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EPISTLES OF THE BRETHREN OF PURITY

On Magic I

An Arabic Critical Edition and English Translation of EPISTLE 52a

Edited and Translated by Godefroid de Callatay and Bruno Halflants

Foreword by Nader El-Bizri

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

in association with

The Institute of Ismaili Studies

3

Contents

Acknowledgements xv Foreword xvii

Introduction 1 Technical Introduction 69

Epistle 52a: On Magic 85 Select Bibliography 161 Subject Index 177

Index Locorum 195

Risala 52a (Arabic Text & Variants) [Arabic pagination 3-105] Arabic Index [Arabic pagination 107-110]

Epistles of the Brethren of Purity

and to Tara Woolnough, for her painstaking reading and extremely valuable insights regarding various aspects of the redaction. Understandably, this book has a double dedication. Bruno has chosen to dedicate it 'to Gaetane, his wife, who accepted, with a smile, the excuse of him working on the Ikhwan when he should have been doing the garden; probably the worst explanation he has come up with in their fifty years of marriage'. Slightly less advanced on the path of life, Godefroid wishes to dedicate it 'to Gabriela, Hector, and Santiago, the three witty little spirits that make his life and that of his beloved Paula more magical and enchanting day after day'.

B. H. and G. de C.

xvi

/

Foreword

The Brethren of Purity (Ikhwan al-$afa') were the" anonymous members of a fourth-Ztenth-century^ esoteric fraternity of lettered urbanites that was principally based in southern Iraqi city of Basra, while also having a significant active branch in the capital of the 'Abbasid caliphate, Baghdad. This secretive coterie occupied a prominent station in. the history of scientific and philosophical ideas in Islam owing to the wide intellectual reception and dissemination of diverse manuscripts of their famed philosophically oriented compendium, the Epistles of the Brethren of Purity {Rasa il, Ikhwan al-$afa). The exact dating of this corpus, the identity of its authors, and their doctrinal affiliation remain unsettled questions that are hitherto shrouded with mystery. Some situate the historic activities of this brotherhood at the eve of the Fatimid conquest of Egypt (ca. 358/969), while others identify the organization with an earlier period that is set chronologically around the founding of the Fafimid dynasty in North Africa (ca. 297/909).

The most common account regarding the presumed identity of the Ikhwan is usually related on the authority of the famed litterateur Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi (ca. 320-414/930-1023), who noted in his Book of Pleasure and Conviviality {Kitdb al-Irntd' wa'l-mu'dnasa) that these adepts were obscure 'men of letters': Abu Sulayman Muhammad b. Ma'shar al-Busti (nicknamed al-Maqdisi); the qadt Abu al-Hasan 'All b. Harun al-Zanjani; Abu Ahmad al-Mihrajani (also Jcnown as Ahmad al-Nahrajuri); and Abu al-Hasan al-'Awfi. Abu Hayyan also claimed that they were the senior companions of a secretarial officer at the

1 AH dates are Common Era, unless otherwise indicated; where two dates dppear (separated by a slash), the first date is hijri (AH), followed by'CE.


Buyid regional chancellery of Basra, known as Zayd b. Rifa'a, who was reportedly an affiliate of the Brethren's fraternity and a servant of its ministry. Even though this story was reaffirmed by several classical historiographers in Islamic civihzation, it is not fully accepted by scholars in terms of its authenticity. Furthermore, some Ismaili missionaries (du'dt) historically attributed the compiling of the Epistles to the early Ismaili Imams Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah (al-Taqi [al-Mastur]) or his father, 'Abd Allah (Wafi Ahmad), while also suggesting that the Rasd'il compendium was secretly disseminated in mosques during the reign of the 'Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mun (r. 198-218/813-833).

Encountering 'veracity in every reUgion', and grasping knowledge as 'pure rfourishment for the soul', the Ikhwan associated soteriological hope and the attainment of happiness with the scrupulous development of rational pursuits and intellectual quests. Besides the filial observance of the teachings of the Qur'an and hadith, the Brethren also reverently appealed to the To'rah of Judaism and to the Gospels of Christianity. Moreover, they heeded the legacies of the Stoics and of Pythagoras, Hermes Trismegistus, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Plotinus, Nicomachus of Gerasa, Euclid, Ptolemy, Galen, Proclus, Porphyry, arid lamblichus.

The Brethren promoted a convivial and earnest 'companionship of virtue'. Their eschatological outlook was articulated by way of an intricate cyclical view of'sacred' history that is replete with symbolisms and oriented by an uncanny hermeneutic interpretation of the microcosm and macrocosm analogy: beUeving that the human being is a microcosmos, and that the universe is a 'macroanthropos'. The multiplicity of the voices that were expressed in their Epistles reflects a genuine quest for wisdom driven by an impetus that is not reducible to mere eclecticism; indeed, their syncretism grounded their aspiration to establish a spiritual refuge that would'transcend the sectarian divisions troubling their era.

In general, fifty-two epistles are enumerated as belonging to the Rasd'il Ikhwan. al-Safd', and these are divided into the following four parts: Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, Sciences of the Soul and Intellect, and Theology. The first part consists of fourteen epistles, and it deals with 'the mathematical sciences'j treating a variety of topics in arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, geography, and music.

xviii

Foreword

It also includes ;five epistles on elementary logic, which consist of the following: the Isagoge, .the Categories, the On Interpretation, the Prior Analytics, and the*Po5^e«•or Analytics.- The second part of the corpus groups'together seventeen epistles on 'the physicaLor natural sciences'. It thus treats themes on matter a[nd form, generation and corruption, metallurgy, meteorology, a study of the essence of nature, the classes of plants and animals (the latter being also-set as a fable), the composition of the human body and its embryologicalcbnstitiition; a cosmic grasp of the human being as microcosm, and alsQ'the investigation of the phonetic and structural properties ,of languages and their differences. The third part of the compendium comprises ten tracts on 'the psychical and intellective sciences', setting forth the 'opinions of the Pythagoreans and of the Brethren of Purity', and accounting also for the world as a 'macroanthropos'. In this part, the Brethren also examined the distinction between the intellect and the intelligible, and they offered explications ofthe symbolic significance of temporal dimensions, epochal cycles, and the mystical expression of the essence of love, together with an investigation of resurrection, causes and effects, definitions and descriptions, and the various'types of motion. The fourth and-last part of the Rasd'il deds with 'the nomic or legal and theological sciences' in eleven epistles. These address the differences between the varieties of religious opinions and sects, as well as delineating the 'pathway to God', the virtues of the Ikhwan's fellowship, the characteristics of genuine believers, the nature of the divine nemos, the call to God, the actions of spiritualists, of jinn, angelsj and recalcitrant demons,.the species of politics, the cosmic hierarchy, and, finally, the essence of magic and talismanic incantations. Besides the fifty-two tracts that constitute the Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-$afd', this compendium was accompanied by a treatise entitled al-Risdla al-jdmi'a (The Comprehensive Epistle), which acted as the summa summarum. for the whole corpus and was itself supplemented by a further abridged appendage known as the Risdlat jdmi'at al-jdmi'a (The Condensed Comprehensive Epistle).

In spite of their erudition andaresourcefulness, it is doubtfiil whether the Brethren of Purity can be impartially ranked amongst the authorities of their age in the realms of science and philosophy. Their inquiries

xix

Epistles ofthe Brethren of Purity

into mathematics, logic, and the natural sciences were recorded inihe Epistles in a synoptic and diluted fashion, sporadically infused with gnostic,.symbolic, and occult directives. Nonetheless, their accounts of religiosity, as well as their syncretic approach, together with their praiseworthy efforts to collate the sciences, and to compose a pioneering 'encyclopaedia', all bear signs of commendable originality.

In terms of the epistemic significance of the Epistles and the intellectual calibre of their authors, it must be stated that, despite being supplemented by oral teachings in seminars (majdlis al-'ilm),,the heuristics embodied in the Rasd'il were not representative ofthe most decisive achievements in their epoch in the domains of mathematics, natural,sciences, or philosophical reasoning. Moreover, the sciences were not treated with the same level of expertise across the Rasd'il. Consequently, this op,us ought to be judged by differential criteria as" regards the relative merits of each of its epistles. In fairness, there are signs of conceptual inventiveness, primarily regarding doctrinal positions in theology and reflections on their ethical-political import, along with signs of an intellectual sophistication in the meditations on spirituality and revelation.

The Rasd'il corpus is brimming with a wealth of ideas and constitutes a masterpiece of mediaeval literature that presents a populist yet comprehensive adaptation of scientific knowledge. It is perhaps mos't informative, in terms of investigating the transmission of knowledge in Islam, the adaptive assimilation' of antique sciences, and the historical evolution of the elements of the sociology of learning through the mediaeval forms of the popularization of the sciences and the systemic attempts to canonize them. By influencing a variety oflslamic schools and doctrines, the Brethren's heritage acted as a significant intellectual prompt and catalyst in the development of the history of ideas in Islam. As such, their work rightfiiUy holds the station assigned to it amongst the distinguished Arabic classics and the high literature oflslamic civilization.

The composition of this text displays impressive lexical versatility, which encompasses the technical idioms of mathematics and logic, the heuristics of natural philosophy, and the diction of religious pronouncements and occult invocations, in addition to poetic verses.

XX

Foreword

didactic paTables, and satirical and inspirational fables. Despite the sometimes disproportionate treatment qftopics, the occasional hiatus in proofs, irrelevant digressions, or instances of verbosity, the apparent stylistic weaknesses disappear, becoming inconsequential, when a complete impression is formed of the architectonic unity of the text as a whole and of the convergence of its constituent elements as a remarkable oeuvre des belles lettres.

Modern academic literature on the Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-$afd' is reasonably extensive within the field oflslamic studies, and it continues to grow, covering works dating from the nin'eteenth century up to the present, with numerous scholars attempting to solve the riddles surrounding this compendium. The academic rediscovery of the Rasd'il in modern times emerged through the monumental editorial and translation efforts of the German scholar Friedriqh Dieterici between the years 1861 and 1872. Several printed editions aiming to reconstruct the original Arabic have also been established, starting with the editio princeps in Calcutta in 1812, which was reprinted in 1846, then a complete edition in Bombay between 1887 and 1889, followed by the Cairo edition of 1928, and the Beirut editions 9f 1957,1983,1995, and their reprints.^ Although the schblarly contribution of these Arabic editions of the Rasd'il is laudable, as they valuably sustained research on the topic, they are uncritical in character, and they do not reveal their manuscript sources. Consequently, the current printed editions d6 not provide definitive primary-source documentation for this classical text. Given this state of affairs, the Institute of Ismaili Studies (IIS) in London has undertaken the publication (in association with Oxford University Press) of a multi-authored, multi-volume Arabic critical edition and annotated English translation of the fifty-two epistles. In preparation

2 The principal complete editions of this compendium that are available in print consist of the following; Kitdb Ikhwan al-$afd' wa-Khulldn al-Wafa, ed. Wilayat IJusayn, 4 vols. (Bombay: Mafba'at Nukhbat al-Akhbar, 1305-1306/ca. 1888); Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-$afd', ed. Khayr al-Din al-Zirikli, with two separate introductions by Jaha yusayn and Ahmad Zaki Pasha, 4 vols. (Cairo: al-Matba'a al-"Arabiyya bi-Misr, 1928); Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-$afd', ed. with introduction by Bufrus Bustani, 4 vols. (Beirut: Dar $adir, 1957); and an additional version, Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-$afd', ed. 'Arif Tamir, 5 vols. (Beirut: Manshurat 'Uwaydat, 1995).

xxi


for the critical edition, reproductions of ilineteen manuscripts were acquired by the IIS, and their particulars can be summarized as follows, with the corresponding Arabic sigla:

Bibliotheque nationale de France, Paris: MS 2303 (1611 CE): [J MS 2304 (1654 CE): [j] MS 6.647-6.648 (AH 695; Yazd): [:>]

Bodleian Library, Oxford: MS Hunt 296 (n.d.): [^] MS Laud Or. 255 (n.d.): [^] MS Laud Or. 260 (1560 CE): [^] MS Marsh 189 (n.d.):

El Escorial, Madrid:

MS Casiri 895/Derenbourg 900 (1535-1536 CE): [^] MS Casiri 923/Derenbourg 928 (1458 CE): [ji]

Istanbul collections (mainly the Siileymaniye and associated libraries): MS AtifEfendi 1681 (1182 CE): [^]

MS Esad Efendi 3637 (ca. thirteenth century CE): MS Esad Efendi 3638 (ca. 1287 CE): [1] MS Feyzullah 2130 (AH 704): [lJ] MS Feyzullah 2131 (AH 704): [ j] MS Kopriilii 870 (ca. fifteenth century CE): [iJ] MS Kopriilu 871 (1417 CE): [J]

MS Kopriilii 981 (n.d.): [j]

Konigliche Bibliothek zu Berlin: MS 5038 (AH 600/1203 CE): [^-1

xxii

Fdreword

The Mahdavi Collection,Tehran:^' MS 7437<AH 640): [i.]

Reconstruction of the Rasd'il by way of a critical edition will be undertaken u'Sing manuscript reproductiohs that are Significantly distanced in time from the originU, and these have proved to be traceable to a variety of transmission traditit)ns that cannot be articulated with confidence in terms of a'definitive stemma'codicum^ The dexterity of the copyists, their deliberate tampering, or commendable exercise of restraint and Relative impartiality, along with^heir scribal idioms*, would have conditioned the drafting of the manuscripts. Such endeavours would also have been influenced by the intellectual impress of the prevalent geopolitical circumstances in which this text was transcribed, in addition to its channels of transmission. By widening

3 It is worth noting that these acquisitions by the IIS, which consist of the oldest complete manuscripts, along with significant supplementary fragments of an early dating, were each carefully selected from over one hundred extant manuscripts, which are preserved in thirty-nine libraries and collections, noted in alphabetical order by country, as follows: Egypt Dar al-Kutub, Arab League Library (possibly also in the Arab League offices in Tunis); France: Bibliotheque nationale de France; Germany. Konigliche Bibliothek zu Berlin. Herzoghche BibUothek zu Gotha, Eberhard-Karlis-Universitat (Tii^ngen), Leipzig (Bibliotheca Orientalis), Munchen Staatsbibliothek; Iran: Mutahhari Library, Tehran University Central Library, Mahdavi Collection (private); Ireland: Chester Beatty Library; Italy: Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Biblioteca Vaticana; Netherlands: Bibliotheca Universitatis Leidensis; Russia: Institut des Langues Orientales (St Petersburg); Spain: Biblioteca del Monasterio San Lorenzd de El Escorial; Turkey: Siileymaniye^ Aya Sofia, Amia Huseyn, Atif Efendi, Esad Efendi. Millet Library, GaruUah, Koprulu, KUtiiphane-i 'Umumi Defteri. Manisa (Maghnisa), Rashid Efendi (Qaysari), Topkapi Saray, Yeni Qami, Revan Kishk; United Kingdom: Bodleian Library, British Library, British Museum, Cambridge University (Oriental Studies Faculty Library), Institute of Ismaili Studies (including copies from the Hamdani, Zahid 'All, and Fyzee collections), Mingana Collection (Selly Oak Colleges Library, Birmingham), School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS); United States: New York Pubhc Library, Princeton University Library.

