106

BIOL~ICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS ON THECOFAN, SECOYA, AND AWISHIRI INDIANS OF EASTERNTROPICAL ECUADOR

Charles M. Fugler1 and Wallace L Swanson

Department of Biology, Inter-American University of Puerto Rico, San Germ~n, Puerto Rico,and Hospital VozAndes, Quito, Ecuador

The Cof'~ Secoya, and Awishiri ret>resent three of the seven surviving lin­guistic and cultural entities indigenous tothe lowland rainforests of eastern Ecuador( the "Oriente" ) . The other still identi­fiable groups are the Siona, J(varo, "low­land Quechua," and the "Tetete." The lat­ter, "rediscovered" on a minor tributaryof middle RCo Aguarico in 1965, may betraced to the Siona who are thought to-belinguistically related to the Secoya. TheSiona, Cofm, and Secoya are collectivelytermed the "cushmas," in reference to thecharacteristic male garment. They and theAwishiri are semi-nomadic horticultur­alises characterized by the slash-burn agri­cultural technique, and among whom hunt­ing remains a major activity. These tribesand those of the Peruvian Montaiia andthe Bolivian East Andes are called the"Chuncho" 0, p. 507).

An intensive search of the anthropolog­ical literature reveals that the Cofla, Secoyaand Awishiri are poorly documented. Mostof the DOn-linguistic data, a majority ofwhich was published more than fifty yearsago, are inaccurate in content or errone­ously ascribed to the three tribes.

The Cofla, Secoya, and ~wishiri havelong been in contact with whites, the form­er two tribes usually peacefully. The threehave, until recently, successfully resistedacculturation. This has been due, in part,to geographic isolation and, in part, totribal orpnization. However, the phy.sicaland cultural integrity of the Cof.cn andSecoya are now imperiled because of therecent establishment of petroleum andmining camps within the tribal territoriesand the subsequent influx of WOl'kers andcoloniSts from the .Andean highlands andfrom the littoral. The Awishiri, long hostileto whites and to the adjacent Quechua-

1 Pn:Ieat 8C1c1rea: Depanmeat of Bio., 0Ida-homa atJ UDiftnit1, Oklahoma atJ, Okla­homa.

Proc. 0Ida. Aad. Sci. 51: 106-119 (1971)

speaking peoples, have experienced in­creasingly frequent and often detrimentalcontact with missionaries and the military.Recently granted exploratory concessionsto oil and mining interests south of theRro Napo may result in physical as wellas cultural extinction unless the tribe ac­cepes pacification, an unlikely occurrencein view of the continuing persecution bywhites. It is imperative, therefore, thatfield observations catalogued in this decadebe incorporated in the tribal histories.

HISTORICAL RESUME

Steward (1, p. 508) and Steward andMetraux (2, p. 613), emphasizing that thewfln are not only little known but havevanished as a tribe, reported them to havelived on upper lUo Aguarico and in adja­cent Colombia (Figure 1). Mason (3, p.186) DOted that a few hundred Cof:n stillsurvive, although the indigenous languageis extinct. Our field investigations refutethe aforementioned statemenes on the lin­guistic and cultural status of the EcuadorianCofan.

The Secoya, according to Steward (4, p.739), were designated the Pioj' or Pioch~(~ division of the EncabelIado) prior to1900. In 1635 they lived on the northernside of Rro Aguarico upstream to ies tribu­taries, a region DOW partly occupied bythe Cof.cn and Siona. Simpson (5) locatedthem on middle and lower Rro Aguaricoand along lower lUo Napo. Tessman (6)identified 200 Secoya in approximately thesame area, and noted that they were on theverge of losing their native culture, anobservation herein rejected as erroneous.Burbano Martinez, Antonio Rivadeneira,and Montalvo Montenegro (7) estimatedthat the tribe numbered 100 persons. In1968 a petroleum camp was constructed onRlo Cuyabeno opposite the Secoya villageand was followed by a military outpost inthe immediate vicinity.

107

1°

COLOMBIA1°

PIGt/U I. Map of Icudor wich the~ localiria meatioaed in dae eat.

108

Steward and Metraux (2, p. 635) wrotethat the Awishiri, in 1665, while hostile towhites and to the neighboring tribes. werenumerous, and extended along the right(south) bank of RCo Napo southward tothe Rfo Curaray. In 1925, according toSteward (4, p. 635), the main group, thenreduced to 30 to 50 still savage individuals,moved to RCo Tiputini-Shiripuno region.Grubb (8) reported on the "Auca," aQuechua word meaning savage, whichformerly referred to all non-salt-eating in­habitants of the eastern Amawnian rain­forests, and which, in Ecuador, is nowusually restricted to the Awishiri. He esti­mated the "Auca" to number 2,000, ex­clusive of the Yasunf, ~ushinu and theSupinu groups (who may have been Zlpa­roan speakers and, thus, Awishiri). Thenames applied to the latter groups byGrubb are those of lesser tributaries ofR{o Napo. Recent data, obtained from mili­tary and missionary sources, indicate thatthe Awishiri, approximately 100 of whomare at Tiwaeno (Figure I), number be­tween 250 and 500. Save for a limited with­drawal the Awishiri control today the sameterritory as in 1665.

The field observations hereinafter dis­cussed were conducted intermittently, from1960 through 1963, by Swanson at Durenoand at Rfo Cuyabeno and, from 1966through 1968, by Fugler at Dureno andamong other R(o Aguarico Cofl{n. Certaindata were obtained by Fugler from bilin­gual Cofln and Secoya attendin~ the Escu­ela Bilingiie, Instituto Lingtiistico deVerano at Lim6n Cocha. Additional obser­vations were obtained from M. Bormanand O. Johnson, resident linguists at Du­reno and RCo Cuyabeno respectively. In­formation on the Awishiri, much of whichrefers to the recently missionized Awishiriat Tiwaeno, was volunteered by R. Saint.

