bali is much more than two roosters fighting to the death; it is a

way of life. The repercussions of tajen are felt on a broad scale, in matters of society, economics

and politics, among a vast array of others as well, and the ramifications of these influences can

sometimes have unforgiving consequences. There is certainly much about tajen that can be

spoken ill of, but there is an equal amount that can be said in regards to its benefits (and potential

future benefits, for example its use in cultural tourism). Tajen has a great deal of power in the

social sector by controlling the intimacies of married relationships, with the faculty of creating a

man’s sexual identification with his cock in place of his relationship with his wife. Tajen has

power in the political sphere by acting as a puppet master holding the strings of political

candidates, with the innate ability to change the nature policies and the politicians themselves.

And tajen has power in the island’s economy, creating necessary cash flow between the

government and the plebeian as well as playing a significant role in bringing tourists to the

51

island, all the while simultaneously destroying jobs and stable livelihoods. The implications of

tajen are endless, and the potential future ones are even greater.

Some have questioned the relevance of tajen in a modern world, even going so far as

proposing (in the 1970s) that with the 1981 ban on gambling tajen would be successfully

eradicated entirely across Bali, but any trip to a Balinese village is enough to prove this

assumption blatantly wrong. Cockfighting persists today much as it always has (if not more) for

generations, and the ban on gambling did little to change it; clearly Balinese mistrust for their

government is enormously permeably. It thrives in a market where greater issues like national

poverty, global climate change and tourism often take political precedence in solving, allowing

tajen to survive surreptitiously in Bali. However, whether or not the government remains

disconnected from cockfighting remains to be seen, and tajen already has witnessed its first

attack from people in power. But will anyone ever stand up to defend tajen for its potential

benefits (particularly in the tourism sector)? Surely devoted gamblers will defend it until they

day they die, but will they do so for individual or communal reasons? It is now a question of

whether or not the current pseudo neoliberal agenda in the cock ring will continue to produce

fiscal despondency, stifling economic growth for thousands of fanatic gamblers, or instead be

replaced a social capitalist union of government and local denizens, fusing together to produce

vast social change that affects individual gamblers, tourists, and Bali at large. Tajen is now

poised at the crux of a hard, maybe impenetrable, place, but regardless of the associated issues, it

has proved that it can invariably defy political opposition and is likely here to stay. It endures as

an imperative religious tradition, and as long as there are demons underground who require a

little bit of blood now and then, they will always be tajen in Bali.

52

The Appendices

Figure 1: Odds of toh tengah betting

Balinese Word Value

Dapang 10:9

Gasal 5:4

Cok 4:3

Teludo 3:2

Apit 2:1

Telewin 5:3

Ngelimin 5:2

Figure 2: List of (some of) the names for body parts on a cock or general distinguishing factors

Balinese Word Meaning

Bieng Red

Putih White

Ijo (hijau) Green

Buwik Speckled/spotted feathers

Klau Grayish

Brumbun Red, black, white

Selem Black

Serawah White with yellow/black spots

Sandeh Feathers protruding out upwards behind the comb

Wok Wattle

Godeg Durpa Lots of hair on the legs

53

Balinese Word Meaning

Godeg Karang Sparse hair on the legs

Jamul Feathers protruding out downwards behind the comb

Dimple karu Both legs having a stub above the feet

Dimple Tengan Right leg having a stub

Dimple Aneh Left leg having a stub

Banglek Featherless neck

Biasa Regular comb and wattle

Lekong Flat comb

Rajah Legs with small black/gray spots

Sangkur Tail-less

Gregas Long, white hair on the legs

Papak Hen (female cock)

Bulu Barat Small bodied cock, with black feathers

Gurungsang Curly leg hair

Kuning Yellow legs

Muruh White legs with black spots, almost grayish color

Gadung Yellow/grayish Beak

Moten Black/gray tail feathers but with a few white feathers

Mata Putih White eyes

54

Figure 3: Auspicious days of the Balinese calendar corresponding with which type of cock to fight on that day

Feature/color Calendar Day

Bieng Brahmuh

Buwik Kala and Jaya

Igo Umuh

Serawah Ludra

Brumbun Sri

55

Glossary of TermsAll terms are in Balinese, unless otherwise noted by BI (Bahasa Indonesia)

Apit odds of 2:1

Ayam chicken (cock), BI

Bang Karno yellow feathers, red ears

Batuan shrine for gambling diety (see also: Ratu Subandar)

Belulang/sabuk string used to tie taji’s onto cocks feet

Biasa comb/heckle (on the top of the head

Bieng red (BI: Merah)

Bieng Kaluh neck feathers that are red/orange/yellow all around)

Bobotoh gambler

Blolongan cheating

Bong-lak featherless neck

Branangan cockfight consisting of (roughly) 50 or less people

Brumbun mixed coloration (red, white, black)

Bulu feathers

Butas demons residing undeground (see also: Kalas)

Buwik speckled/spotted feathers

Ceki card game (similar to Chinese game Mahjong) played often at cockfights

Cok odds of 4:3

Comb red skin on a cocks head (looks like a mohawk)

Complexor type of drug used to enhance cocks strengh

Dapang odds of 10:9

Dimple Aneh stub on back of the left leg

Dimple Karu stub on back of both feet

Dimple Tengan stub on back of the right leg

Doping term used to refer to injecting/feeding chickens with strength enhancement drugs (See

also: Supertop)

Gadung yellow/greyish neck, underneath the mouth

56

Gasal odds of 5:4

Godeg durpa lots of feathers on the leg

Godeg kurang sparse feathers on the leg

Ijo biru black/blue legs

Ijo greenish/grey (BI: Hijau)