4 Within both the'English and the Arabic text, the beginning of each folio of the MS Koprulii S/l [J] manuscript is indicated, starting at verso folio 520, (fol.520b)/|ii ox. J|,andrectofolio521,(foL521a)/| J J [; the fifth, tenth. fifteenth, and twentieth lines of each of the folios of this manuscript figure in the Arabic and English text respectively in the form, for example, o| or [5]. The pagination of the fourth volume of the Beirut (Dar Sadir) printed edition is also indicated, using square brackets, for example, [p. 283]/[YAT'].

xxiii


the selection ofthe oldest manuscripts and fragments, based on the period of the copying, the levels of completeness and clarity, and the recommendations of past and present scholars who have consulted these collections, a suitably grounded critical edition will be produced, and this more-reliable textual reconstruction will offer us improved access to the contents of the Rasd'il beyond what is presently available through the printed editions (i.e., those from Bombay, Cairo, and Beirut). It is ultimately hoped that the collective authorial effort, in establishing the Arabic critical edition of the Rasd'il and the first complete annotated English translation, will eventually render service to the academic community and lay a scholarly foundation for further studies dedicated to the Brethren's corpus and its impact on the history of ideas in Islam and beyond.

This present volume, prepared by Professor Godefroid de Callatay and Mr Bruno Halflants, consists of the Arabic critical edition and annotated English translation of the first division of the lengthy Epistle 52: 'On Magic', from the fourth part of the Rasd'il, on 'the nomic or legal and theological sciences'.^

The text that is included within the covers of this present volume will be referred to herein as the 'short version', or 'Epistle 52a: On Magic', since its critical edition was based on the Koprulu 871 (J) and Esad Efendi 3637 manuscripts, which correspond only with the first thirty pages of the rendition of this tract in the Beirut (Dar $adir) edition of 1957 (vol. 4, pp. 283-312). The Arabic critical edition and annotated English translation of what is consequently classifiable as the 'long version', or 'Epistle 52b: On Magic', will be edited and translated by Professor de Callatay and Mr Halflants, in collaboration with Dr Sebastien Moureau, to be published at a later date in a separate volume of our series. This 'long version' wiU cover the textual material that corresponds with the remaining part from the Beirut edition of this tract (vol. 4, pp. 312-463), and its critical edition will be based on nine manuscripts, including AtifEfendi 1681 (^). The 'short' and 'long' versions belonged to two manuscript traditions, even though the Beirut edition placed them side-by-side in emphasis of their potential

5 Previously published books in the OUP-IIS Epistles of the Brethren of Purity series are mentioned in the preliminary pages of this present volume.

xxiv

Foreword

continuity. However, the irreducibility of their respective origins to a single unified source, and their noticeable dissimilarities, resulted in the editorial decision to publish them separately.

In acknowledgement of aU those who contributed to the publication of this present volume, it is my delightful duty to thank firstly Professor de Callatay and Mr Halflants for their scholarly composition of this 'short version', or 'Epistie 52a: On Magic', and also for their continuation ofthe work with Dr Moureau on 'the long version', or 'Epistle 52b: On Magic'. Thanks are due as ever to Mr Saleh al-Achmar for his meticulous copy-editing of the Arabic text. I am also most thankfUl to the eminent members &f the Editorial and Advisory Boards of our series for their continual academic support. Profound thanks must go as well to the Co-Directors and Governors of the Institute of Ismaili Studies in London for their generous sponsorship of this publication, and I am especially indebted to Dr Farhad Daftary for his constant endorsement of this institutional initiative. My special expressions of gratitude are owed to Ms Tara Woolnough for her thoughtful copy-editing of the English text and work on the indexes, and for her dedicated professional care in the everyday co-ordination of this project. It is with pleasure that I also announce Professor de Callatay's acceptance of our invitation to join the Advisory Board of the Epistles ofthe Brethren of Purity series.

Sincere recognition, in memoriam, ought to be expressed in homage to the late eminent scholar oflslamic studies and celebrated humanist intellectual. Professor Mohammed Arkoun, for his support of this series, and for his wise counsel during his loijgstanding service as a Governor and Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Ismaili Studies, London.

Nader El-Bizri (General Editor, Epistles ofthe Brethren of Purity)

London, July 2011

XXV

Introduction Godefroid de Callatay

The Manuscript Tradition ofthe Epistle 'On Magic'

For the last fifty years, research on the Rasail Ikhwan al-$afa has been conducted almost exclusively on the basis of, and \vith reference to, the Beirut edition, published in 1957 by Butrus al-Bustani.' Although uncritical and, in this respect, not significantly better than its two predecessors, the Bombay edition of 1887-1889 and the Cairo edition of 1928,^ the Beirut edition provides a very legible text, with certain words vocalized and some explanatory footnotes in places. Its success up to the present time has also largely been diife to its greater availability.

In the Beirut edition, the epistle 'On Ae Quiddity of Magic [siPir], Incantations [ azd im], and the Evil Eye ['aynY is listed as the fifty-second and ultimate risala of those making up the encyclopaedic corpus ofthe Ikhwan. It takes up 180 pages (pp. 283-463) ofthe fourth volume, which makes it the second longest treatise ofthe entire corpus

1 Rasail Ikhwan al-$afa', ed. Butrus al-Bustani. 4 vols. (Beirut: Dar $adir and Dar Bayrut, 1377/1957; repr., 2004). Unless otherwise specified, this is the edition of the Rasail referred to throughout.

2 Kitab Ikhwdn al-$afd wa-Khulldn al-Wafd'Wl-imam al-humdm qufb al-aqfab mawldnd Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah, ed. Wilayat Husayn, 4 vols. (Bombay: Matba'at Nukhbat al-Akhbar. 1305-1306/ca. 1887-1889); Rasail Ikhwdn al-$afa wa-Khilldn al-Wafa, ed. Khayr al-Din al-Zirikll, 4 vols. (Cairo: al-Mafba'a-al-"Arabiyya bi-Mi$r. al-Maktaba al-Tijariyya al-Kubra. 1346/1928). On these editions, see also Ismail K. Poonawala, 'Why We Need an Arabic Critical Edition with an Annotated English Transfation of the Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-^afd", in The Ikhwdn al-$afd' and their Rasd'il', ed. N. El-Bizri (New York-London: OUP-IIS. 2008), pp. 33-57, esp. pp. 44-50. See also Abdul Latif Tibawi, 'Ikhwan a5-§afa' and their Rasd'il: A Critical Review of a Century and a Half of Research'. Islamic Quarterly 2 (1955). pp. 28-46.


er Epistle 22 and the fainous 'Case ofthe Animals versus Man' story > t tnsequently. al l modem scholars have thiK far taken for granted Zt the epistle on magic formed a single, 180-page-long unit.

Study of the manuscripts provides us with a different picture however. Out of Ae eleven manuscripts used here that were fcrnished

« appeLT^^^^^^^ ofthe edition, c , including MS Atif Efendil 681(9

or ay„, dated 1182 CE), offer text corresponding to the last 152 Zs S

eterred to as the long version', or "Epistle 52b', and to be published ^parately as On Magic 11) and to that part alone- (2) two manuscripts

namely, Koprulu 871 (J or Idm, dated 1417 CE) and Esad Efendi 3637 (o or nun undated, but conjecturally ca. thirteenth century CE)= -provide the text that corresponds to the first thirty pages olSfep stle

o"r E ta i tpistle 52a) and to those pages only.

From the variant readings appearing in the short version of Beirut one must postulate the existence of at least a third second group. Unfortunately, given that al-BustanI is completely silent bout his source(s), this manuscript - or these manuscript, ii ftets" at Beimt IS based on more than just one manuscript - has remained

impossible to identify wiA any precision.' remained

Now, since each manuscript, no matter which group it belones to Am Itself to be regarded as the 'authorized version' of'the episUe On Magic', we should speak in reality of two traditions that a^no'

a>gl«l, TraM„ ofEplsOe 22 (New

pp. 248-274 ' N. El-Bizri.

for a detailed

5 to N. El.Bk,i. 'pypirtin TfcftWa, cl-H,/,' ed. N. Ei-Bizri, pp. ,-32 here

• 2SSEH=5S=2r 2

Introduction

®nly .independent from one another, but even mutually exclusive. And we are also to infer that the three editions of Bombay, Cairo, and Beirut were solely responsible for having merely juxtaposed these Versions with one another under the same generic title. Actually, the dividing line corresponds to a sub-heading which appears in all three editions as: 'Explanation of the reality of magic, etc.' {Baydn haqiqat al-sihr wa-ghayri-hi)7 It is interesting to note that this demarcation was completely overlooked by Yves Marquet in his ultimate work on the Brethren of Purity,® although the same scholar had mentioned it, albeit with some approximation in the reference, in the break-down of the epistle as provided in his earlier La Philosophie des alchimistes et I'alchimie des philosophes.^

That Beirut would have followed a manuscript where the short and the long versions were already side-by-side seems to me unlikely. Aside from the disproportion in size, to which I shall later return, the two parts show in fact considerable dissimilarities with one another in form. Whereas the short version appears as a relatively well-structured composition, with clearly defined purposes and supported by a carefully chosen set of ancient, authorities,.the long version would seem to betray a lesser degree of organization, with definitely no noticeable plan or purport to help the reader find his bearings in this selva oscura. It is no doubt this impression of disorder and incoherence, joined perhaps to a style that looks slovenly in places, which has prompted a scholar like Alessandro Bausani to deem the epistle on magic — understood, of course, as comprising both versions — as 'di non gran valore' and even to consider it as spurious.'"

7 See Bombay, vol. 4, p. 309 = Cairo, vol. 4, p. 347 = Beirut, vol. 4, p. 312. For a concordance between the three editions, see D. R. Blumenthal, 'A Comparative Table of Bombay, Cairo and Beirut Editions of the Rasail Ilywan al-^afd", Arabica 21 (1974). pp. 186-203, here p. 196.

8 Y. Marquet, Les «Freres de la purete» pythagoriciens de ITslam. La marque du pythagorisme dans la redaction des Epitres des Ikhwan al-^afa (Paris: S.E.H.A, 2006). On pp. 9-32, Marquet suggests a way to divide Epistle 52 into five main sections which, according to him, form-coherent entities. No one of the divisions he proposes corresponds to our demarcation line.

9 Marquet. La philosophie des alchimistes et I'alchimie des philosophes: Jabir ibn Hayyan et les Ikhwdn al-$afa' (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose. 1988), pp. 18-21.

10 A. Bausani. L'enciclopedia dei Fratelli della Puritd. Riassunto, con Introduzione e


How are we to understand this twofold transmissim of tlie epistle On Magtc Incantations, and tile Evil Eye'? Of tlie two versions tiiat

Siioui?™' Jautliority tlian the other' Shodd we consider one ofthem, or even both, as apo^^^

erent facets of the same project, which would imply that in this case they could both be attributable to the Brethren tLms*es" On

T'Ttr questiorj the fl?s°

rejLTf ' ^nuscripts be regarded as a more important criterion still?

that' « note^h! transmission itsett As has aheady been Pn- n /I contnbutors to the present series of volumes ofthe

sunn "L f"" gap between the supposed time of redaction of the R/7C/5V7 71 i_ taken place shortly after the middle ofthe teX™'l"^lIh """i! scholars like Marquet and • u ^ ' ^^hough earher date - anT,b u ? " ^gnMcanfly Efendi 1681, dated 1182 ct 7" Atif have affected th. f' ''8'"t variety of alterations may

munaccomited-forinteredoftwoorthree centuries leaves us with many

unintentionaUy.in?^^^^^^^^^

the book IS in several volumes and was widely read and copied."

The second difficulty arises from the present state of research which

he time the entn-e corpus ofRasa-il on a scholarly basis)

Episde 52 does not exceed twnnacro ^ i " ®^usani s ria55u«fo of the elements actuaUy found in Epistie^2.°" ^ quantity of

11 Poonawala, 'Arabic Critical Edition', p. 45.

4

Introduction

remains largely incomplete. Here again it seems fitting to quote from Poonawala: 'Unfortunately, no one has undertaken the task of compiling a comprehensive list of manuscript copies of the Rasail, either of the complete or incomplete set of four parts or simply of copies of certain epistles, scattered in priVate and public libraries around the world'. Out of the fnore than one hundred complete manuscript copies of the Epistles located by Nader El-Bizri in libraries and collections throughout the world,'^ only a few have been described, and many are impossible to date with any accuracy. For a number of reasons that wiU be discussed in greater detail by Bruno Halflants in the technical introduction of this volume, the filiations of even the best-known copies remain unclear, making the establishing of the stemma codicum a challenging, and in the end rather frustrating, task.

The combinatioA of these difficulties results in the scholar's unpleasant impression that his exploration is limited to the emergent part of a giant iceberg, and that there remains considerable room for speculation about what lies beneath the surface of the water. Needless to say,' this impression holds even truer in the case of the epistle on magic, as will be seen from the technical introduction here below.

The Short and Long Versions of Epistle 52

In consideration of these difficulties, and given that the short and the long versions of the epistle do not seem to be reducible to one common origin, it has been decided to publish them separately. The present volume is thus exclusively concerned with the short version (Epistle 52a). The publication of the long version (Epistle 52b) is expected to take place later on, in another volume of the series.

That being said, and pending the completion of the other volume, which should include a thorough discussion about the authorship of the work, I should like to expose hei^ some of the reasons why I believe that the short version is genuine and why it is the one best qualified for being considered part and parcel of the encyclopaedic endeavour of the Brethren of Purity.

12 Poonawala, 'Arabic Critical Edition', p. 56. 13 El-Bizri, 'Prologue', pp. 21-22.


Let us start with an argument which, although inconclusive, deserves o be taken into account. The size of the short version fits better with the

average length of the rest ofthe epistles than that ofthe long version. The vast majority ofthe epistles are between ten and fifty pages long in the Beirut edition." Only a few epistles exceed this length: Epistle 9- 'On the Explanation of Characters' in Section I; Epistle 19: 'On the Coming-to-be of Minerals', Epistle 22: 'On the Coming-to-be of Animals', and

pistle 31. On the Difibrence in Languages' in Section II; Epistle 46-On the Quiddity of Faith' and Epistle 48: 'On the Modalities ofthe

CaU to God m Section IV. With just thirty pages in aU. the short version would a prion seem to be more in line with the Brethren's custom than

^ EpX22'^' surpassed only

Qur'anic quotations are another issue for which the two versions show some significant disparity with one another. Whereas the short version provides us with the ratio of about one Qur'anic quotation per two pyes in the Beirut edition - a proportion in fairly good agreement ^^.th the average ratio of the Rasail the longer one shows a frequency of only twenty-eight citations for 152 pages (i.e., less than one per five pages), which makes it by far the feeblest ratio ofthe entire corpus But I am not sure the case should be pressed too hard here, since most ofthe quotations m the short version appear to be part of a mere string of verses, not even commented on, as we shall see.