The observations are the results of studiesconducted independently by Swanson andFugler. Swanson's data (9) are extractedand translated by Fugler from an unpub­lished thesis submitted to the Facultadde Medicina de la Universidad Central deQuito in 1965 to fulfill, in part, require­ments to practice medicine in the Republicof Ecuador. This study is preliminary tothe analysis of the suess facton of bio­logical origin affecting the tribes in theprocesses of acculturation.

,CURRENT COFAN ANDSECOYA DEMOGRAPHY

Borman (personal communication)stalt~d that, in February, 1967, the Ecua­dorian Cofln were located at Puerto Libre(a few families), Condue' (a few families),Duweno (approximately 40 individuals),Dureno (approximately 80 individuals),and lower Rfo Bermejo (a few families)(Figure 1). One CoUn family resided onRfo Eno with several Siona families. Bor­man remarked that approximately 200Cofa'n, or 40 families, averaging five indi­viduals per family, are permanently settledin Ecuador and approximately 250 indi­viduals live in Colombia.

At the beginning of the present century,the RCo Aguarico Cofln were concentratedin a large village near present-day SantaCecilia. Slave-raiding expeditions fromlower RCo Napo caused dispersal, and somefamilies settled in the Puerto Libre regi~n

and others at Dureno, Duweno and RIOBermejo.

In Ecuador, all tribal Secoya, numberingapproximately 100 persons, are settled onRfo Cuyabeno (Figure 1)'

The Dureno population, in the early1960's, varied from 80 to 100 individuals.In June 1968, the village consisted of 13houses and 71 individuals. An additional17 persons resided outside the village(Table 1, Figure 2). Duweno, in August1968, contained seven houses and approxi­mately 30 individuals, exclusive of severalfamilies (not censused) living on a near-byisland and on the opposite shore (Table 2,Figure 3). The numerical size and physicalcompactness of the Coflln villages are char­acteristic of some aboriginal communities ofthe Montana cited by Steward (I, p. 527).Both villages, having remained in the samearea for more than 50 years, are atypicalof the semi-nomadic horticulturalists. Thespatial arrangements of the dwellings (Fig­ures 2 and 3) do not seem to be correlatedwith kinship grouping. In general, eachCofICn dwelling is occupied by the ronjugalfamily (Tables 1, 2; Figures 2, 3); dwell­ings II, IX and X and "Across River" areexceptions. Neither the geneologies nOr thesanguinal relationships of these multi-gen­eration households were ascertained.

Swanson (9) obtained data. on the ap­proximate age romposition of Dureoo 10

TABLIl 1. Th. "'~S oJ III. Col. YUl4.01 Dlwno, 1968.

"On Island" Rub/n QUf'namaElvira Palhuaju

Julia

109

40III

9

the early 1960's; Fugler ascertained theage structure approximately five yeanlater (Table 3). Although the data areinsufficient for definitive analysis certainsalient observations are evic:lent. At thetime of the censuses approximately 69.5 %and 65.5 % of the village populations weretwenty years of age or younger. Inasmuchas exogamous marriage is desirable, if notrequired, the data may indicate the emigra­tion of those of marriageable age. Abovethe 16-20 age group an intermittent butgradual decline is indicated, the greatestbeing above the 36-50 age group. In partthe decline may be attributable to the highmortality rate in women. Swanson (9)concluded that few tribal women Jive be­yond the climacterium (flitJe i_Jril). Therole of disease and diet in adult and infantdeaths is currently under study. Prelimi­nary analyses indicate that respiratory

TABU! 2. Th. iuilbilllllls 01 lb. Col. YUUg.01 D.wno, 1968.

"Acrosa River" Gabriel MendovaAndrea Quenama

NedlaRomerla

Luciano QuenllmaTeorlR Mendova

RObertoNlrzo

Silvio QuinteroLaura Mendova

Juana

Housenumber

II

IV

V

VI

vn

VIII

IX

X

XI

XII

xm

''OD IaJand"

Name

Casimiro MendovaVictoria Quenama

:::t~elRogelloCelinda

Polonarlo MendovaForena Lucltante

ValerioEternlna Quenama

Marina Ayinda

E1llLS LucltanteMargarita Quenama

Bolivia

Enrique CrlolloE1slra Quintero

ArturoDejlManuel

~l~~aBlancaYolanda

AureliO QuenamaRoaallna Mendova

IjlrloAliciaNell

Anastasio CrlolloDashlra Quenama

MarujaRufinoRandlVernaForestaEtenaLorenzaRoslra

Eusebio QuenamaJ~~~raaAylnda

Elberta QuataAlejandro CrlolloTobias QuenamaE1~~::f~:nama

JoaqulnaRlsando

Anaseto QuenamaLucrecia Quata

EtoDavlanaGlorlanoAvarlndoMarlneta Mendova

=CaFernando CrlolloCarolina Quenama

HerljlndoJorgePedro

Bevora LucltanteMagnlclo MendovaGavlna Quenama

RolMarcelino

BaaWoMasbfcoricarmen Quenama

saaraReveca

Santiqo CrIoUoBIeDa QueD&JD&

Avera

Age(approximate)

28261Z1011.5

50+60+181626

2524

2

28341211)

9163

11 mont lui

2825141

4033181811

961.6

2018

55188

6018402812

83

40+40+181611201869 months

2826

982

1022ZO82

30ZlIIII•404i

'1

Housenumber

II

III

IV

V

VI

VII

Name

Nasarlo QuietaEnma Quenama

MorletoReqquleta

Gabriel QuenamaDomltela Quenama

Gregorio Quenamalsabela Buatamente

Marcela

Brocendo BuatamenteIdnacla Agulnda

~=oJulio AguJndaSimona Quenama

RicardoEugenioJOllefina

Ambroclo Aa'uln4aRourlo Quenama

J&nacloJulioEfiebaDTeJetunclo

40+35+11

8282563

18178 month.