Jamul comb/heckle with hair protruding from behind it

Juru Klemong/Tok chief judge (also, Juru Dalem)

Kaja Balinese spatial direction, meaning towards the sea

Kalas demons resding underground (see also: Butas)

Kebut cock favored to win

Kelod Balinese spatial direction, meaning towards Mount Agung, the highest (and thus most

sacred) spot on the island

Kisau wicker basket used to transport cocks

Kuning yellow feet

Kupak small leather wallet used for storing tajis

Kruput cage that cocks are put into when they don’t want to fight each other

Kurangan literally, ‘Something that is put in a cage’ (cock)

Lawar Balinese dish consisting of chopped vegetables and half-cooked meat, sautéed with raw

chicken, cow or pig blood

Lekong protruding breast

Lontar Pengayam-ayam lontar books telling the lore and rules of cockfighting

Mebong-bong ‘matching’ of the cocks (i.e., squaring off, making sure it will be an equal fight)

Meli Hidup winning cock

Meli Matih/Pecundang losing cock

Moteh black/grayish tail, but with some white feathers inside

Mumuh white feet with black spots

Ngai underdog

Ngelimin odds of 5:2

Papak female cock (hen) that can be used to fight

57

Pecelang temple ‘guards’

Pekembar handler (trainer) of the cock during a fight. Also called Juru Kembar

Pemangku lay priest

Pemasang Taji one who ties spurs onto cocks feet

Pukangan leg (of the losing cock) that owner of the taji gets to take home (if the cock using his

knives won)

Putih white (BI)

Ratu Subandar gambling diety

Ringget old currency from Dutch colonial times (1 Ringget always equals 2.5 Indonesian rupiah)

Sandeh neck/throat

Saya match referee

Sehet first match

Selem black (BI: Hitam)

Serawah white (and either yellow or black)

Siap fighting chicken

Supertop a type of drug given to cocks to enhance their strength

Tabuh Rah religious cockfight (literally means “spreading blood”)

Tajen cockfight (with gambling). Also called Meklewan, ngadu)

Taji spurs/knives that are tied on to the cocks feet

Taji Bali spurs with a small protruding tip at 180 degree angle from the blade

Taji Sangket spurs with tying tip protruding at a 45 degree from the blade

Taruhan/Berjudi to bet/betting (BI)

Telewin odds of 5:3

Teludo odds of 3:2

Tjeng the unit of measurement for a single match, calculated by the time it takes for water to slip

through the hole in the coconut shell

Toh Tengah systematic betting (organized by the saya)

Toh Sisi individual betting (organized between spectators)

Wantilan large arena that is used only for cockfighting

58

Wok red skin underneath a cocks chin (known in English as a wattle)

Yus Jelek bad luck, destiny

59

Works Cited

Interviews:

1) Pak Made Yudiana (Personal Communication, 13 & 24 October, 7 November 2012, )

2) Pak Nyoman Sambera (Personal communication, 15 October 2012)

3) Pak Jawa (Personal Communication, 21 October 2012)

4) Lelok (Personal Communication, 21 October & 16 November 2012)

5) Pak Ngurah (Personal Communication, 24 October 2012)

6) Pak Made (Personal Communication, 25 October 2012)

7) Pak Gusti Sidemun (Personal Communication, 28 October 2012)

8) Pak Koreg (Personal Communication, 28 October 2012)

9) Pak Ketut (Personal Communication, 5 November 2012)

10) Pak Bagus (Personal Communication, 8 November 2012)

11) Pak Wayan Su (Personal Communication, 8 November 2012)

12) Gede Putra (Personal Communication, 10 November 2012)

13) Ancik (Personal Communication, 10 November 2012)

14) Pak Wayan (Personal Communication, 11 November 2012)

15) Pak Wayan Subraku (Personal Communication, 13 November 2012)

16) Pak Wayan Windia (Personal Communication, 19 November 2012)

17) Pak Jango Pramartha (Personal Communication, 19 November 2012)

Secondary Sources: 18) Eiseman, Jr., Fred B. “Cockfighting: a Loud and Raucous Sport,” Bali: Sekala & Niskala

Vol. II, Essays on Society, Tradition and Craft. Pickell, David. Bali: Periplus Editions, 1990

19) Geertz, Clifford, “Deep Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight,” in The Interpretation of

Cultures, Basic Books. Persus Books Group. New York, NY, 1973

20) Silencer1972 (pseud.), March 19, 2010 (12:41p.m.), “Some facts about the body of a fighting

cock,” Subangero Dot Com, http://sabungero.trimp-media.com/forum/index.php?topic=4097.0

60

21) Food and Nutrition Library, accessed November 20, 2012, “Anatomy of chickens” http://

www.greenstone.org/greenstone3/nzdl?a=d&d=HASH019b169c68a6790889c445ff.

6.4.pp&c=fnl&sib=1&dt=&ec=&et=&p.a=b&p.s=ClassifierBrowse&p.sa=

22) Wahyoe Boediwardhana, “Balinese riot after police raid cockfight,” The Jakarta Post,

January 24, 2004, accessed November 17, 2012, http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/

2004/01/24/balinese-riot-after-police-raid-cockfight.html

23) I Wayan Juniartha, “‘Bogbob’ cartoons portray social paradox of Bali”, The Jakarta Post,

May 2004, accessed November 17, 2012, http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/

2004/05/13/039bogbob039-cartoons-portray-social-paradox-bali.html

24) Luh De Suriyani, “Cockfighting More Popular Than Ever” The Jakarta Post, March 2011,

accessed November 17, 2012, http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/03/31/cockfighting-

more-popular-ever.html

61