More significantly perhaps, the inner structure ofthe short version fits better with what appears as the usual practice in most epistles and which can be grossly summarized as follows: an introduction in the form of a recapitulation of what has been said in the preceding epistle(s); an exposition ofthe subject, its purport and the reasons why It IS deemed of importance; a mention, wherever possible with the mdication of source, of ancient authorities that must be regarded as supporting the Brethren's view; and a final admonition to the reader

14 For the complete list of epistles, along with the indication of page numbering m the B^rut edition, see my Ikhwan al-Safa'; A Brotherhood of Idealists on the f"" \(O^ord: Oneworld, 2005), pp. 12-15

thT Alf-de-Unzaga for allowing 4e to mention here some of results of his yet unpubhshed work on the Qur'anic citations in the Rasa'il.

6

Introduction

as to the way to understand the authors' sayings. The short version of the epistle includes all of the previous elements, and in that order. The least that can be said of the longer version is that it does not enable the reader to spot this sequence with the same facility, as has been mentioned above.

Now we come to arguments which I would be inclined to consider as determinant. The short version opens up with some quite explicit indications as to the place it occupies in the corpus. Thus, the authors refer there to the 'fifty epistles which precede for us this epistle' (fi khamsin psdla taqaddamat la-nd qabla hadhihi al-risdla), as well as to the classification of these that they have established 'in the Epistle of the Table of Contents' (fi risdlat al-fihrist). Having then recalled the names of the four great sections of their encyclopaedia, they write: 'This epistle is the last one of those from the fourth section and it is the fifty-first one' [wa-hddhihi al-risdla hiyya dkhir al-risdla min al-qism al-rdbi' wa-hiyya al-hddiyya wa'l-khamsun) — an assertion also to be found at the end of the same text. Whether the Ikhwan's corpus originally consisted of fifty-one or fifty-two treatises is another vexed problem that has retained the attention of many scholars, both ancient and modern, as is well known.'® In the present state of knowledge about the manuscript transmission, it would seem prudent not to look for a final decision about this issue since, in addition to the contradictory elements found in the corpus itself, there appear to be too many potential variables to consider in order to arrive at an unequivocal conclusion. Should the Fihrist (here explicitly referred to as an epistle on its own) and/or the Jdmi'a (also frequently referred to in other epistles) be part of the

16 On this, see Hamdani, 'Arrangement', pp. 85-86 and 89-90. The symbolic value ascribed to the number 51 is often advocated in the discussion; see for instance A. Russo, 'Insegnamenti ermetici e dottrine 'alawite', in Hermetism from Late Antiquity to Humanism. La tradizione ermetica dal mondo tardo-antico all'umanesimo. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Napoli, 20-24 novembre 2001, ed. P. Lucentini, I. Parra, and V. Perroni Compagni (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), pp. 355-367, p. 365: 'Alio stesso modo, le Epistole dei Fratelli della Purita ammontano a cinquantuno, analogamente al numero dei dignitari 'alawiti che si trattengono davanti alle porte della citti di IJarran, come rammenta il Kitab al-MajmU' (Libro della raccolta)'. The Majmu' recalls that out of these fifty-one dignitaries, seventeen are Iraqis, seventeen Syrians, and seventeen of unknown provenance.


computation or not? Or else should 'Epistle 51' ('On the Arrangement of the World') be excluded from the count as it largely proves to be a doublet of a part of Epistle 21, as Marquet has shown?'^ Depending on the way to answer these questions and others in the same vein, it would be equally easy to justify either of the two figures. If anything, the twofold transmission of the epistle on magic would allow for an even higher degree of flexibility in this computation. But this is not the point I should like to make here. Whether considered the fifty-first or the fifty-second of the corpus, what matters here is to observe that the text of the short version plainly confirms its own position as the last one — provided we exclude the Jdmi'a from the count — of a carefully designed programme.

Aside from mentioning the Fihrist and the four main sectiOnsT)f the corpus, the short version also provides us with some valuable cross-references tb other epistles. While concerned in the beginning of the treatise with the science of the stars, the authors make reference to 'the third epistle of the first section of our book' (fi'l-risdla al-thdlitha min al-qism al-awwal min kitdbi-nd), which indeed corresponds to Epistle 3: 'On Astronom/. Later on, in a passage dealing with the cause of misfortune in this world, the authors refer with great precision to 'the chapter on the reasons and causes of vices' (fi bdb 'Hal al-shurur wa-asbdbi-hd) being a part of'the epistle on views and doctrines' {risdlat al-drd' wa'l-madhahib). This undoubtedly echoes a sub-heading in Episde 42; 'On Views and Religions' which reads: 'On the explanation of the sayings of those who say that the causes of vices in the world are by accident and not in view of [some] design' (faslfi baydn al-qd'ilin inna asbdb al-shururfi'l-'dlam bi'l-gharad la bil-qasad)}^ That a certain discrepancy exists between those texts with respect to the sub-headings and titles may be interpreted as a proof of some re-arrangement of the corpus at some stage. It remains that the accuracy of these

17 Marquet, La philosophie des Ikhwan al-$afd' (Algiers; fitudes et documents, 1973), p. 11. \

18 See Rasail, vol. 3, p. 471. This corresponds to Chapter 30 in Baffioni's translation of the epistle; see C. Baffioni, L'Epistola degli Ikhwan al-$afa' 'Sulle opinioni e le religioni' (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale. Dipartimento di Studi e Ricerche su Africa e Paesi Arabi, 1989), p. 147.

8

Introduction

cross-references is evidence for the inclusion of our short version of

Epistle 52 in the general framework. But there is evidence more decisive still. On several occasion , authors of theshortversion also refer to ep^e 'hat .s for us

before this epistle' (tilk" "'-"'m'" "f"''1'^'" The context, about the souls which are called 'the spmtu^ beings. makes it clear that the authors do not have in mind here Epistle 51 (On the Arrangement ofthe World'), which is possibly spurious, nor even the unquestionably genuine and crucial EpisUe 50 ('On to Species o Governance'), but Epistle 49 COn the Spiritual Bemgs). Tins is, let u note in passing, another example ofthe numerous inner contradictions that give weight to the theory that re-arrangements ofthe corpus h taken place, although it is not possible to decide whether P™"' occurred during the period of activity of the authors o-- on? For us, however, the significance ofthe reference to Epistle 49 does no lie so much in those chronological considerations, as m the fact Epistle 49 provides us with what I should call the perfectly symmetric

cross-reference to the one just considered. As has been noted by Carmela Baffioni, Epistle 49 includes a passage

on thevarieties of souls which is almost identical with that appearing towards the middle ofthe short version of Epistle 52, on the occasion of a presentation ofthe views aUegedly heldby the Harramans. The passage from Epistle 49 is introduced with an explicit mention the epistle on magic and talismans' {risalat al-sihr Wi-d/lasmat) an it is concluded with another reference to 'the epistle on the science ofthe stars and magic and the talismans' {risalat il«,al-r.u,um al-sihr wal-masmatV Although this last appeUation does not ex^tly correspond to the actual title of our epistle, it fits rather w^ ,«.h «s contents, as various passages ofthe episUe on magic are indeed mostly

conjideratjons ed . J | of both passages - namely. Stichtmg, 1992),pp. lU f 99 ffor Eoistle 49) — is vol. 4, p 296.4-18 (for Epistle 52) and vol. 4, p. 244.11-22 (for bpistie 4^; found on pp. 17-19.

20 See Rasail, vol. 4. p. 244.10-11. 21 See Rasfl'iJ, vol. 4, p. 244.21-22.

9


concerned with astral magic. Whatever the case, I would assume that AITZ f ""^-rrferences is an unmistakeable indication

the £p„fe took place in the second half of the tenth century, and probably be^een 960 and 980. then I would assmne that the short version of the Epistle 52 is the one best qualified for having been involved in this process.

Magic and the Other Occult Sciences in the Short Version

Magic is a subject whose Protean nature makes it ahnost impossible define with clanty or precision what we are talking ab™t~There

are nearly as many definitions of magic and divination as there are people writing on the subject. Attempts at an all-inclusive definition end to reflect the coticerns ofthe person writing, whether philological, heo opcal historical, or anthropological' - to take up EmUie Savage-

Smith introductory words to the collective volume Magic and

the Belief of thrR^^th' consider a passage from Epistle 44 ('On

10

Introduction

of the discipUnes, practices, and materials that are related to magic und divination in Islam; they range from amulets, talismans, letter magic, magic squares, and talismanic equipment to magic as trickery iand conjuring, magic as wonder-working and marvels, sortilege, letter-number interpretation {'ilm al-huruf), and even to astrology and physiognomy.^^

Needless to say, this is also a subject that has provoked a great diversity of responses, and consequently led to a great number of debates. Although the spectrum of positions actually held is very much more complex than this, we may grossly summarize by saying that there were three main categories of people with regard to magic and its practice in mediaeval Islam. There were those who, like the Mu'tazilites, would go as far as to deny that such a thing as magic or any of the related issues could even exist. There were those, like the imam al-Ghaz^i (d. 1111) or the scholar and historian Ibn Khaldiin (d. 1404), who, although admitting for the possibility that magic exists and that it could even have some efficacy, condemned its practice as something incompatible with the moral precepts of Islam and therefore a danger to it. And then there were those who seem to have considered magic and, in a more general way, every hidden art or practice not only as licit and useful, but even as potentially fundamental. Mediaeval Islam has generated an enormous amount of that kind of literature, and the fame enjoyed over the centuries by some of its representatives — let us just mention here the names of Abii Ma shar (d. 886) for astrology, Jabir ibn Hayyan (eighth century) for alchemy, and al-Biini (d. 1225) for magic — is something that remains quite impressive to a modern reader.

It will not surprise anyone to find that the Ikhwan al-Safa' belong to the third category referred to here. It is a truism to say that the Brethren were much concerned with the occult in general. Esotericism is one

( terms of European practice, which nearly always invokes forces other than God. Many European concepts, such as ghosts, necromancy, and witchcraft, have little or no counterpart in Islam, while the employment of dichotomies often used to characterize European practices (high v. low, white v. black, learned v. popular, prayers v. speUs) is to a large extent inappropriate in the Islamic context.'

24 See Savage-Smith, 'Introduction', pp. xliv-li for a very useful bibliography on aU those topics.

11


of the most salient features of their programme, and references to arts, doctrines, or practices not to be shared with the common people are found all over the place in the Rasd% especially in Section IV(on 'the nomic, divine, and legal sciences'), which the epistle 'On Magic' concludes.

In the classification of the sciences which the Brethren provide in Epistle 7 ('On the Scientific Arts'), it is interesting to note that each one of the three groups of sciences making up the Ikhwan's classification includes at least one science (or art) specifically related with the occult.^' Thusi^l) the group of'propaedeutical sciences' {al-'ulum al-riyddiyya) comprises 'divination' (under the appellations of zajr and/a 7) and other 'esoteric sciences' such as sihr, 'azd'im, kimiya, and hiiyak (2) the group of 'religious and conventional sciences' {al-'ulum alzshar'iyy(i al-wdd'iyya) includes an explicit reference to the 'science of interpreting dreams'; (3) the group of 'philosophical and real sciences' {al-'ulum al-falsafiyya al-haqiqa) contains a section about 'angelology' (under the appellations of rawhdniyydt, or ruhdniyydt, and nafsdniyydt). As was already observed by Pierre Lory in his short but remarkable study on magic with the Ikhwan. the threefold division of the Brethren's overall classification fits nicely with the three different aspects of the occult sciences; first, one finds a purely utilitarian aspect, which aims at using magic in view of comfort, health {tibb), and wealth {klmiyd'). The religious life also benefits from certain practices like dream interpretation, which is legitimized by some hadith or e;ven Qur'anic passages. But 'the great magic', the one which the Brethren are most concerned with, is, that by the knowledge of which man is born into his genuine being. As Lory concludes: 'C'est elle ['the great magic'] qui, fondee sur une conception precise des mondes angdiques, explique le pouvoir des prophetes, des rois, des saints; c'est elle qui permet eventueUement au philosophe d'avoir acces a la siydsa, c'est-^-dire de participer au gouvernement de Dieu sur terre'.^®

25 For a systematic comparison of this classification with the sequence of epistles as transmitted in the manuscript tradition, see my 'The Classification of Knowledge in the Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-Safd", in The Ikhwdn al-Safa, ed. N. El-Bizri, pp. 58-82.

26 P. Lory, 'La magie chez les Ikhwan al-§afa", Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales 44 (1992), pp. 147-159, here p. 149.

12

Introduction

Turning to EpisUe 52, it is essential to bear in mind tlus Uiree- eve sclieme»whiclilielpsus,tounderstandhow ramified and jntnnsi^ly complex Uie occult part of knowledge was in the BreUuen s conception. In two places of our text, one in Uie Introduction itself a^dAe other m

the long chapter devoted to 'Magic wiUi the $abi'ans, the Barram^ , and the Hanifs'. one finds a similar yet not entrfy enumeration of the disciplines which, also as such by Uie authors, are meant to make up the bulk of this secret knowledge. It seems worfliwhile here to compare these two passages

literally (see Table 1. next page). The two lists differ from one another in some respects. One

discrepancy looks rather trifling; medicine comes after the group alcher^y-astrology-magic/talismans in the first occurrence, whereas

the le grLp in the second. AnoUier difference is 4at the science of talismans stands alone in the second enumeration, whereas it is grouped with that of magic in the first. If anything, t is mi t be an tadiLon that, hi the eyes of the Iftw . ma c w. primarily and essentialy made of talismans something which L ofthe epistle, in any case in Uiis short version of it. would seem to confirm, as we shall see. The greatest disparity between the two p^sage remains, of course, that the science of asceticism appears m the first and is thoroughly absent in Uie second. How accounted for? Surely, a part of the answer lies m Uie fact that ttie enumeration is meant to express the authors' own view, other corresponds to a reported conception Uiat is here assigned to Uie

initiated people of Harran.

f

13


Enumeration 1 (from the Introduction)

You should know, my Brother, that these sciences [the Brethren actually do not define these sciences, but the context clearly reveals that they are talking here about the esoteric sciences] are divided into five sections; (1) Alchemy [al-klmlyd'], which banishes poverty and does away with adversity; 2) The science of astrology [ahkdm al-nujum], through which the science of what has been and what will be is perceived; (3) The science of magic [sihr] and talismans [tillasmdt], by which the subjects are joined to the [rank of] kings and the kings to that of the angels; (4) Medicine [tibb], by which health of bodies is preserved aAd [by which] the occurrences of sicknesses are cured; (5) The science of asceticism [tajrid], by which the soul gets to know its essence and is ennobled, after its deprivation, above its resting place.

Enumeration 2 (from the passage on the Sabi'ans)

And there are, in the whole of these combinations [the Brethren are here referring to combinations of letters of the two 'secrets' as arranged by the $dbi'ans in their secret rituals], four combinations, each one of which includes the canons and the demonstrations of one science amongst the four [following], namely: (1) Medicine [tibb], by which the bodies are cured, and by which illnesses and ailments are expelled, and by which it is made possible to take advantage of the dwelling in a house; (2) The science of alchemy [al-kimtyd'], by which misery is expelled and by which damages are removed; (3) The science of astrology [ahkdm al-nujUm], by which one is notified about what will happen before it happens; (4) The science of talismans [tillasmdt], by which the citizens follow the nature of kings, and kings the nature of the angels.