Ace(approximate)

zz2138 months

3Z282'12634 montha

464318

4'4121It

524.a14U

'l518J'l21n11

110

flGuu 2. Map of the CofU .nJqe 01 Doreao (1968). Roman aamerals refer to families liltedfa Table 1.

-II

'5:.:~;:::-:.::<.:;::;.;;..;.:;::;,:~;:;::.;.::<.:.::.;::';;,::·::::·:':!:;:~::::':"':':'l

l······:::··:::·..:;;······

!'.'

::

...,..••••

,:'.:"

jl;r··,.."'5

)II

~--J'!f...aa.e'!i~

~..~"""c""~~1

~~le~::~

.v.f

..':~~~~u;ry';"iH::>'>=·····',:it=.li

112

TABU 3. Ag. tUslribll&. of lb. 1JIIrftW Co/tI.,1960-1968.

lHO-1'O 1988

~eUQup Xumber S Xumber %

0-1 10 17.54 9 10.011-6 12 lUi2 6 6.818-10 U 10.52 18 20.50

11-15 11 ...4 7 7.951'-20 14 lZ.18 15 17.1I121-1S 12 10.51 7 7.9511-30 7 '.14 10 11.1931-3& • 7.04 3 3.4118-40 2 1.75 7 7.9541-45 2 1.75 1 1.114'-60 4 3.50 2 :U661-1\6 6 4038 1 1.11&6-60 5 4.38 2 2.6661-65 0 0.0 0 0.0

diseases are a common cause of infant andadult mortality. Land pressure is not asignificant factor in the emigration offamilies. It is to be noted that the agedistribution and the total population ofDureno remained basically unchanged, afact which suggests environmentally im­posed limitations.

TABLB 4. CMrI/J.illw. tlg. lislribllliofe 01 Ih.0",._ tIfIil 011.,,_ Col"", 1968.

nllr~no DlIw~no

Agegroup Xumbt'r ~ Xumber %

0-2 9 10.01 2 6.453-6 8 10.62 2 6.458-10 18 20.50 0 0.00

11-15 7 9.95 I 3.2218-20 15 17.01 2 6.4521-25 7 7.95 9 29.1I1128-30 10 11.19 5 16.5031-35 3 3.41 I 3.2236-40 7 7.95 I 3.!!41-45 1 1.11 2 8.4548-50 2 2.28 3 9.8751-55 1 1.11 I 3.22"-80 2 2.66 0 0.01l81-86 0 0.00 0 0.0088-70 0 0.00 r 3.227t-75 0 0.00 1 3.22

The age structure of Duweno differsstrikingly from that of Dureno (Table 4)although the recorded ages of the formerare highly suspect. Only 21% of the Du­weno population is under 20 years of~whereas above the 21.25 aae category thereis an expected dec1ioe. The advanced agesreported for both Dureno aod Duweno"",,"I-dons are suspect. The resident lin·~ at Dureoo haw maintained birthand mona1ity records since their establish·ment in the villqe in 19S8. The ages ofthe older inhabitants are inaa:urate in thatthe lunar c:yc.Ie and the banesa of the forestfruits are the oa1y caIeodric:a1 systemsbcnm. The ages 01 the Duweoo popu1a-

tion were obtained through the intermedi­acy of Catholic missionaries.

A comparison of the ~ distributionsamong the Dureno Coflfn and the ReoAguarico Secoya is not significantly di-

TABU S. Com/J.iIIW. tlge tlisiriblllio. 01 Ih.0",._ ColM. tIfIil Ihe RIo CIIYunw S.coytl,1960-1963.

C'or~n Secoya

Age%group Xumber % ~umber

0-2 20 17.;;4 I:l 14.603-5 12 10.52 14 15.736-10 12 10.52 la 16.85

11-la 11 9.64t~

7.8616-20 14 12.28 13.4821-2;; I? 10.52 9 10.1126-30 6.14 a 5.6131-31; s 7.04 t 4.4836-40

~1.7;; , 10.11

41-4;; 1.;a 0 0.00

~~=~~4 ::.;;0 1 1.23a t.3S 0 0.00

56-60 r, 4.38 0 0.00

vergent (Table S). Swanson's data (9)also show that the numerical size of thevillage is approximately equal to that ofDureno, which further emphasizes the en­vironmental rather than the social factorsas primary determinants in population size.The surveys of the Quechua-speaking vil­lages of Rio Napo, in which the slash-burnagricultural techniques are utilized, do notexceed 125 individuals.

Borman stated that 80% of the Ecua­dorian Cofllo are monolingual, 15% possesssome knowledge of Spanish, and 5% arefluently bilingual. Of the Colombian Coflnapproximately 40% are moderately bilin­gual, 20% fluently bilingual, and 40%monolingual. It is estimated that 50% ofthe Colombian and 5% of the EcuadorianCofin are acculturated. At Dureno onlytwo Cofla are bilingual. one of whom isa former resident of Colombia. Bilingual­ism is slightly higher at Duweno althoughthere is less contact with whites.

No data on bilingualism among the Ecu­adorian Secoya were obtained. Howner,their former geographic isolation and ef­forts to maintain tribal identity presup­pose a high level of mooolingualism.

COFAN NOMENCLATUREAND CHIEFTAINCY

Chief~ is normally heJeditary amongthe O»fIn, being passed from fatbet tveldest SOD. Another village male may be

selected by village consensus should theheir be judged not competent. Amoog theEcuadorian Cof~ the appellation "capiw."is used in reference to the village chief,who serves primarily as an intermediatebetween the villagers and outsiders in mat­ters of tribal interest. Both the functionand tide of the chieftain have been bor­rowed from the lowland Quechua. Thevillage capi~ has no influence outsideof his own village. Each settlement is auton­omous. There is no paramount chieftain.