(Table 1)

\ \

14

Introduction

The Justification of Astrology and Magic

Now if we take a look at the actual content of this short version of the epistle, and match up this content to the first enutneration, one is immediately struck by the fact that only some out ofthe five sciences mentioned are actuaUy considered in the epistle itself. Medicine (Lb ) and alchemy (kimiyal namely, the two sciences that have been set up for man's well-being in this world, with no other purpose than to cu e him and to make him wealthier in his everyday life, are conspicuous y absent from our text Neither does the science of asceticism (tajri ), which could possibly be assimilated to the practice of mysticism as mentioned in the group ofthe reUgious sciences, feature as such m the episde, although in a few places - as for instance "-f on the Sabi'ans - our text does include a reference to the denud souls' (ol-nu/as al-mujarrada). In sharp contrast to these, it may be SMd that the remaining sciences are what concern the authors most m Ae epistle. In conformity with the titte of the treatise, magic (sifir). especially talismanic magic, plays a central role in every one ofthe "P""^ ancient and modern authorities provided by the Ikhwan. and its use is nowhere regarded as more important than when it is a » invoking the rawhaniyyit. that is. the superior spirits or angels tlu are attached to the stars, whom the people ofUarranwopldnothesitate to identify as gods. As for astrology (ajifaJm al-nujum). a science whic the entire corpus of the Soso'il is so lavishly imbued with, it is a so frequently at stake in this last episde and is even variously presented there as a sort of prerequisite for the science of magic and taUsmans itself SigniBcantly enough, the two other epistles of the corpus most frequency referred to in our text are Epistle 3 ("On « containing indeed much astrological material) and EpisUe 49 (On the

impUcation of t^e emanation scheme which the Brethren took up from Plotinus and the other Neoplatonists, astro ogy and magic were not clearly distinguished from one another, as Lory

rightly noted in his article;

II fat se souvenir que I'astrologie chez les Ikhwan al-SaS' de nombreux autres auteurs d'orientation mysUque) est completement

15


compenetree d'angdologie, et qu'en definitive, les deux visions s'identifient una a I autre[..Les spheres celestes sent done habitees par des anges, et

es hierarchies complexes de ces etres spirituels s'ordonnent completement selon la succession des spheres. Inversement, I'astrologie ne trouve son sens qu'en raison de I'influence que les anges deversent, sur ordre du

reateur, sur les mondes inferieurs. Reperer I'impact des influences astrales sur terre, c'est connaitre le role et la fonction des principales entites angehques; c'est meme, en dernier ressort, etablir une certaine communication avec ces ruhaniyyat}''

In a certain sense, if we were to follow the Ikhwan's form of reasoning to the letter, and if we were to push it to its ultimate consequences we could say thaf any astrological influence is magic, since magic is fimdamentally the mfluence of a soul upon another soul — or 'the union of a spirit with a spirit' {ittihad ruh bi-rub), as Ibn Khaldun wouldsay in

IS Muqaddima. And we should not forget that in Epistle 49 a reference IS made, as we have seen, to 'the epistle on the science ofthe stars and magic and talismans' (risdlat 'ilm al-nujum wa'l-sihr wa'l-tillasmdt).

At the crossroads of magic and astrology, one finds a science

r in the Middle Ages, both m Islam and in the Latin West. Its most illustrious representative was Pseudo-Majriti's Ghdyat al-hakim ('The Aim ofthe Sage), an Arabic treatise known to have been written in Spain around the middle ofthe eleventh century, and then to have passed into Latin as well as mto other, vernacular languages) under the name Picatrix in

1258 CE, or shortly after, at the court of King Alfonso X El Sabio Parallels, sometimes lengthy verbal echoes, between the Ghdya and the

27 Lory, 'Magie', p. 152.

H ^'-'^tvatayn biUaqdim, ed. ^ eipzig. eubner, 1933); and Pseudo-Majriti, Picatrix: das Ziel des

The Warburg Institute. 1962). See also, for the edition ofthe Latin version, Pseudo-Majritf ^catnx; TheLatm Version ofthe Ghayat al-hakim, ed. D. Pingree (London- The

literature on the Ghdyat al-hakim/Picatrix closely related to the history of the Warburg Institute and largely indebted to the pioneermg works of,fIelImut Ritter. Martin Plessner. Julius Ruska. Paul Kraus and

a^d Pingree. is iminense. For the most up-to-date scholarship, with extensive bibliography on e subject, see the recently published Picatrix: Image et Magie ed. J.-P. Boudet, A. Caiozzo, and N. WeiU-Parot. Actes du colloque international e aris des 11 et 12 mai 2007 (Paris: Librairie Honore Champion, 2011).

16

Introduction

Rasd'il (including the epistle on magic) have long been traced,^' and they have prompted most scholars today to acknowledge the Brethren of Purity as one of the most important sources of the Ghdya?° It must be stressed that these parallels, which are quite remarkable indeed and which one finds in various places of the epistle, are more easily traceable in the long version than in the short, although the passage on, the Sabi'ans in the present version offers some interesting points of comparison, as we shall see. Particularly suggestive in this respect is the list of correspondences between planets and metals which the Brethren report while describing the temple of Jirjas:

And they manufactured an image for the seven planets, each one of them worked out with the appropriate material, such as the Sun with gold [dhahab], the Moon with silver \fidda], Saturn with iron [hadid], Jupiter with quicksilver [zi'baq]. Mars with copper [nuhds], Venus with tin [qala'i], and Mercury with lead [usrub].

Some of these associations — Saturn/iron and Mars/copper in particular — look utterly strange in view of the traditional list as known from Greek Late Antiquity, but they do correspond with those provided in Chapter 10 of the second book of the Ghdya, confirming the indebtedness of the latter work to the Rasd'il. Correspondences and parallels of this kind between our short version of Epistle 52 and the Ghdya/Picatrix will be indicated here and there in the footnotes to our translation. We shall, however, leave the full discussion about textual borrowings, with aU of its implications in terms of the still debated questions about the chronology and authorship of the two works involved, for the volume devoted to the long version of the epistle.

In any case, magic and astrology of the type just mentioned above are clearly to be ranged amongst the philosophical sciences of the Brethren's classification, and the authors of the epistle say just so in the present version when they write, as part of their introduction:

i

2^' See Martin Plessner's English summary of the Ghdya as part of the introduction to the German translation of the work, pp. lix-lxxv. See also C. Ham^s. 'La Ghdyat al-hakim: son epoque. sa post^rite en terre d'Islam'. in Image et magie, ed. Boudet. Caiozzo, and Weill-Parot, pp. 214-232, especially pp. 219-225.

30 On this, see D. Pingree, 'Some of the Sources of the Ghdyat al-hakim'. Journal ofthe Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 43 (1980), pp. 1-15.

17


As for the too^dedge ofthe actions ofthe stars and of their influences upon hatisbelowthesphereoftheMoon. [this] comes after the knowledge their mdications. It is part of the spiritual philosophy [al-falsafa

-rawhamyya], ofthe divine support, and ofthe Lord's solicitude.

That those sciences should even be ranged at the very end ofthe dassification, or. better said, at the very top of it. is explicitly mentioned

(mUâ'T' to the pseudo-savants' (mUta ahmun) that regard magic - and presumably the rest of the

cu sciences as well - as preposterous, the authors write- 'They do not know that this [science] is part of philosophy, and that it^

tn akhir ulum al-falsafa] since it is necessary to learn the preceding sciences before it'. One could not find a better and clearer justification o w y t e epistle On Magic. Incantations, and the Evil Eye' should be the ultimate of the corpus.

There is no need to dwell any longer on the fact that the Brethren of Punty cons|dered magic and the related arts as real, usefiU, licit (at least

important, ê question is rather to appraise how they set abo J persuading their readers to share their own views.

As is so frequendy the case with the Brediren, one must admit that

is unttely ^ by the audiors in the epistle IS unliiely to convince any reader acquainted with the methods of

the short of version of it - is nearly all about the validation of these sciences, one cannot find in it any sort of proper, objective'

r"g 'tXs" '"T"' "i'h to ff • convinced. What the Brethren have of a f '"ms out to be made exclusively

series of arguments tiom authority, in the manner of: 'It must be true, because Aristotle says it is true'. The validity of these arZtt ajjerecunân, is weak and is susceptible to convince only those X

e already favourable to the cause, as no doubt were the 'brethren' to whomtheRasa';/7*:AM„»/-Ja/rwasprimarUyaddressed.

18

Introduction

A Collection of Authorities to Back Up the Brethren's Own View

|jow. if the recourse to authorities is sure to disappoint the logician. •|here is no doubt that it will also ravish the historian of ideas, who will ^^d in this epistle a rare opportunity to trace back a considerable set pf sayings and doctrines to more or less ancient and famous literary ^purees. The interest of this short version of the epistie on magic lies in these testimonies and in the way the Ikhwan have modelled them to fit with their own doctrine, much more than in any other aspect.

Considering its relative brevity, the short version of Epistle 52 provides us with possibly the most compact collection of sources within the whole frame of the Rasail. Across only a few pages, the reader is confronted with authorities as diverse as Plato, Abu Ma'shar, the Torah and the Midrash, the Qur'an, an otherwise not clearly identified 'Book of Properties', and, last but certainly not least, a large set of doctrines and rituals that are assumed to derive from the wisdom of the Sabi'ans of Harran.

It is to this motley collection of sources, arranged in chapters for the sake of clarity, that the following pages are dedicated.

Presentation and Discussion of Chapters 2 to 7

The short version of Epistie 52 may be convenientiy subdivided into the following eight chapters, which have been introduced in the present edition and translation of the text:

Chapter 1 — Introduction Chapter 2 — Magic with the Greeks: the Story of Gyges Chapter 3 — Magic with the 'Abbasids: Meeting at al-Ma'mun's with

the Man who Claimed to be a Prophet Chapter 4 — Magic in the Qur'an f Chapter 5 — Magic according to the Jews and the Christians Chapter 6 — Magic with the Sabi'ans, the Harranians, and the Hanifs Chapter 7 — Spells, Incantations, and the Evil Eye Chapter 8 — Postscript

19


Dictionaries that have proven particularly useful for certain specific terms ofthe text were: 'Abd al-Nur, Dictionnaire, Belot, Vocabulaire; Dozy, Supplement-, Ibn Manzur, Lisdn-, Kazimirski, Dictionnaire; Wehr, Dictionary, Zubaydi, Taj.

Here, below, is a non-exhaustive list of terms and symbbls as used in the apparatus:

= 'âdd.

— JaLii = ôm.

— bl = ego.

— \j5jk = sic.

— oUSjI ^ = ^has inverted the order of the words. . _

— t-jju îs unreadable.

— AÛJl ^ Û>I = ^corr. in margine.

— AÛJl ^ SjLj or = addition in the margin of ^

— •! 1 = dubious lecture of 1. This way of writing is used in particular

when it relates to one word in a quoted sentence or even to one letter in a word.

ij = dubious lecture of alternative notation. — ijji- = lacuna in ^

— = conjectural.

— = marginal note.

-102 ,2 {aISI = quote ofthe Qur'an. — = ^has inserted.

— j i " . . . " > 1 = h a s e r a s e d a n d w r i t t e n i n s t e a d . — juiii = corrupt.

\ \

84

(fol. 520b) [p. 283]

Epistle 52a On Magic

I

[Being the eleventh epistle from the fourth section of the Epistles ofthe Brethren of Purity,

on the Theological Sciences]'^

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful

On the quiddity [iÛ] of magic incantations [p3^], theevil eye [^], incitements [given to animals] [j^j],^ intuition and spells [j^j];* on the modalities ['^] ofthe actions of talismans [oLJAs];^ on what the demons ofthe earth thejinn^ the devils, and the angels are; and on the means of their deeds and fnutuatinfluences. The'objective is to clearly expound that in (fol. 52fa) the world there are autonomous and imperceptible

agents that are called spiritual beings [aÛJJ]7

* This title lias been standardized to match the' others of this series; lam reads sifnply 'The eleventh of them', and adds the eulogy: To Him we call for help.

1 Note that the introductory line provided by MS AtifEfendi 1681 for the long version is similar, but not absolutely identical, to this one. It reads: 'On th^ quiddity of magic [ j?^], incantations spells divination

auguries fJU], and auspices [jt-j]'-2 On zajr, originally a kiiid of augury based on the flight of birds, see T. Fahd. La

divimtion arabe (Paris: Sindbad, 1987), pp. 438-450. From what the Ikhwan say of this practice below in Chapter 7. one should nevertheless infer that none of the definitions given by Fahd fits here. By zajr, the authors seem to refer to the general practice of taming various sorts of animals by giving them incitements.

3 The word wahm conveys a wide range of meanings in Arabic. These may be more or less positive, such as conjecture, guess, presentiment, imagination, fancy, illusion, deception, or error. The word appears in Chapter 7. The context does not allow us to determine the meaning with great accuracy, but it enables us to rule out negative connotations; in the translation, we have opted for the general

< and quite neutral 'intuition'. 4 See T. Fahd, 'Rukya', EI2, vol. 8, p 600: 'Rufya, corresponding to Latin carmen,

magical chant, consists of the pronouncing of magical formulae for procuring an enchantment'. See also Fahd. 'La connaissance'de J'inconnaissableet I'obtention de I'unpossible dans la pensê manfique et magique de I'lslam'. Bulletin d'£tudes Orientales 44 (1992). pp. 32-44. p. 39. For the present translation, we have decided to render it with 'spell' and reserve 'charms' for the less frequent nushar.

5 The Arabic word tillasm (pi. tillasmat), origin of 'talisman', derives (yia the Persian) from the Greek TeXeaîa. whose original rneaning' seems to be the fulfilment of a religious rite by endowing an object with potency. On talismans, see Canaan, 'Decipherment', pp. 125-177.

6 The 'demons of the earth' are frequent^ mentioned in connection with Solomon's building of the Temple in Jerusalem; sfee. for instance, Ginzberg. The Legends of the Jews (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America. 1968-1969). vol. 4. pp. 149-154. For the Arabic 'urnmdr (sg. 'amir) as designating demons, see Kazimirski. Dictionnaire, vol. 2. p. 366.

7 It should be remembered here that the rawhdniyydt ('spirituals' or 'spiritual beings') form the subject of Epistle 49 ('On the Modalities of the States of the


Chapter 1 Introduction

ta the fifty

cience [^] and the marvels of wisdom We have clascifi^rl them and have gathered t„geU,er in .hei

objecuves, and thoughtfcl wisdom. And we have dearly expounded

r a : : : ; ^ ^ o f t h e a p p r e n U a : ^ ' ^ ' nfa ofthe students making use of them require. Yetjust as it would

be appropnate for us to provide science to anyone unconcerned Mh It and not knowing its merit, likewise it is neither permissible nor a owed for us to forbid it from anyone seektag guidance [iijL-l and

ud„ng .f Por in this respect there is no poim in being sti^ h prd to someone who deserves it. It is fitting that those^hom this

jstle by our noble brethren has reached should hand over ftom it to deservmgpeople what is within the grasp of dieir understanding and

rnr, A of / Introduction above (pp. 9-10). In EnictJp ^ present 4T/aTe Bremen d frequently referred to in the Len incaSeX ttn had once separated from their corporeal e^v.^ Perception, and They have been ^^ctZusTnHT ^autonomous, the spheres and the width of heawns^ Thersh^r'^^^^^ h

spread over the darkness [...] and have faUen into the world! 1 Thic ic i- • °of the intermediate

8 up to the day they will be resurrected 8 On tiiese mdications, see the Introduction, pp. 7-8 •

pr:lT,T,oZlTX6"*'' """ "

at tl,e beginning of ^ for » S,"

to Aba a,.Ta.Wi-. Poonaw^f, "Ar.blcaS^ tiS, ppTir

88

Epistle 52a: Chapter 1

own to be profitable to them and appropriate to their rank, gradually, cording to the classification that we have established in the epistle of

the Fihrist [the Table of Contents].'" Every time that the soul ascends to some degree in science and reaches some rank in understanding, it is raised up to what comes next and carried on towards what lies next, until the soul reaches the limit of its perfection — this [progression being made] [p. 284] according to four sections.

The first section [10] is that of the mathematical sciences [i^^lj], with which one begins. The second section, that of the corporeal and natural sciences [wl» ijU—s-], follows it. The third section, that of the sciences of the soul and the intellect [l^ i^Li;], comes next. The fourth section, that of the nomic and divine sciences [i^l i^^b], is the last of them."

This epistle is the last one of the epistles from the fourth section, and it is the fifty-first. In this epistle we should like to mention the quiddity of magic [ j>^] and how talismans take effect. For these matters are like any known science or knowledge and [also] like some of the applied wisdom; we shall provide testimony for them with what we have heard from the savants [«.Ul5Jl] and what we have got to know from the books of the ancients before us who lived in the past.

You should know, my brother, may God stand by you, that we see today, when hearing about magic, that most of the heedless people regard as preposterous whoever believes in it, and they deny their debt to whoever places it in the collection of the sciences which one [15] must examine and by the knowledge of which one becomes well

10 This reference to the 'Table of Contents' (Fihrist, not to be confused with Ibn al-Nadim's work) as an episde of its own is interesting. As I have pointed in the Introduction (pp. 7-8), the issue of whether to consider it as such or not is one of the many variables to be taken into account in determining the sum-total of episdes — a task which I would consider impossible to achieve given the present state of our knowledge regarding the manuscript transmission of the Rasa'il.

11 For a comparison of these four groups of sciences (which effectively correspond with the four sections and headings as preserved by the manuscript tradition) and the classification of the philosophical sciences as given in Epistle 7, see my 'Arts scientifiques', pp. 231-258, and 'Classification', pp. 58-82, especially pp. 72-77. In the manuscripts, the fourth section is traditionally given as 'the section of nomic, divine, and legal sciences'.

12 See Fahd, 'Sihr'.

89


educated — those being the pseudo-savants, the new-comers amongst the philosophers of our time, those who stay behind and who claim to be part of the elite amongst the distinguished people. This is because they consider the few who become impassioned with this science and who get absorbed in its study without any knowledge of it [to be] a stupid and brainless man or a light-headed woman or a foolish and stupid old woman. They remove their souls from the company of the man whose case is like this whenever hearing about magic and talismans, [with] disdain towards him, so as not to be linked with ignorance or with credulity about lies and fables. In doing so, those idiots amongst those studying this science study it with objectives that are idiotic and despicable to them, with no knowledge whose study is of necessity, nor [which has] purpose or objective to it. [20] They do not know that this [science] is part of philosophy [iiJj], and that it is moreover part of the ultimate sciences of philosophy, since it is necessary to learn the preceding sciences before it."

Amongst these [sciences there is] the science of the stars, which is the knowledge of three things: the stars [^\^, the spheres [i)^I], and the zodiac [^^]-"

13 The Brethren's point in this paragraph is to show that the validity of magic and the other secret sciences is generally spoiled in the eyes of the average man (i.e., the 'heedless people' above) by those people unable to get more from these sciences than a basic and superficial outlook. It is in fact those 'liars' whom the Ikhwan make responsible for the whole misunderstanding about the occult sciences. A passage very much in the same vein, and with more or less the same formulation, will be found at the end of Chapter 7.

14 In Epistle 3 ('On Astronomy'; see Rosa'ii, vol. l,p. 114.10-16), thescienceofthe stars {'ilm al-nujum) is said to be divided into three parts, which could grosso modo be identified with the following disciplines: (1) astronomy; (2) computus and time-measuring tables; (3) astrology. In Epistle 36 ('On Revolutions and Cycles'), the Brethren are concerned with astronomy and, to a much greater extent, astrolog^see my Revolutions.

\ 90


The zodiac has twelve zodiacal signs, the spheres are nine,'^ and the known stars are 1,029, seven of which are planets, as we have mentioned in the third epistle [Epistle 3: 'On Astronomy'] of the first section from our book — [an epistle] which gives access to the science of the stars and the sum of what is required from this in view of its introduction.'®

In addition to the zodiac, the stars, and the spheres, [p. 285] there are also the two nodes [ jbjit], (fol. 521b) of which one is called the Head, and the other the Tail.'^ The Head indicates what is propitious, and the Tail indicates what is calamitous. These two [nodes] are neither stars nor apparent bodies, but rather [they are] concealed matters. The conceahnent of their essence [oli], and the apparentness of their actions, is an indication that in the world there are souls that are concealed to sensation [jl^]. Their actions are apparent, whereas their essences are concealed; they are called the spiritual beings We have

15 In the following order: Moon, Mercury, Venus, Sun, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, the starry sphere, and the all-encompassing sphere (on the inner surface of which are fixed the zodiacal signs), whose existence is required to account for the equinoctial movement of precession. This all-encompassing sphere (falak al-muhit) is to be identified with the Prime Mover, and its period corresponds to the period ofthe diurnal motion, from east to west, in which all celestial bodies participate. On this, see my Revolutions, p. 54.

16 Cf. Epistle 3 ("On Astronomy), which provides a more elaborate version ofthe same statement; Rasa'il. vol. 1, p. 115.3-6: 'There are 1,029 stars of a great size, which are perceived by observation. Amongst them, there are seven which are called planets [sayyara], namely: Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, and the Moon.' The figure of 1.029 is to be understood as the sum of 1.022 (the number of the fixed stars as traditionally received since Ptolemy) and 7 (the number of 'wandering stars', that is, the planets).

17 The two nodes, technically referred to as 'ra's al-jawzahr (literally, the Head ofthe Dragon') and 'dhanab al-jawzahr' (the 'Tail of the Dragon'), are the two lunar nodes, which correspond to the points of the sphere in which the Moon crosses the ecliptic from the south to the north and from the north to the south respectively. The revolution of these points, whose unportance was usually held on a par with the planets themselves, plays a crucial role in the determination of eclipse cycles, as the Brethren report in Epistle 3 (see Rasa'il, vol. 1. p. 143). Mediaeval astrologers believed that the 'Head' exerted a beneficent influence, whereas they regarded the 'TaQ' as malevolent. On this notion and the origin of this appellation, see my Rivolutions, pp. 62-64; and Willy Hartner and Paul Kunitzsch, 'The Pseudoplanetary Nqdes of the Moon's Orbit in Hindu and

Iconographies', Ars Islamica 5 (1938), pp. 113-154. For the nodes in Islamic iconography, see Caiozzo, Images, pp. 213-228.

18 Faithfril to their syncretic approach to reality, the Brethren do not hesitate to

91


mentioned them in the epistle that precedes this epistle [Epistle 49: 'On the Spiritual Beings'].'' They are the genera of angels, and the tribes of jinn, and the groups of devils.^"

The adherents of the sciences [5] of magic and talismans know this. Read that epistle of ours that is before this epistle, so as to understand this meaning at the completion and perfection of it [the previous epistle] once you have read it. What exists in this world in terms of actions from the spiritual beings will be confirmed to you, as we have mentioned, clearly expounded, and commented on in it [that epistle].

As for the knowledge of the actions of the stars and of their influences upon what is below the sphere of the Moon, [this] comes after the knowledge of their indications. It is part of the spiritual philosophy [feU-jjll AiUiJl], of the divine support, and of the Lord's solicitude. The first of the savants related to this science was Ptolemy, the author of the hook Almagest and of other books in this science.^' And there were other savants as well.

You should know, my brother, that the stars of the celestial sphere [10] are angels of God and of the realm of His skies. God, how powerful and lofty is He, has created them for the ciiltivation of His world, for the organization of His creatures, and for the governing of His arrangement. They are the vice-regents of God on His earth. They govern His servants and preserve the laws of His prophets by the

identify astronomical abstractions such as the two lunar nodes with spiritual beings in the manner of those referred to further down in the epistle by the Sabi'ans of Harr^. In Epistle 3 ('On Astronom/), in a passage where they deal at some length with the two nodes and their secret essence, the Ikhwan also mention the spiritual beings as corresponding to either angels, jinn, or devils; see Rasail, vol. 1, pp. 142-143.

19 As already noted in the Introduction, this and other subsequent references to 'the epistle that precedes this epistle' are to Epistle 49, dealing with the spiritual beings, and not to Epistle 50 or Epistle 51. This bears evidence for some rearrangement in the sequence of the Rasa'il.

20 This is the same formulation and context as in Epistle 3 ('On Astronom/); see Rasd'il, vol. 1, p. 142.

21 Ptolemy is the Brethren's classical authority on both astronomy and astrology. The Almagest is the ancient work referred to by far the most often in the Rasd'il. According to Baffioni, it is mentioned twenty-three times, while Euclid's Elements is cited fourteen times, and Aristode's Categories and De Interpretatione eight times onl)^, Franmenti, p. 36 As far as astrology is concerned, the Muslim world owed a greit defl to Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos, also known as A7t0Te\ea|iaTiKd.

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i^ecution of their decrees, for His servants, for the sake of their well-eing and the preservation of their order, under the best conditions.

You should know, my brother, that no one will be able to know the modalities of the influences of these stars and their acts upon whatever exists in this world in terms of bodies, spirits, and souls, except those who are firmly established in science, those who have attained a high degree in knowledge, those who examine the divine sciences, and [thise] who are supported by the support of God and by the inspiration they get from Him.^^

[15] You should know that the prime power [Sji Jjl] emanates from the Universal Soul [i^\ j^] towards the world, into the superior and luminous individuals, that is, the fixed stars [ii.Wl then, next to them, into the planets [ojl^\ then, next to them, into the four elements [^3^^tI that are below them, then into the existing individuals, namely, [p. 286] the minerals [^3.5U«]> the plants [oU], and the animals

You should know, my brother, that the emanation [^^lj^] of the powers of the Universal Soul into all the universal and particular bodies is like the emanation of the light of the Sun and of the stars into the air and the projections of their rays towards the centre of the earth.

You should know that when it happens that, in a certain period of time, the planets find themselves at their apogees [oU-jt]^^ or in their exaltations [ijl[20] and that some of them find themselves in the

22 That the prediction of future events is regarded as a privilege for those who are inspired by God is an idea that the authors also develop in Epistle 28 ('On the Limits of Human Knowledge'). See my 'Limites', pp. 479-503.

23 On the emanation scheme as developed by the Ikhwan on the basis of Plotinus' theory, see, for instance, Nasr, Introduction, pp. 51-74; and my Brotherhood, pp. 17-33.

24 The apogee (awj; Greek \5\|/o<;) and the perigee (hadid-, Greek Tanslvwua) are the two points of a given orbit that are respectively the farthest from, and the closest to, the earth. As opposed to Ptolemy, who held that the Sun's apogee was fixed, Muslim scientists generally believed that the apogees of all the planets, except for the Moon, moved by the same motion as the starry sphere; see al-Biruni, Kitdb al-Tafhim li-awd'il find'at al-tanjim, § 195; translated by R. Ramsay Wright as The Book of Instruction in the Elements ofthe Art of Astrology (London: Luzac and Co., 1934), p. 104.

25 The 'exaltation' [sharaf, Greek, i)\|/a)iia; Latin, altitudo) is the sign — sometimes even the degree of the sign — in which a planet is believed to exert its major

93


most excellent ratio [i^], which is called the musical ratio [ [then] those faculties from the Universal Soul are delighted and establish the conjunction of those stars with this world; then, the affairs of existents [obSlS] proceed according to the most equilibrious mixture, the most natural disposition, and the best order. Such conditions are called happiness. But if the case happens to be the opposite of that which I have

mentioned,^' the affairs will be the opposite. This is not due to the prime design, but rather to accidental causes, as we have clearly expounded [^^J in the epistle on views and doctrines [Epistle 42: 'On

influence. The canonical list ofthe correspondences between planets and their exaltation signs is as follows: Moon in Taurus; Mercury in Virgo; Venus in Pisces; Sun in Aries; Mars in Capricorn; Jupiter in Cancer; Saturn in Libra. See Bouch^-Leclercq, L'Astrologie grecque, pp. 193-199. See also my Revolutions, p. 85 for references to Greek and Arabic authors.

26 The theory of proportion {nisab) is the specific subject of the short Epistle 6 ('On Arithmetical and Geometrical Proportions'); see Rasa'il, vol. l^pp. 242-257. The Brethren summarize there a theory which was well known from Antiquity, having already been developed by Archytas of Tarentum in the fourth century BCE. For a definition ofthe arithmetic, geometric, and harmonic (or musical) means, see Heath, Greek Mathematics, pp. 85-86: 'We are told that m Pythagoras' time there were three means, the arithmetic, the geometric, and the subcontrary, and that the name of the third ("subcontrary") was changed by Archytas and Hippasus to "harmonic". A fragment of Archytas' work On Music actually defines the three; we have the arithmetic mean when, of three terms, the first exceeds the second by the same amount as the second exceeds the third; the geometric mean when, of the three terms, the first is to the second as the second is to the third; the "subcontrary, which we call harmonic", when the three terms are such that "by whatever part of itself the first exceeds the second, the second exceeds the third by the same part of the third" [...]. lamblichus, after Nicomachus, mentions a special "most perfect proportion" consisting of four terms and called "musical", which, according to tradition, was discovered by the Babylonians and was first introduced into Greece by Pythagoras. It was used, he says, by many Pythagoreans, e.g., (amongst others) Aristaeus of Croton, Timaeus of Locri, Philolaus and Archytas of Tarentum, and finally by Plato in the Timaeus.' The classical example for this 'musical proportion' is: 6:8 = 9:12. On proportional

• relationships with respect to the Brethren's theory of music, see also Wright, 'Music and Musicology', pp. 214-247, especially, pp. 218-222.

27 This is the first of various occurrences in this epistie where the first person singular is used instead of the plural. These apparent slips of the pen are found elsewhere in the Rasd'il. The issue of whether Ae final compilation of the epistles (or at least som£ of them) is due to several authors or to only one (whose identity would in any c^ jemain a matter of conjecture) is one of the multiple vexed issues surrounding this corpus.

94


Wievfs and Religions'], in the chapter [^^ on the reasons and causes ofvices.^® Inform yourself, my brother, (fol. 522a) from there.