The eldest son of the former Durenochieftain (House VI, Table 1, and Figure2) , the titular head of the village, com­mands little respect or obedience from thevillagers. Another villager (Table 1, "00Island") aspires to the chieftaincy, butis also rejected because of his white orien­tation. The capidn of Duweno, conversely,(Table 2 and Figure 3, House VII) com­mands the respect and obedience of theinhabitants.

Teknonymy is practiced by the Cof;",the suffix "quintza" (father) and "cha"(mother) being appended to the givenname. Should the child not survive, theparents receive the appellation "ghost par­ents." Lowie (10, p. 326) reponed thatteknonymy, assumed to be widespread intropical South America, is definitely re­ported only for the Botocudo, Lengua, andthe Yucuana.

The Cof3n practice of patrooymic hi­nomialism is the direct result either ofmissionary influence or of that of the low­land Quechua, who adopted the systemfrom the Spanish. The wife retains hersurname after marriage rather than assum­ing that of the husband, a practice wide­spread among the lowland Quechua. Ofthe 12 surnames recorded at Dureno andDuweno apparently only two are neitherof Spanish nor of Quechua origin (Tables1 and 2).

ETIOLOGY OF DISEASE

The Awishiri believe in a diaeue causedby the "water boa" (Ellflede, ",twifuu),the only known symptom of which is ab­dominal distention said to be much more~ than terminal pregnancy. Accord­mg to Awishiri belief the serpent pinsaaleIt to the body when aaidentally trodupon and migrates 10 the intestine, where

113

growth occurs and causes abdominal dis­tention years later.

The Awishiri and Cof;" believe that aserpent strikes for reasons of fear, defenseand magic. In the case of magic, the set­pent is sent by a sorcerer. [The Awishirishaman sends the reptile on his breath (2,p. 650)]. The following cases are illus­trative.

The v!J1aBe men of Dareno refused to ....the resident liquillC in tramportioa a ..eobite vicdm to the adjacent airsttip because bewas believed to be bewitched.

The father of a Cofla child who died ofsevere pstrOetltet'itis was held respoasible forthe death because he bad killed a serpent.

The Awisbiri and Cofu believe that indi·viduals who suffer frequent convulsive auaebare possessed by demons. The former ree:a1lonly three insuoc:es of demon poaesaioo(epilepsy?) among their ancestors.

A wishiri children aubjea to delirium andconvulsions and those who succumb to febrilediseases are believed to have been ra~ bysouls of the dead whkb must wander aimladyuntil they sexa.a1ly assault and possetI a chi1cl.

A CofSn gid of 18, to whom a detailedmedical examination bad been given. showeda hillCOry of auppoJed demon poaestioo sincemenarche. Immeawely following each IDetlSiJshe appeared to be disoriented, with .pittleand foam extruding from the mouth. The diI­oriented "Ie lasted approximately 31 boa....terminating when~ the apit1n and the vilbpelders drank "yaje" (&.islHio,sis ap.) to ef·fea the exorcism. Her behavior ... ctiqDOledas hyllCericaL I.owie (11, p. 7) 1iIced the hallu­cinatory plants ayahuasca, cayapi, yaji aDdbayahuasca as generically l)'Oooymous.

A Quechua woman at s.tJta Cecilia, IlIoAguarico, claimed to be experiencing excru·ciating chest pains. A missiooary priest pveher medicine., which were iaeffective in alle­viating her obviously paychotomadc diItreaa.later the capi.aa and the woman, in a hacilluminated by a aiqle candle. drank taie' andchanted to the acxompanio}ent of a drum. Itwas leamed. from the CapiUa. that the WOIIIaQ',fPOUJe had lCCftt1y~ downriver ac·compuied by anocher woman.

The deatba of duce CofU. chilcIren of NVerepsuoeateritU were atUibated to wiccbcraft inorder to conform to the c:.oUa belief that aUeaauuophic neaCl are diabo.lka1ly iIupifed.

The Cof/a believe that intestinal para-sitism .results from the ingestion of I8Ddand the Awishiri, more spedfically, cWmthat osyuroid (NmIiIIotU) infestatioat atedue CD the sting of the "pamana" ant (DOtideatified). The Awitbiri, aJthoqh .metic­ulous in wuhiog their baadI aad iDlildag

114

that the children do similarly prior to pre­paring and eating food, do not rompre­bend the relationship between food ron­wnination and intestinal infections. Theirpreoccupation with cleanliness is appar­endy esthetic rather than hygienic.

The Secoya, Cof*u, and Awishiri recog­nize the significance of contact with dis­eased persons in the dissemination of con­tagious diseases. During epidemics manyCof"n families voluntarily leave the villageto reside in the forests until the diseasedissipates. The capita'n often orders ill in­dividuals to remain away from the villageuntil completely recovered. The Awishirihave observed that they become ill follow­ing rontaet with groups in which there isillness. They have DOted the frequency ofguuoenteritis and respiratory diseasesafter killing or robbing outsiders of theirpossessions, attributing the illness to acurse placed upon them by their victims.The season of the "chonta" fruit (Guil­Hl",. ;1IS;g_) harvest, the only time ofpeaceful reunion, is characterized by theexcessive ronsumption of chonta fruit. Theincreased incidence of gastroenteritis atthis time has been observed by the Awishirl.