You should know, my brother, that, amongst people, there is no validity for anyone as to the knowledge of existents prior to their coming-to-be, since this is disturbed by life. On the contrary, this science is desired in order that one might be raised up to one's noblest part, and the vice therein be known thanks to the knowledge of causes and reasons, and the soul be woken up from the torpor of negligence and the slumber of ignorance; and [in order that] it resurrect from the death of sin, and the eye of discernment open up for it, and [that] it might know the realities of existing beings and confirm the issue of the return and asceticism in this world; and {in order] that the disasters of this world look unimportant to it [5], and that it not be sad or worried when it gets to know the necessities of the decrees of the stars and the sphere, as God's Messenger, God bless him and grant him salvation, mentioned, stating, 'To whoever practises asceticism in this world, disasters will look unimportant'.^' The confirmation of this is the speech of God Most High [ JU]: 'In order that ye may not despair over matters that pass you by, nor exult over favours bestowed uponyou'.^°

You should know, my brother, that these sciences are divided into five sections. The first is alchemy [^l^, which banishes poverty and does away with adversity. The second is the science of astrology

through which the science of what has been and what will be is perceived. The third is the science of magic [js^.] and talismans [CjLUL], by which subjects are joined to [the rank of] kings [p. 287] and kings to that of angels. The fourth is medicine [10] [t^], by which the health of bodies is preserved and [by which] the occurrences of sicknesses are cured. The fifth is the science of asceticism [-^/H>],

28 On this, see the Introduction, p. 8. The assertion that unfavourable phenomena exist in this world, but that they are due to accidental causes and are not part of the prime design is another topos of the Rasd'il. One finds the same argument in a more elaborated form at the end of Epistle 36 ('On Revolutions and Cycles'); see Rasd'il, vol. 3, pp. 264-265; and my Revolutions, pp. 100-101.

29 This seems to be a Shi'i hadith, whose most ancient authority seems to be Kulayni, Al-UfQl min al-Kdfi, Kitdb al-Iman wa'l-kufr. Bdb dhamm al-dunyd wa'l-zuhd fi-hd, raqm al-hadith, 15 (Beirut, Dar al-Adwa', 1405/1985), vol. 2, p. 132.

30 Qur'an 67:23.

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by which the soul gets to know its essence and is ennobled, after its deprivation above its resting place.^'

In our epistle on the stars [Epistle 3: 'On Astronomy'], we have already talked about what may be [regarded as] the introduction to the knowledge requisite prior to this epistle.

Verily, the science of magic and talismans follows on from the astrological sciences, which it is subsequent to and dependent on. The benefits [that one can draw] from it are numerous and well known. Reports on talismans and their abundance have been heard. Amongst them, [there is] the report [on the talisman] which is for starlings and their carrying of olives,^^ and the talisman which is for the crocodile, and the talisman for bugs, and the talisman for snakes, and the talisman

for scorpions, and the talisman [15] for wasps.^^ And there are others [i.e., talismans] about which reports have continuously been heard from people with whom connivance does not work, [for they are] in different periods and have separate approaches. — -

31 For a comparison of this list with that provided in Chapter 6, see the Introduction, pp. 13-14.

32 The word for 'talisman' does not appear here in the manuscripts, but the rest of the phrases make it clear that it must be added.

33 The story about this talisman is told by various Muslim authors, including Mas'tidi, since the time of Ibn Khurradadhbih. It is usually said to derive from Salinas, referring here in fact to Pseudo-Apollonius of Tyana. Regarding it as one of the four marvels of the world, Mas'udi (Murtij, ed. and tr. Barbier de Meynard amd Pavet de Courteille, vol. 4, p. 94) speaks of a bronze tree in Rome surmounted by the statue of a starling also made of bronze. The legend has it that when the statue of the bird whistled, it would attract an enormous quantity of starlings, each carrying three olives, and that this magical harvest would enable the people of Rome to get enough oil for the whole year. In the Muqaddima, Ibn Khaldun mocks Mas'iidi for accepting this as genuine history; see Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima, tr. Rosenthal, p. 37: 'Al-Mas'udi reports another absurd story, that of the Statue of the Starling in Rome. On a fixed day of the year, starlings gather at that statue bringing olives from which the inhabitants of Rome get their oil. How little this has to do with the natural procedure of getting oil!' For other references about this legend, including Yaqut (who explicitly refers to it as a talisman) and a fifteenth-century Ottoman avatar, see Yerasimos, Fondation, pp. 91-92.

34 Most of the taHsmans mentioned here are for animals feared for their bites or stings, which is^rdly surprising since this is precisely what justifies the recourse to magic. On the interpretation of these talismans, see note 224 below.

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Chapter 2 Magic with the Greeks

^hat said, it is a necessity for us to take in hand those individuals who disavow this science and who treat as a liar anyone giving credence to its validity on the basis of testimonies, parts of which were mentioned 1sy the ancients in their books and recorded from their reports. Of this [anecdotal evidence] will be reported what has a patent notoriety. The subject of this will not be concealed from those who study it, and whoever talks about it will not be treated as a Uar — [this is to make sure] that the idiots cannot find a way to treat us as liars.

The Story of Gyges We say that, according to Glaucon [ Plato, the philosopher,

in the second treatise [aJ\1o] from his book the Republic,^^ did mention [the following], stating:

Jirjis [j_,-^]," who was of the people of the city [named] Europe,'® [20] was a man who tended sheep, and he was an employee of a ruler who reigned over the city Europe in that period. In that time, there happened to occur rains and, with them, earthquakes. A piece of earth broke away, and a cavity was formed in the place where the man who tended sheep

35 Beirut has here "aid 'ulUwft qadri-ht ('with respect to the height of its power', translated as such by Baffioni in her Frammenti), which is far-fetched and does not make good sense. The manuscripts provide something in the style of a'lUman (for Idm) or 'al-khalq min' (for nun), both unintelligible. The emendation provided here — aghluqun — fits with the Greek original, since the account of Gyges is put into the mouth of Glaucon (Greek, FXauKtov), Plato's own brother and one of Socrates' major conversants in the Republic.

36 See Plato, Republic II.359c-360b. For a thorough discussion of the passage, see the Introduction above, pp. 20-24.

37 A deformation of the original name ruyrit;, no doubt influenced by the usual Arabic transliteration of the Greek name TecIipYioc;, 'George' (as for instance in the name of the eighth-century Christian physician Jirjis ibn Bakhtishu'). For a possibility of contamination between this name and that of'Jirjas' in Chapter 6, see the. Introduction above, p. 58.

38 The Arabic is 'madinat Qrubbd', which could here be translated with either 'a city of Europe' or 'a city [named] Europe'. From the subsequent occurrence of the expression a little further down, dealing with the ruler who reigned over the same city, one has to infer that the second translation is the correct one. For this variation firom the Greek original, see the Introduction, p. 21.

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was. When the man saw that cavity, he marvelled at it and walked down to it. And there he saw marvellous things. There was, amongst all the things he saw, a horse worked out with copper, with small openings inside. He inspected the interior of the horse from those openings, (fol. 522b) As a matter of fact, inside the horse [there was] a dead himian whose height, from what could be seen, was greater than the measure of a himian; and he [that human] wore absolutely nothing [other] than a golden ring on his hand. He took that ring and walked away from the cavity.^'

It was agreed that the shepherds would gather together once a month, foEowing their custom in terms of gathering together, [p. 288] in order to communicate to the king the issue of their flocks of sheep. This shepherd was present with them and he was wearing that ring. But while he was sitting with the other shepherds, it happened that he hit the ring with his hand and that he turned it around his finger, so that the stone was [now facing] the inner side, on the side that lay next to [5] his palm. But when he did that, he disappeared from [the sight of] those-who-were sitting with him, so much so that they did not notice that he was sitting, and they did not see him. They started talking about some affair — as [if this was] an indication that he had left them. And he marvelled at this speech. Then he hit his hand on his ring and turned its stone to the outside. But as he turned it, the people started to see him. When he understood that, he tried out his ring [to see] whether this power was in it. And he found that the very same matter happened, namely, that when he turned the ring to the inner side, he concealed himself and was veiled from view, and when he turned it to the outside, he became visible and people noticed him. From this moment, after experiencing this episode with his ring, he behaved amicably and resorted to tricks in order to be

39 Cf. Plato, Republic II.359d-e (tr. Shorey): '[The hcence that I mean would be most nearly such as would result from supposing them to have the power which men say once came to the ancestor of| Gyges the Lydian. They relate that he was a shepherd in the service of the ruler at that time of Lydia, and that after a great deluge of rain and an earthquake the ground opened and a chasm appeared in the place where he was pasturing; and they say that he saw and wondered and went down into the chasm; and the story goes that he beheld other marvels there and a hbUow bronze horse with little doors, and that he peeped in and saw a corpse wl^lin, as it seemed, of more than mortal stature, and that there was nothing else but a gold ring on its hand, which he took off and went forth

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amongst the number of deputies to the king. And when he got [close] , to him, he killed him and became king at once.""

I

lonclusion by the Ikhwan al-Safa' Think over [this]: would you be of the opinion that Plato, the

hilosopher, with [10] his excellence and his intelligence, would have felated this narrative in one of his books (namely, the one he composed on the republic) and that, in spite of this, he would have allowed one to firmly believe and assume that he was of the view that this talisman — I mean, the ring of which mention was made before — had manifested its effects for the sake of the wisdom beyond which there is no end, so as to attain the [full] extent of the power of action, which is apparent in the effect operated by it? On the contrary, the reason which urges those newcomers to regard as a lie and to disavow something like this is their laziness, their meagre longing for learning and understanding, and their lack of shame!

Those individuals carry the burden of what they do due to their ignorance of these sciences, and [due to] the fact that they treat as a liar whoever gives credence to their validity, because they find this easier for them and [15] lighter [in terms of] burden.

Take care, my brother, not to take their path, nor to foUow their examples, nor to enter into partnership with them, nor to imitate them!

40 This final phrase is, along with the above-mentioned reference to a 'city called Europe", the only part of the text which is seriously at variance with the original Greek, since it completely ignores the role played by the king's wife in the plot as reported by Plato. Cf. Plato, Republic II.359e-360b (tr. Shorey):'[...] And when the shepherds held their customary assembly to make their monthly report to the king about the flocks, he also attended wearing the ring. So as he sat there it chanced that he turned the collet of the ring towards himself, towards the inner part of his hand, and when this took place they say that he became invisible to those who sat by him and they spoke of him as absent; at that he was amazed, and again fumbling with the ring turned the collet outwards and so became visible. On noting Ais he experimented with the ring to see if it possessed this virtue, and he found the result to be that when he turned the collet inwards he became invisible, and when outwards visible; and becoming aware of this, he immediately managed things so that he became one of the messengers who went up to the king, and on coming there he seduced the king's wife and with her aid set upon the king and slew him and possessed his kingdom'. On all this, see the Introduction above, p. 21.

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Rather, let study forever be your thought, [let] the attaining of reality [be] your objective, and [let] your greed be in the acquisition and the comprehension of wisdom, so that you may be happy with that and successful with the happy people and the martyrs.

Chapter 3 Magic with the '^Abbasids: Meeting at al-Ma'mun's with the Man

who Claimed to be a Prophet

Then Abu Ma'shar Ja'far ibn Muljammad, the astrologer, related in his Book of Discussion [p. 289] with Shadan ibn Bahr:^^

Muhammad ibn Musa ibn Anas al-Khwarizmi"'^ reported to me: Yahya ibn Man§ur^' the astrologer reported to me: 'We arrived, a group of astrologers and myself,"" at al-Ma'mun's [place]. Around him there was a group and a man who claimed prophecy [!&] — someone whom we did not know. Al-Ma'mun had called upon the judges, but they had not shown up yet. And he said to me and to those ofthe astrologers present, [20] "Go and take [the measure of] an ascendant [Jlio]^' regarding an

41 The 'Discussion' (Mudhakara), or more generally 'Discussions' (Mudhakarat), refers indeed to a work ascribed to Abu Ma'shar, which the Ikhwan quote from here verbatim. On this, see the Introduction, pp. 24-29.

42 AI-Khwarizmi, the famous astronomer and mathematician of al-Ma'mun's time. See G. J. Toomer, 'Al-Khwarizml', pp. 358-365. See also Dunlop, 'Khuwarizmi', pp. 248-250.

43 On this scientist, the senior astronomer (and astrologer) at the court of al-Ma'mun, see J. Vernet, 'Yaljya ibn Abl Man$ur', pp. 537-538.

44 This section begins with a hadith-like chain of transmitters, whose matn starts with the phrase: 'We arrived, a group of astrologers and myself. 'Myself, the narrator of the whole story to follow, is thus logically to be identified with the last member of the isnad, namely, Yaljya ibn Abi Manjur.

45 The 'ascendant' {tali'; Greek, (bpooKditoq; Latin, ascendens) is, on the eastern horizon of a given place, the point of the zodiac (and, by extension, the zodiacal sign) emerging at a given moment. Its importance is due to the feet that it is the point of reference for the whole astral chart. From this point are counted the twelve 'houses' {buyut) of 30° each and each associated with a pecuhar 'allotment' (here referred to as qisma) regarding human life, according to the following order: the 1st from 0° (the 'ascendant') to 30°: 'house of life' (haydt); 2nd from 30° to 60°: 'house of wealth' {mdl); 3rd from 60° to 90°: 'house of the brothers' (ikhwa); 4th from 90° to 120°: 'house ofthe fathers' {abay, 5th from 120° to 150°: 'house of the chi^en' (awlad); 6th from 150° to 180°: 'house of illnesses' {amrad)-.

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allegation of a man about a thing he alleges, and about the powers that the sphere indicates about him, in terms of sincerity or falsehood on his part". Besides, al-Ma'mun had not informed us that [this man] claimed to be a prophet.^®

'So we went to one of those courtyards, determined the ascendant, and provided a sketch of it. The Sun and the Moon found themselves within the same minute in the ascendant. The ascendant was Capricorn [e5Je]>

< and Jupiter [i^>i.»] was in Virgo [iU-] and in aspect [ with it!^'' And ' all those present, except for me, said: "What he alleges is valid.'

7th from 180° to 210°: 'house of wives' {azwaf); 8th from 210° to 240°: 'house of death' (mawt); 9th from 240° to 270°: 'house of travels' {asfar); 10th from 270° to 300°: 'house of power' {sultan)-, 11th from 300° to 330°: 'house of hope' {raj&y, 12th from 330° to 360°: 'house of enemies' {a'da'). The complete list is given by die Brethren in Epistle 3 ('On Astronomy'); see Rasd'il, vol. 1, p. 136. See my Revolutions, p. 23, for Greek and Arabic references. For the dodekatopos, the Greco-Egyptian model of this system, see Bouch^-Leclercq, L'Astrologie grecque, pp. 280-281.

46 Cf. Abu Ma'shar, Mudhakarat (tr. Dunlop): 'Abu Ma'shar said, I was informed by Muhammad b. Musa, the astrologer, al-Jalis not al-Khwarizmi, that Yahya b. Musa al-Nadim related to us, "I once visited al-Ma'mun when a number of astrologers were with him, also a man who claimed prophecy, who had already appeared. Unknown to us, qadls and legal experts had been sent for to examine him, but had not yet arrived. Al-Ma'mun said to me and the astrologers who were present. Go and take an ascendant for a man s claim in a certain matter, and let me know what the angel {malak) shows you regardmg its (or 'his') truth or falsehood. But al-Ma'mun did not inform us that the man claimed to be a prophet[...].'