The Awishiri believe, as do Cofan, thatdemons are responsible for many diseasesand deaths. At sunset, when Awishiri chilodren customarily engage in play some dis­tance from the dwellings, they are warnedby the parents that demons will lure theminto tbe foresuin order to effect theircapture. These demons are described asmonkeys possessing a unique voice andthey are believed to pierce their victimswith invisible arrows which causes themto fall ill and thereby facilitates theircapture. After capture the children aredevoured.

Demons are believed to possess otheranimals, especially the jaguar, which is saidto visit the shaman. If the visits are toofrequent, the shaman becomes possessed bya malignant spirit which is transported bythe jepar and which ..-:Buses headaches.The shaman drinb a concoction of "da·bob" fruit (not identified) to exorcisethe demon.

The "abeya" bird (not identified), ac·rordina to Awishiri belief, holds greatpower over c:hi1dreo. When it perches onthe shoulder of the Ibaman, the c:bi1dren

must be summoned to pay it reverence.Failure to do so engenders illness.

MENARCHE AND MENSTRUATION

Menarche is ceremonially observed by theAwishiri. This ronfirms Steward and M~traux's statement (2, p. 628) that the Awi­shiri may have initiation rites. At the onsetof the menstrual period, the pubescent girlis thrashed with nettles until the skin isthoroughly reddened, after which she mustsit on the nettles for three consecutivenights to prevent the development of intra­vaginal boils. During this time she maydrink only from a gourd. Steward (1, p.529) also stated that the Awishiri flog thepubescent girl and put pepper into hereyes.

The Cof~n do not observe the menarcheritually, but adhere to certain ritualsthroughout the reproductive life, whichronstitutes an exception to Steward's com­ment (1, p. 529) that only the first mensisis observed. At the initiation of the men­strual cycle, the woman ronstruet5 a hutat a distance from her dwelling althoughsome dwellings have interior rooms setaside for the observance. From the onsetof the menstrual flow until its terminationthe woman remains seated on discardedclothing or plaintain leaves. For seven daysshe may not use eating utensils not herown nor may she cook for others. On thethird day of the observance she may batheand eat unrooked foods after which shethen resumes her normal activities exceptfor the preparation of family meals, whichare prepared by the husband or by thechildren. On the seventh day the ritual isterminated by bathing in lukewarm water.

MARITAL CUSTOMS

The three tribes, acrording to mission­ary informants, strongly condemn promis­cuity and adultery. Only monogamous mar·riages are known among the Cofan andSecoya. The Awishiri practice polygamy,usually claiming the mates of slain enemies.

Contraceptive methods are unknown tothe three tribes. The Cofan customarilypractice abstinence from the birth of aninfant until nursing ceases, until it is ap­proximately 18 months of age, or untilmore children are desired. The Awishiripractice abstinence until the child reachesits fourth year, during which interval the

fatber customarily resides with anotherwife.

Certain Cof'" and Siona families have ahistory of tribal intermarriage and the chil­dren of such unions, in turn, may manyinto either tribe. Only one instance of mar­riage between Cof&n and Quechua is known,in which a Quechua worker at Santa Ceciliahas a Cofln and a half-CoftCn wife. Thisis the only reported case of polygamyamong the Cofin. Marria~ between Ecua­dorian and Colombian Cofln is frequent.

PRE- AND POST-NATAL TABOOS

The three tribes observe stringent dietaryrestrictions during pregnancy. Awishiriwomen are forbidden to eat squirrel (S"U­ridae ), forest turkey (CracitUe) and woollymonkey (Lagolbrix), nor are they permit­ted to enter the forest where they may bepursued and eaten by forest creatures. Neck­laces are not worn because the child isthen predisposed to be born with the um­bilical cord encircling the neck. Yuca(Manibol ulilissi"",) is never eaten in themorning to avoid the formation of cysts inthe amniotic sac.

Awishiri women give birth seated ina hammock containing a centrally placedopening through which the newborn fallsto the ground. This concurs with Stewardand Metraux's observation (2, p. 645).During labor the parturient may supportherself by the stick suspended above thehammock. In terminal labor the abdomenis vigorously rubbed by an older womanor by the husband. After birth the umbil­icus is usually severed with a section ofsharpened bamboo ("guadua," GUtt4U11tmgusli/olitl). The mother then retrievesa small stick from a pot of boiling waterand, wrapping the tip in kapok (CeibllfJe"t""dra), repeatedly touches the umbil­icus until bleeding ceases. The placentais placed in a day bowl, carried into theforest, and deposited at the base of a cer­tain tree (not identified). Stillbirths areburied by the mother alone or with the'assistance of another woman. Spontaneousabortions and premature births are depos­ited in the nestS of 1eaf-eutting ants (.N1iI'1'.). If the fetus is devoured future .pon­taneous abortions and premature births willbe avoided.

Prior to Jabor, the Dweoo Cofan cus­tomarily COOStl'UCt • temporary hut 00 the

115

river bank opposite the village. althoughthe hut is occasionally built on the villageside of the river. The couple remains to­gether during labor. Should the parturientrequire assistance the husband summonsanother woman. Immediately after partu­rition the father fashions a bamboo knifewith which he severs the umbilicus. There­after the father may not touch the childfor a specified length of time (not deter­mined). After childbirth the family erectsa second hut in which they remain threeto five days.

In the post-partum period the father ob­serves certain restrictions to protect him­self from malignant spiritS. The motherobserves the same restrictions as those ofthe menstrual period but for a more pro­longed period at the termination of whichshe resumes most of her obligations, butprepares meals again only in the fifth orsixth week of the infant', post-natal exis­tence. If assistance is required in this in­terval only a menstruating woman may besummoned.

Difficult births are greatlr feared in thesetribes although elderly Cofan women claimthe ability to correct such births by pressingslowly and carefully on tbe abdomen. The.Awishiri spoke of a woman who sufferedfrom uterine prolapse and whose husband,inserting his hand into the vagina, crushedthe vertebral column, causing the fetus toabort. Another woman who had lost fiveinfants through difficult births was experi­encing difficulty with the sixth delivery.Upon the extrusion of a hand the husbandinserted a bamboo knife into the vagina,decapitated, and then extracted the fetus;the head aborted the following day. Asimilar procedure was said to have beenperformed on a third woman.

Pedal presentations, although not fea~invariably mean a long labor and the poISt­bility of the fetus strangling in the amnioticfluid. No attempt is made to free the en­circliog umbiliCUS.

In the immediate post-natal period .pe­cial care is not giv~ the infant.sa~f~rthat previously mentJoned. ItesutcitatJOQ ..not attempted on infants ~ho ~ not re­spond immediately follOWing birth. TheAWishiri, however, use pepper <CI!'sinmt)to stimulate respiration.

Infanticide is practiced frequently by un­married Coflfo 0J0then. who buty the in-

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Eanl alive Wilb lbe placeal8. Allbougbmultiple births are un.koowa among meDureno CoElln, some women say lbal oneinfanl would be sacrificed.

The Awishiri praaice infanlicide freely,especially if lhe family is large. Unwantedchildren are buried alive or are drowned.The weaker of twins is destroyed because,il is claimed, lhe mOlher cannOl care forlWO infanu. Sleward (1, p. 529) remarkedlbat one of the twins is killed because itis believed 10 be a spirit's child. If thefather or both parents are killed by a raid­ing party the surviving child, if too young10 care for itself, is buried with the de­ceased.

The Awishiri father, after severing theumbilicus, may not cut "cuyuto," the tree(not identified) from which the stick usedto suspend tbe hammock is obtained.Should he disobey the laboo, the umbil­icus will increase in size and become dis­eased. The restriaion is observed until theumbilicus falls. The father may use only afan on the cooking fire; he mUSI neverblow on the fire. Failure to observe thetaboo causes the child's skin to redden andbecome irritated. The fatber is also pro­hibited from touching beeswax ("gininca")used in sealing the quivir, Olherwise thenewbom will develop malformed denti·tion. The mOlher must fast after child·birth to avoid me development of caries.After the birth of the first child bothparents eat only "nawaquina" ("birdfood").

Steward and M«rtraux (2, p. (45) re­ported tbat the woman is isolaled duringchildbirth and that both parents remainin their hammocks dieting. Although thereare few details available, the couvade seemsto be strongly developed, as Steward andMirraux (2, p. 628) anticipared. That theAwishiri practiced the couvade is intimatedby Tessman (6), who stated that Awishiricouples rest in their bammocks and abstainfrom meats for two weeks after childbirth.

THE CLIMACTERIUM

Few women of these tribes are known10 reub and live beyond the climacteriumand tboee who do .pparently never exhibitclimacteric symptoms. The .bsence of suchsympcoms may indicate that the psych0­logical and pbysioJ.oBica1 effects commoolyasIOCiated with the climacterium may be

culturally rather than biologically deter­mined.

ATTITUDES TOWARD THEELDERLY, AND THE MENTALLY

AND PHYSICALLY DISABLED

The Cofln and Secoya give solicitouscare to invalids, the mentally incapacitatedand the elderly. The Awishiri, however,praaice a form of abandonment; they re­fuse firewood and water to the elderly.When lhe Awishiri are fleeing from anenemy, the elderly are often hurled froma precipice to avoid their being burden­some and endangering escape. This factconfirms Steward'. statement that somePanoan and ~par.,.n groups kill the agedand the infirm (I, p. 529).

Only three ins~nces of presumed aber­rant mental behavior are recalled by theTiwaeno Awishiri: a mentally retardedchild with severe (epileptic) attacks waswell-cared for until the age of nine, whenshe and her father perished in an enemyattack; a woman whose husband, for noobservable reason, developed an intensehatred of her and killed her with the acqui­escence of others; a woman, whose fate isunknown, was considered too incompetentto care for her child.

BURIAL PRACTICES ANDCONCEPTS OF AN AFTER-DEATH

EXISTENCE

The CofICn believe that the spirit of thedead remains active after death, wander­ing in search of children. A child who hassuccumbed to convulsions is believed tohave been murdered by a spirit desiringa child for itself. The Cofan, therefore,sing to the spirits of the dead, imploringthat their children not be abduaed.

The dwelling in which an adult dies isburned so that the homeless spirit cannotlocate its original dwelling and there at­tempt to capture children. Infants areburied at or near the place of death withlittle ceremony and the dwelling is notburned should the child die within. Largerchildren and adults are dressed in newgarments, wrapped in a blanket containingtheir possessions, and then enveloped in acovering of guadua. The body is uans­ported to • place distant from tbe villageand interred in a grave four 10 five feetdeep. The grave is lined with plaincain

leaves and a platform is prepared to receiftthe corpse. Each person attending the burialselects a small lump of day, transfers itto the other hand behind the back, andthea tosses the clay in the open graft.After the graft is filled a small temporaryhut is constructed on the fresh mound. Acandle or small fire, that must burnthroughout the fim night, is placed withinthe hut. Vigil is maintained at the gravefor at least a year after burial.

The Awishiri bury their dead in a gravefour to five feet deep, covering the corpsewith split bamboo before refilling it. Stew­ard and M~traux (2, p. 646), however,claimed that the Awishiri leave the deceasedin his hammock for three days, then collectthe fluids of decomposition in an urn andbury it within the house. Personal posses­sions are burned. The Cofin and Awishiriburials are certainly missionary.influencedin that such interments are reported onlyfor some Panoan groups (1, p. 529).

Live burial is practiced, frequently onthe insistence of a mortally wounded orterminally ill individual. To an Awishiri,the supreme humiliation to be inflictedupon an enemy is to leave the body un­buried to decompose or to be devouredby forest animals.