47 The 'aspect' (na?flr, Latm, aspectus) is a ftindamental notion in astrology. Planets were believed to have a certain number of privileged relationships with one another according to the geometric angles of the figure that they form within the circle ofthe zodiac. Planets distant by 180° (the angle of a straight line, corresponding to a distance apart of six signs) are said to be in 'opposition' (a stronger malefic aspect). Planets distant from one another by 120 (the angle of an equilateral triangle, corresponding to a distance apart of four signs) are said to be in the stronger benefic 'trine aspect'. Planets distant by 90° (the angle of a square, corresponding to a distance apart of three signs) are said to be 'square' (a weaker malefic aspect). Planets distant by 60° (the angle of a hexagon, corresponding to a distance apart of two signs) are said to be in the weaker benefic 'sextile aspect'. In the present example, the aspect is trine and therefore regarded as benefic, with Jupiter in Virgo and the ascendant (with both the Moon and the Sun) in Capricorn, that is, a distance apart of four signs. Zodiacal signs may also be described as having a 'trine' or 'quaternary' relation with one another, but in this case it is a constant relationship which does not vary according to charts. For instance, Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius make up one of the four triplicities {muthallathdt), namely, the fiery tripUcity. On these triplicities.

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'But I said, on my part: "He [speaks] with validity, and the evidence for it lies in what pertains to Venus [S^j] and to Mercury [^.5jll=&], yet the validation he seeks is not vaUd, since it is neither fiilfilled nor set in good order."

'He said to me; "How [do you know] (fol. 523a) this from [the reading] ?"'^

see my Revolutions, p. 67. Sfee also Titus Burckhardt, Mystical Astrology According to Ibn Arabi, tr. Bulent Rauf (Aldsworth: Beshara Publications, 1977), pp. 18-20.

48 Cf. Abu Ma'shar, Mudhakarat (tr. Dunlop):'[...] So we came to a certain castle, and we determined the ascendant and set it formally down. The Sun and the Moon coincided in a single minute and the pars fortunae (sahm as-sa'adah) and parsfuturorum {sahm al-ghayb) coincided in the same minute as the ascendant, which was Capricorn. Jupiter was in Spica Virginis facing him, with Venus and Mercury facing towards it. All the people who were present asked what the man's claim was, but I kept silent. Al-Ma'mun said to me. You give your opinion. I said. He is seeking confirmation, and has a proof from Venus and Mercury. But confirmation of what he claims is not complete and not organizedrHow do you know this? He asked[...]'. Sahm as-sa'adah (literally, 'the Part of Fortune') and sahm al-ghayb (literally, 'the Part of Secret') are notions related to the specific theory of the 'parts' or 'lots' (sahm, pi. siham-, Latin, pars or sors), which was much favoured in ancient astrology. The Part of Fortune, which was known already to Ptolemy and usually regarded since as the most important of all parts, is defined by al-Biruni in this way: 'The Part of Fortune is a point of the zodiac, the distance of which from the degree of the ascendant in the direction of the succession of signs is equal to the distance of the Moon from the Sun in the opposite direction. The method of determining this is to find the place of the Sun (Place 1), then that of the Moon (Place 2); the ascendant is Place 3. Then substract Place 1 from Place 2 beginning with the signs'; Tafhim § 475, tr. Wright, pp. 279-281. In the same paragraph, al-Biruni provides a thorough explanation of the methods of calculation, with examples. The Part of Secret (also variously referred to as the Part of Daimon, or the Part of Spirit) is the second in importance. It is calculated with the same elements as the Part of Fortune — namely, the ascendant, the Sun, and the Moon — but in reverse order regarding the two luminaries. In § 476 of the Tafhim, Biruni deals with lots other than the Part of Fortune and notes that 'Ptolemy recognized only one Part of Fortune, but others have introduced an excessive number of methods of casting lots at nativities. We reproduce in tables those which Abu Ma'shar has mentioned[....]"It is impossible to enumerate the lots which have been invented for the solution of horary questions, and for answering enquiries as to the prosperous outcome or auspicious time for action; they increase in number everyday'. Then follows the expected table, taken from Abu Ma'shar, of the 'following 97 different lots, 7 of which belong to the planets, 80 to the houses and 10 to neither [that] are those most commonly in use'; tr. Wright, p. 282. For each lot is given the method of calculation, both for diurnal and nocturnal computations, as for instance: 'Ascendant + Moon - Sun' in the case of the Part of Fortune by day and 'Ascendant + Sun - Moon' for the Part of Fortune by night. The Part of Daimon (or Spirit) is the exact reverse of these calcidations,

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'I said: "Because the validity of the allegations [comes] from Jupiter, or from the trine aspect [dJs] with the Sun, or else from its sextile aspect [_>•- ..->] when the Sun is not malefic. And this [is also] because of the case of the fall [i>jJ>]^' of Jupiter, which is in a benefic aspect with it, although it is adverse to this sign and the sign is adverse to it. And this does not frilfil the validation and the confirmation. And what they [the other astrologers] have said about what pertains to Venus and Mercury is a variety of hocus-pocus and the livelihood of imposture."^"

'He marvelled at this and said: "You, your achievement is due to God." 'Then he said: "Are you aware of who this man is?" 'I said: "No." 'He said: "This man alleges he is a prophet!" [5] 'I said: "O you. Commander of the Believers, does he have anything

in support of this? Ask him!" 'He [the alleged prophet] said; "I have a ring with two stones. I wear

it and nothing changes with me, but if anyone else wears it, he will start laughing and will not master his laugh until he removes it. I have a Syrian

namely, 'Ascendant + Sun - Moon' by day and 'Ascendant + Moon - Sim' by night. The rest ofthe lots are calculated in a similar way, but combining diese results with other elements such as the planets, as for instance in the case of the lot 'Life' in the 'First House', whose calculations by day and night are: 'Ascendant + Saturn - Jupiter' and 'Ascendant + Jupiter - Saturn' respectively; and 'Pillar of Horoscope' in the 'Ffrst House' as well, with 'Ascendant + Spirit - Fortune' by day and 'Asendant - Spirit + Fortune' by night. In the present report, the Sun and the Moon are said to coincide within the same minute in the ascendant. It must be noted that these notions of lots, which form an essential part of the narration in the Mudhakarat, do not appear at all in the Ikhwan's version, but it is not possible to decide whether this omission pre-dates the redactiori of Epistle 52 or not.

49 The 'fall' (hubuf, Latin, casus) is the sign (or the degree of the sign) in which the influence ofthe planet is the weakest. The 'fall signs' are diametrically opposed to the 'exaltation signs' (on 'exaltation', see note 25 above), namely. Moon in Scorpio; Mercury in Pisces; Venus in Virgo; Sun in Libra; Mars in Cancer; Jupiter in Capricorn; Saturn in Aries. See my Revolutions, p. 89, for Greek and Arabic references.

50 Cf Abu Ma'shar. Mudhakarat, tr. Djonlop:'[...] I said. Because the truth of rlaims is from Jupiter, and Jupiter is facing him in a favourable manner, only he dislikes this sign and the sign dislikes him. Consequentiy the verification and confirmation are not complete, and what tiiey say of the proof from Mercury and Venus is merely a kind of adornment and embellishment and imposture which is considered admirable and desirable[...]'

51 The expression means something like, 'How excellent you are!'

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pen:'^ I take it and I [can] write with it, but if anyone else takes it, his finger will be paralysed."

[p. 290] 'I said: "My lord, Venus and Mercury have already brought about these things with their effects."" Al-Ma'mun ordered him to do what he had said, and he did it. And we came to know that it was a remedy [obtained] with talismans.'^

'Al-Ma'mun did not cease [to be] with him for many days, until he renounced the claim of prophecy. He described the tricks he had made use of and operated with, regarding the ring and the pen. Then al-Ma'mun presented him with 1,000 dinars. Then we met with him after that, since he was one of the most savant people in the science ofthe stars.'®'

52 Neither Idm (sdfiy) nor Beirut {shdniy, with an unconvincing explanation in the note) make sense, and nQn {min or man'i) is even more incoherent. The emendation {shdmiy, 'Syrian') is based on Abu Ma'shar's text; see the Introduction, p. 27.

53 This phrase is to be understood against the associations of traditional astrology, for which Venus was linked with beauty, love, and the realm of fine ornaments (hence, the stone ring) whereas Mercury was naturally related to the art of writing, secretarial tools, and so on (hence, the pen). In Epistle 3 ('On Astronomy'), in a passage exceptionally rich in metaphors, the Ikhwan mention the traditional associations as such: You should know, my brother, that the Sun is like the king amongst the planets, and all of them are, in comparison, like bodyguards and soldiers. The Moon is like the prime minister and the chief of the delegation. Mercury is like the secretary. Mars is like the commander of the army. Jupiter is Uke the judge. Saturn is like the keeper of the treasure houses. Venus is Uke the slave girl and the servant'; see Rasd'H, vol. 1, p. 150.

54 Cf. Abu Ma shar, Mudhdkurdt (tr. Dunlop):'[...] He said, Bravo! And went on. Do you people know this man? We said. No. He said. He claims the prophecy. I said. Commander of the Faithful, has he anything to confirm it? So he asked him, and he said. Yes, I have a ring with two bezels. I put it on and nothing happens. Another puts it on, and begins to laugh and cannot stop laughing till he draws it off. And I have a Syrian {Shdmi) pen with which I write. Another takes it, and his fingers do not move. I said. My master, this is Venus and Mercury, they have done their work. So al-Ma'mun ordered him to do what he claimed. We said. This is a kind of taUsman [...]'

55 Cf. Abii Ma'shar, Mudhdkardt (tr. Dunlop):'[...] Al-Ma'mun persisted with him for many days till he confessed and renounced the claim of prophecy. He described the trick which he had used in regard to the ring and the pen. Al-Ma'mun gave him 1000 dinars. I later met him, and he was amongst the most learned of maiikind in the knowledge of the stars, and was one ofthe greatest companions of^Ubayd Allah b. al-Sari, Abu Ma'shar said. And it was he who made beetie talismans in many houses of Baghdadf...]'. On the concluding lines in Abu Ma'shar's Mudhdkardt, see the Introduction above, p. 28.

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Chapter 4 Magic in the Qur'an

s for what is mentioned in various places in the Qur'an, with respect to nagic, and whose mention is repeated, [there is] amongst others what s mentioned in the Surat ul-Baqara. This is what God Most High, how owerful and lofty is He, said, It was not Solomon who disbelieved, but

he devils disbelieved, teaching people magic and that which was revealed to the two angels at Babylon, Harut and Mdrut. But the two angels do not teach anyone unless they say, 'We are a trial, so do not disbelieve by practising magic.' [And yet] they learn from them that by which they cause separation between a man and his wife. But they do not harm anyone

through it except by permission of Allah.^^ If, from the power and the science of magic, one could already ensure

the separation of man and wife, what would be left after that? Or would there be a doubt about this narrative [j^]j after what is uttered [15] by the Qur'an, whose validity we know?

And God, how powerful and lofty is He, said in the Surat al-Md ida, '[...] And when I restrained the Children of Israel from [killing] you when you came to them with clear proofs, and those who disbelieved amongst

them said, "This is not but obvious magic". And He said in the Surat al-An'dm, And even if We had sent down to

you, [O Muhammad], a written scripture on a page and they touched it with their hands, the disbelievers would say, 'This is not but obvious magic

And He said in the Surat al-A'rdf Said the eminent among the people of Pharaoh, 'Indeed, this is a learned magician / Who wants to expel you from your land [through magic], so what do you instruct? / They said, 'Postpone [the matter of] him and his brother and send among the cities gatherers / Who will bring you every learned magician.Do you not see that the Qur'an regards their magic as important?

56 Qur'an 2:102. As noted above, all Qur'anic quotations in this volume are firom Sahih International, available at http:/1quran.corn.

57 Qur'an 5:110. 58 Qur'an 6:7. 59 Qur'an 7:109-112.

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And He said, [20] also in that sura, And the magicians fell down

'tHZrlT"" "f

And m that sura also. And they said, "No matter what sign you brim us with which to bewitch us, we [p. 291] will not be believers in you'"

And He said, in the Surat Yunus, Ha.e the people been amazed that m revealed [revelation] to a man from among them, [saying], "Warn mankind and give good tidings to those who believe that they will have

precedence ofhonor with their Lord'! [But] the disbelievers sav, Inaeed, this is an obvious magician'

And He said, in the Surat Bant Isrd'tl, We are most knowing of how they hsten to tt when they listen to you and [of] when they are in private

by magie '''^''Sdoers say, 'You follow not but a man affected

And [He said] in that [sura]. And We had certainly given Moses nine evident signs, (fol. 523b) 50 ask the Children of Israel [abautfwhen he came to them and Pharaoh said to him, 'Indeed I think, O Moses, that you are affected by magic'.^

And He said, in the SUrat Tdha, He said "Have you come to us to dme us out of our land with your magic, O Moses?/Then we will surelv brmgyou magic like it, so make between us and you an appointment, which we win not fail to keepand neither will you, in a place assigned'.-^

nd in that [sura] also. They said, 'Indeed, these are two magicians who want to drive you out of your land with their magic and do away With your most exemplary way'.^

And in th^ [sura]. He said, 'Rather, you throw.'And suddenly their

7likes7akel]^' "moving

60 Qur'an 7:120-121. 61 Qur'an 7:132. 62 Qur'an 10:2. 63 Qur'an 17:47. 64 Qur'an 17:101. 65 Qur'an 20:57-58. 66 Qur'an 20:63. \ 67 Qur'an 20:66. \

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And in that [sura], '[.. .]Indeed, we have believed in our Lord that e may forgive us our sins and what you compelled us [to do] of magic, nd Allah is better and more enduring.

Chapter 5 Magic according to the Jews and the Christians

And this [is so], my brother, as you can hear and see from what the Qur'an has mentioned repeatedly about magic in those passages — do you view it as vain and without foundation? God forbid that someone of the creatures be bewitched if we say that now — so that one [should] come back to what is [to be found] with the other legislators

and in their books, that is, what they profess as religion and what they acknowledge as valid. Amongst those things, there is what is written in the Torah, to which two communities, namely, the Jews and the Christians together, are attached and whose validity they both affirm. For the Torah exists both in the hands of the Jews and of the Christians, in Hebrew, in Syriac, and in Arabic, and there is no divergence between them about it.® On the contrary, they agree with one another on [10] the validity and the reality of what is to be found in it.