The Awishiri profess belief in an after­life existence; the soul is believed to departthe grave as an amorphous substance whichgrows and finally assumes the form of ajaguar (Felis onca). The Zaparoans believethat souls are reincarnated as animals (1,p. 529).

There existS a vague belief in an after­life abode into which the soul attempts toenter but is rejected by a large worm. Therejected soul then meramorphOlles into awhite ant or termite (lsOfJlera) which livesin Awishiri houses. The soul ee8ses toexist when the white ant expires. TheAwishiri are said to believe in a skeleton­like being with a visible head (2, p. 649).

CONCEPTS OF HYGIENEAND SANITATION

Rivers, the primary IOUrte of wate1',serve for' drinking, bathing, washingclothes, dumping refuse, and the disposal ofwastes. When raids muddy the Jarp riven,the Awishiri uaosJoaue to smaller SU'e8dU;they never acablish livinl sites above the

117

source of utilizable water. Thus.. c:ootami­nation is non-existent. The Colin lift inrelatively compact villages near the riftrand, thereby, minimize the area of ron­taminatioo. The Secoya. OOweftr, lift dis­persed along a more slowly moving riftt,and, hence, have • greater problem withcontamination.

Each Secoya and Cofin family maintainsa designated area in the forest near thedwelling for defecation. They do not, asdo the J(varo in the southern Oriente,dig a shallow hole and then refill it afteruse. The Awishiri are said to defecate inshallow streams.

Two Tiwaeno families have followed theexample of the resident linguist in con­structing pit latrines. One family dug thepit in such a manner that it communicatedwith a subterranean stream. The Tiwaenogroup says that the practices of enemygroups are vile, asserting that they defecateon the ground near the dwelling, coveringthe feces with palm bark.

The Tiwaeno Awishiri have observedthat certain species of bees, wasps. andbutterflies are attracted to these areas andremain overnight when the feces remainuncovered. Flies are killed when discoveredwithin houses, because the Awishiri com­prehend the relationship between the fleshon which the fly alights, the larvae and theadult flies.

The three tribes have noted that dogsand pigs forage in feces and, therefore,these animals are not permitted access tothe dwellings. However, their relationshipto the dissemination of disease is not com­prehended.

DIETThe dietary preference of the three tribes

is similar. Upon arising a beverase ofmashed plaintain (Musa p.,."JisiMa) "chu­cula" (fermented masticatedyw::a, MMHbollIIilillim4), or "yooo" (p",uu"u 'oco) iscoosumed. The latter is not reported fromthe Awishiri. Food prepared the previOUIday and natural foods constitute the maindietary articles. A main meal is preparedwhenever meat is available, Chidla, bow­ner, is the baic dietary elemeat.

The diet of the three uibes is ample (OJD­~ co that of the Quechua at Tena. TheColla and Secoya eat meat almclft daily

118

and usually once a week in times of scar·city. The meat is smoked or prepared ina soup of plaintain and yuca, often withherbs and salt added. Corn. beans, sweetpotato, avocado, pineapple, lime, guava, andn~ts CC?mprise remrded supplementarydietary Items.

Each family at Dureno and Duwenomaintains "chacras" (fields) of plaintainand yuca, at least one field per family.Fish and game are stiII prominent in thediet, although less common than in thepast. Domesticated animals kept by theCofln include chickens and pigs, whichserve as a medium of barter rather thanfor consumption. Cattle, introduced atDoreno several years ago, are not eaten.

The Awishiri diet is basically similar tothat of the Colln and Secoya except thatmore meat, approximately six times morethan any other dietary element, is con­sumed. Prohibitions against eating tapir(Tapirus) and deer (Mazama, Pudu) aredisappearing (totemic prohibitions?). TheArawakans and the Panoans say that thesoul is reincarnated as a deer, thus offer­ing a possible explanation for the tabooagainst eating deer (1, p. 531). Chuculais consumed in quantities when the dietis curtailed for prolonged periods of time.

FISHING AND HUNTING

The Cofin and Secoya are losing thetechnique of preparing fish poisons ("bar­basco," ClibaJium) and concocting poisonfor blowgun dartS. The Dureno Cofan stillmaintain clumps of "barbasco" and obvi­ously use the poison occasionally in fishkills during the dry season. The Awisbiriprepare fish poisons from CUbaJium andTephrosi4 (2, p. 643). Dynamite and muz­zle-loading shotguns are replacing fish poi­sons and the blowgun, but explosives andgunpowder are virtually unobtainable. Theblowgun poison, prepared by the Cofinfrom the sap of a vine (not identified),is extremely weak: and inferior to the poisonpreviously obtained by trade from Brazil.The Awishiri use both the lance (largergame only) made from chonta (Guilul"",iflSipis) and the blowgun for hunting.However, Steward and Mltraux (2,6. 639)stated that only spears (also of chonta)are utilized. The blowgun is never used inwarfare (10, p. 11). It was noted that theAwisbiri did not use the blowgun after

1571 (2, p. 643); it had been recordedfrom the Pioje and zlparo (12, 251).

The blowguns used by the Siana, Secoya,CoUn, J{varo, and the Awishiri are strik­ingly different in respect to the mouth­piece. Among the Siona, Secoya and Cofan,the mouthpiece is a flaring wooden sectioninto which the lips are placed. The mouth­piece of the J{varo blowgun is carved frombone. while that of the Awishiri terminatesin a horizontally flattened structure carvedfrom wood.

CLOTHING AND PERSONALHYGIENE

In the hot (dry) season the Cofan bathedaily; in the rainy season they usually waitfor a sunny day. The men customarily batheupon returning from the hunt regardlessof the season. Except for a few elderlyindividuals, the Tiwaeno Awishiri batheat least daily.

The Cofan wash their clothing at leastweekly and infants' clothing frequently.The Awishiri not in contact with civili­zation do not wear concealing garments (2,p. 641); the non·missionized groups smearthe body with "achiote" (B;xa orellana).The Cofin, Siona, and Secoya paint elabo­rate facial designs in achiote and in genip'a(Genipa americana). Among the Cof;nand Secoya the use of achiote for bodydecoration is apparently esthetic rather thanhygienic 03, p. 497).

The cushma, a two-piece cloth garmentwith openings for the head and arms,formerly made of barkcloth, is the typicalmale garment. The Tetete male seen nearthe Rfo Aguarico wore a barkcloth cushma.Pants are frequently worn beneath thecushma, as well as boots purchased fromColombian traders. The hair is closelycropped in all males and a palmfiber head­band is usually worn. Nasal and ear orna­ments of feathers and wood are consistentlyworn. Both sexes wear arm and ankle bands,as well as numerous strands of highlycolored beads. The eyebrows and eyelashesare plucked, an operation performed witha palm-leaf fiber. The women customarilywear a loose skirt and a blouse openingto the front to facilitate nursing.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Field investigations of the senior authorwere supported by grantS-in-aid of research

from the Society of Sigma Xi, the PenroseFund of the American Philosophical S0­ciety. the Bache Fund of the NationalAcademy of Sciences, the Explorers' Clubof New York, and the Auburn UniversityFaculty Grant-in-Aid to Research.

REFERENCESI. J. H. STEWA.D, T";b~s of lb. M01lU"i4. A"

I.rotlllclio", in Vol. 3, Haodbook ofSouth American Indian.~ (Bull. Bur. Amer.EthnoL 143). ]. H. STEWAaD, Ed., Smith­sooiao In.., Washin,8toD, D.c., 1948, pp.507-533.

2. J. H. STEWUD aod A. Mhuux, Tribes 01Ibe Pnu"'" tmtl EcIlMlori4ll Mo,.,.,;u, inVoL 3, Haodbook of South American In­dians (Bull Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 143),]. H. STEWARD, Ed.• Smithsoniao lost.,Washin,8toD, D.c., 1948. PP. 535-656.

3. ]. A. MASON, The r.-gllilges of Ibe SOllihA",mc_ IlItlitms, in VoL 6, Haodbookof South American Indians (Bull. Bur.Amer. Ethnol. 1·43), J. H. STEWARD, Ed..Smithsoniao Inst., Washin,8tOD, D.C.. 1950,pp. 157-317.

4. ]. H. STEWARD, Wesl_ Tuc:__ Tribes,in Vol. 3, Handbook of South AmericanIndians (Bull. Bur. Amer. Ethnol 143),]. H. STEWA.D, Ed... Smithsoniao lost.,Washin,8tOD, D. c., 1948, pp. 737·748.

5. A. SIMPSON, Noles 0" the Pioils 0/ IbePNillmilYO, ]ourn. Roy. Anthrop. In.. Gr.Brit. Ireland 8: 210-222 (1879).

6. G•. TESSMAN, n;. IlItl'-w Nortlosl PeNIS,Friederi.schen, de Gruyters Co., m. b. H.Hamburg. 1930.

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7. H. BUUANO MAanNIZ, L ANroNJO llIu­DENIIIU, and J. MONTAtVA MONTllmGaD,El Problnlu tU Us Pobuno..s IfIIlIgerurset"bius tU EcIUllor, in Tercer Tomo,Ams"', D'/"'-fil tI. I. SMMtl, S.gllrOSoeUl , PobUciows S.I"Jlic~, V CoD·grao Indi&enista Interamericaoo. Quito,Ecuador, 1965.

8. K. G.UBB, Th. l.ow'-tl lfUli4lls of A..zo.u.; A SlINIey 01 Ih. l.oclllioft .. R..lipolls COfIIlilio. o/Ih.IftIliMu of Cow..bU, y _z..I., Ih. G.w.u, BcIUIlor,Pn'II, BrRil, _ 8oli.,;", london, 1927.

9. W. L SWANSON, Bs,lItlio fl. I. PIIIOIo,£I., u Metliu- Abori,.. tU Us TribllSIfUllg._ tI.1 Co/_ , S"o,. tUl 0"""'1tie Lt R.I'~blkil J.l EclUltUJr, Thesis, Uni­versidad Central. Quito, Ecuador, 1965.

10. R. H. LoWIE, Soc;"l _ PolilkM Org"';'ztllio" of th. Trol'kM For.1I tmtl "'.IiMTribes, io Vol. 5, Handbook of SouthAmerican Indians (Bull. Bur. Amer.Ethnol. 143), J. H. STEWAaD, Ed.. Smith·sonian Inst., Washinston, D. c., 1949, pp.313·350.

II. R. H. LoWIE, Th. Tro#lic.l For.sls: A" I.IroJIlc:lio", in VoL 3, Handbook of SouthAmerican Indian. (Bull. Bur. Amer.EthnoL 143), J. H. STJlWAaD, Ed., Smith·sonian lost.. Washin,8tOo, D. c., 1948,pp.,1·56.

12. A. METUUX, WeilpotlS, in Vol. 5, Handbookof American Indian. (Bull. Bur. Amer.Ethnol. 143), J. H. STEWAaD, Ed., Smith·sonian lost., Washington, D. c., 1949, pp.221-263.

13. C. LEVI-STUUSS, Th. Use 01 WiJtl PltMIs illTro#lictJl SOlllh A",mciI, in Vol. 6, Hand·book of South Americao Indian_ (BulLBur. Amer. EthnoL 143), J. H. STEWARD,Ed., Smithsoniao lost., Washin,8tOn, D. c.,1950, pp. 319-504.