A. The Story of Esau, Son of Isaac, and of the Son of Nimrod, Son of Canaan

There [is to be found] what is written in the story of Esau,^° namely, [the following]:

68 Qur'an 20:73. 69 For this reference to the Torah as being acknowledged by both the Christians

and the Jews, see the Introduction above, p. 31, 70 In Louis Ginzberg's The Legends ofthe Jews, one reads the following account,

based upon a series of ancient midrashim: 'Adam's clothes [...] had belonged to Nimrod. Once when the mighty hunter caught Esau in his preserves, and forbade him to go on the chase, they agreed to determine by combat what their privileges were. Esau had taken counsel with Jacob, and he had advised him never to fight with Nimrod whiles-he wag clothed in Adam's garments. The two now wrestled with each other, and at the time Nimrod was not dressed in Adam's clothes. The end was that he was slain by Esau. Thus the garments worn by Adam fell into the hands of Esau, from him they passed into Jacob's, and he bequeathed them to Joseph'; see Louis Ginzberg, Legends, vol. 2, p. 139

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Esau, son of Isaac, was a master of hunting. Every time he went out hunting, the son of Nimrod, son of Canaan, went out to [meet] him and told him, 'Wrestle with me so that, if I win over you, I take your game'. The son of Nimrod, son of Canaan was wearing the shirt of Adam, with which he went out from the Garden and on which were [to be seen] images of every creature of God Most High: wild beasts, birds, and sea-animals. When Adam, God bless him and grant him salvation, wished to hunt one of the wild beasts [p. 292] or other [creatures], he used to put his hand on its image on the shirt, and that game remained bewildered, stopped, and blind until he had come to" it and taken it. And [15] every time the son of Nimrod wrestled with Esau, son of Isaac, he took him and threw him to the ground and took his game from him.

But since this [situation] kept on for Esau, he complained to his father, Isaac, God's prayers and salvation be upon him, of what he was enduring under the son of Nimrod.

And Isaac told him, 'Describe the shirt for me.' And he described it for him.

And Isaac told him, 'This is the shirt of Adam. You shall notlvin as long as it is on him. When he comes to you to ask you to wrestle, tell him, "Take off the shirt," and wrestle with him once he has done that. Verily you shall win over him, and once you have won over him, take the shirt and come back.'

(with extensive reference to ancient material — including Hadar and Da'at on Genesis 25:29-32 — in vol. V, pp. 276-277). See also Midrash Kabbah, LXIII: 13 (on Genesis 25:32), tr. Rabbi H. Freedman and Maurice Simon (London: The Soncino Press, 1961), vol. 2 (Genesis II), p. 569: 'Behold, I am at the point to die. Another interpretation is that Nimrod was seeking to slay him [Esau] on account of the garment which had belonged to Adam [and which Esau now possessed], for whenever he put it on and went out into the field, all the beasts and birds in the world would come and flock around him.' For further later Midrash elaborations of the story, see Netton, Muslim Neoplatonists, p. 73. In a passage from the story of the Animals versus Man in Epistle 22, the Ikhwan state about Adam and Eve's hair, that they 'served as their coat, carpet, cloak, and defense against cold and heat'; Lenn E. Goodman, Ecological Fable, p. 161; see also the new edition, Goodman and McGregor, The Case ofthe Animals, p. 134. This passage is reported by Stephen D. Ricks in 'The Garment of Adam in lewish, Muslim, and Christian Tradition', in Temples of the Ancient World, ed. D. W. Parry (Salt Lake City: Deseret/FARMS, 1994), pp. 705-739. The author of this otherwi^ well-informed study does not seem to know of the story of Esau and (Ibn) P^imrod as told by the Ikhwan in Episde 52.

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And Esau went out, wishing to hunt. And the son of Nimrod came to him, according to his habit, and asked him to wrestle. Esau told him, 'Take off your garment and then we shall wrestle.

The son of Nimrod took off the shirt and [20] threw it [down], and Esau took off his garment, then they wrestled with one another. And Esau threw him down to the ground and sat on his chest. Then Esau jumped [up], and he took the shirt and the game, and proceeded to run in the open country. And the son of Nimrod lacked strength and could not catch him up.

And he brought the shirt to Isaac and he [Isaac] told him, 'Put it on, my little son.'

But he [Esau] said, 'I fear that the son of Nimrod might take it in the open country.'

But [Isaac] said, 'My little son, as long as the shirt wiU be on you, he shall not win over you. And if you proceed to go hunting and wish to hunt something, put your hand on its image on the shirt, and it (fol. 524a) will stop for you until you take it.'

And when Esau wished to hunt some wild beast, he put his hand on its image on the shirt, and it stopped, blind without seeing, until Esau would come and take it. And firom that moment, he went and came back, possessing insight about the shirt.

This is also a famous narrative, that is known to aU those who acknowledge the validity of the Torah," amongst the Jews and the Christians, and who in no way reject it.

B. The Story of Jacob and Laban Also in the Torah, in the second book of it, is the story of Jacob, peace be upon him, and Laban, his [maternal] uncle, which states.

When Rachel gave birth to Joseph, Jacob said [5] to Laban, Send me away and leave me out, so that I may be free and go to my country, my place and my earth, with my children, and give me my wives with whom I have been at your service.'^^

71 For the misattribution to the Toraht)f this story deriving in fact ft-om ancient midrashim, see the Introduction above, pp. 32-33.

72 Cf. Genesis 30:25-26 (tr. Green): '(25) And when Rachel had borne Joseph, Jacob said to Laban, Send me away so I may go to my own place and to my

109


Laban said, 'Inform me how much your remuneration is, so that I may give it to you.'^' ^

f P^°^de benefits and tend your flock and I watch r them night and day. I strive for the whole of your flock. Set aside all

spe M rrilu r »"<•»»"x-- "uch speckled [j; , .11 lambs are spotted [gL) with white on [p 293)

ite, and ail those from amongst the goats which are hornlSs f^tl

tT h T' remuneration, and I [shaU] bear witnes^o

res I f ' r increasing [of it] with Tfl b " '>'1 <" speckled or pied^th

or M there „ a growth from amongst the goats or what is spotted with'

?mrf K >" •^y «">"neration'» IIOI And Laban said, 'Yes, let it be as you have mentioned'» '

with lil'" "fl My-goats and those pied Mh rt.te, and dl rams of his sheep that were hornless or speckled or

sDon d°" A M "f «'! »" fiat were sotted mth black and white, and he pM them in the hands oftisehild

Jacob separated the pastures of his flock and the pastures of Laban's

."SKgi?" "•>'""" "-"I™. (f°') »»on. I h.,e served you,

74 rr n . andlwilleiver 1'

the day to come^^ ""r righteousness shaU testify for me in

to yoSwor?^^^*"^' it be according

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flock, and he set between them the measure of a three-day walk. And the flock of each one of them was secluded in a place.''

And Jacob tended all that was left from Laban's flock. And Jacob took tender rods of almond and plane trees, and he peeled skins from them and made whiteness as [a result of] peeling and made whiteness and skins, and he planted the rods he had peeled in [15] the stream where one gets water in the place where the flock come to the water in order to drink, facing the flock.'® And they were happy and their offspring started moving in their wombs when they saw the rods. And the flock brought forth hornless and pied [offspring]." And every year, before the moment when the flock singled out who would be pregnant, Jacob planted those rods in the place where one gets water, and he did not plant them for the rest of the flock.®" The man got rich and his livestock got more numerous.®'

And this is also in the Torah, which no one disproves. You should know it, my brother.

77 Cf. Genesis 30:35-36 (tr. Green): '(35) And on that day he removed the striped and spotted lambs, and all the spotted and speckled goats, every one which (had) white, and every black one among the lambs; and he gave into the hands of his sons. (36) And he put three days' journey between himself and Jacob[...]'

78 Cf. Genesis 30:36-38 (tr. Green): '(36) [...] and Jacob was feeding the remaining flocks of Laban. (37) And Jacob took for himself rods of a fresh white tree, and the almond, and of the plane tree; and he peeled white stripes in them, laying bare the white on the rods. (38) And he set the rods which he had peeled by the troughs by the water troughs, where the flocks came to drink, across from the flocks; and they were in heat when they came to drink.'

79 Cf. Genesis 30:39 (tr. Green): '(39) And the flocks were in heat before the rods, and the flocks bore striped, speckled and spotted.'

80 Cf. Genesis 30:40-42 (tr. Green): '(40) And Jacob separated the lambs, and set the faces of the flock toward the striped and every black one in the flocks of Laban; and he put his own droves by themselves, and did not put them with the flock of Laban. (41) And it happened that whenever the strong flocks conceived, Jacob usually placed the rods before the eyes of flocks before the troughs, that they might conceive by the rods. (42) And the flocks being feeble, it was not his custom to place (them); and the weak usually were for Laban. and the strong for Jacob.'

81 Cf. Genesis 30:43 (tr. Green): '(43) And the man increased very much, and he had many flocks, and female slaves, and male slaves, and camels, and asses.'

I l l


C. The Story of Saxil and Samuel Then [there is to be found] also the Books of Annals [jU-I] of the Kings from the Sons of Israel,®^ which for the Jews takes the same course as the Torah. There it is mentioned that there was amongst them a prophet called Samuel. He was famous amongst the prophets, and there is a book about him. The Christians and the Jews [20] admit and give credence to his prophethood and the loftiness of his power, and they possess his book.®' And it is reported in the book that he appointed a king for the Jews, whose name was Saul [OjlUa].®^

And God Most High supported him for the killing of Amalek,®^ and he did it, except that he disobeyed in respect of the livestock.®® The king was toppled from his rank, and David was anointed instead of

82 The 'Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel' — here referred to as 'the Books of Annals of the Kings from the Sons of Israel' — is in fact a lost work which, in the same way as the 'Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah' is mentioned within the Book of Kings a certain number of times (ei^teen and fifteen times respectively). On this, see Menahem Haran, 'The Books of the Chronicles "Of the Kings of Judah" and "Of the Kings of Israel": What Sort of Books Were They?', Vetus Testamentum 49, Fasc. 2 (1999), pp. 156-164, especially pp. 156-159. As mentioned in the Introduction (p. 35), this lost work is extra-canonical, so the Brethren are quite right when they affirm that it 'takes for the Jews the same course as the Torah'.

83 The Brethren speak of only one Book of Samuel, in agreement with the Jewish tradition.

84 Cf 1 Samuel 10:1 (tr. Green): 'And Samuel took the vial of oil and poured on his (Saul's) head, and kissed him, and said, Is it not because Jehovah has anointed you as leader over His inheritance?'

85 Cf 1 Samuel 15:1-3 (tr. Green): '(1) And Samuel said to Saul, Jehovah sent me to anoint you king over His people, over Israel; and now, Usten to the voice of the words of Jehovah. (2) Thus says Jehovah of hosts. I will visit Amalek with what he did to Israel, how he set himself against him in the way, when he came up from Egypt. (3) Now go, and you shall strike Amalek and destroy all that he has; and you shall put to death (all), from man to woman, from little one to suckling, from ox to sheep, from camel to ass.'

86 , Cf 1 Samuel 15:13-15 (tr. Green): '(13) And Samuel came to Saul, and Saul said to him. Blessed (are) you of Jehovah; I have performed the word of Jehovah. (14) And Samuel said. What (is) this bleating of the sheep in my ears? And the lowing of the oxen which I hear? (15) And Saul said. They have brought them from Amalek, because the people had pity on the best of the flock, and of the oxen, in order to sacrifice to Jehovah your God; and the rest we have destroyed.'

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him,®' on travel and Samuel died. And Saul busied himself with killing magicians and fortune-tellers, and amongst them was killed who was killed, and fled who fled.®' And he [Saul] turned to the people of [p. 294] the Philistines so as to fight with all the fortune-tellers amongst them.'" But fright pervaded him, because of the multitude of armies raised against him." (fol. 524b) And he did not find any pacifier [to respond] to his speech, as was his habit as prophet: neither magician, nor fortune-teller, nor sage. And he got anxious about this.'

He said to his relatives, 'Look for a magician for me; I shall ask him about the matter of my circumstances.'

One suggested a sorceress to him." He had faith in her and asked her to revive a prophet he could seek [advice] from.''' She asked him

87 Cf 1 Samuel 15:35 (tr. Green): 'Ani Samuel never again saw Saul until the day of his death, for Samuel mourned for Saul; and Jehovah repented that He had caused Saul to reign over Israel'; and 1 Samuel, 16:13 (tr. Green): And Samuel took the horn of oil and anointed him [David] in the midst of his brothers; and the Spirit of Jehovah came upon David from that day onward.

88 The text is severely corrupt here. Lam provides 'nasaja la-hu dawUd sitran (and David weaved for him a veil') which is nowhere to be found in the original text. The expression 'on travel' is awkward as well, since it does not appear as such in the Bible either. But its use may have resulted from an unfortunate attempt at paraphrasing and summarizing the text according to the following scheme: God sends Samuel as prophet. Samuel, while on travel, anoints David. Later on, Samuel dies to be resurrected by the sorceress.

89 This phrase, which is not in the original, looks like an interpolation. 90 Cf 1 Samuel 28:3-4 (tr. Green): '(3) And Samuel was dead, and all of Israel had

mourned for him, and buried him in Ramah, even in his city. And Saul had taken away those having familiar spirits, and the wizards, out of the land. (4) And the Philistines had gathered and had come in, and camped in Shunem; and Saul gathered all Israel, and they camped in Gilboa.'

91 Cf 1 Samuel 28:5 (tr. Green): 'And Sad saw the camp of the Philistines, and his heart trembled and feared greatly'.

92 Cf 1 Samuel 28:6 (tr. Green): 'And Saul asked of Jehovah, and Jehovah did not answer him, either by dreams, or by Urim, or by prophets.'

93 Cf 1 Samuel 28:7 (tr. Green): 'And Saul said to his servants, Seek out for me a woman possessing a familiar spirit, and I wiU go to her and inquire of her. And his servants said to him. Behold, a woman possessing a familiar spirit (is) in Endor.'

94 Cf 1 Samuel 28:8 (tr. Green): 'And Saul disguised himself and put on other clothing, and went, he and two of the men with him; and they came to the woman by night. And he said, I beg of you, divine to me by the familiar spirit, and cause (him) whom I will say to you to come up to me.'

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which prophet he would choose to be revived. He chose Samuel, and she revived him. She got frightened at the sight of him and cried for help.'^

But Saul told her, 'Do not be frightened! What did you see?' She said, 'I saw an old man, radiant like the angels of the Lord,

wrapped up in a coat, as if [5] he arose from the earth.' And Saul knew that it was Samuel. He went closer to him, and he

prostrated himself in front of him.'® And Samuel told him, 'Why did you make me return and revive me?' Saul said, '[This is a time] I am at a loss lUU],'' because

of the people of the Philistines and their fight against me, and the cessation of God's support of me, and the fact that He deprives me of clemency. I called you to consult you about my affairs.'

Samuel said, 'God Most High transferred the kingship to your companion. He was angry at you and at the Sons of Israel, because of what you had done regarding the livestock of Amalek. He was the one assisting the Philistines against you and [He was the one who] made them victorious. And you will proceed together with usjtomorrow, amongst the dead'."

95 Cf. 1 Samuel 28:11-12 (tr. Green): '(11) And the woman said. Whom shall I bring up to you ? And he said, Bring up Samuel to me. (12) And the woman saw Samuel, and cried out with a loud voice; and the woman spoke to Saul, saying. Why have you deceived me, for you (are) Saul?'

96 Cf 1 Samuel 28:13-14 (tr. Green): '(13) And the king said to her, Do not be afraid; for what have you seen? And the woman said to Saul, I have seen a god coming up out of the earth. (14) And he said to her. What (is) his appearance? And she said. An old man is coming up, and he is covered with a robe. And Saul knew that he (was) Samuel, and bowed (his) face to the earth, and prostrated himself

97 The expression translated literally is, 'The earth has shrunk for me'. 98 Cf. 1 Samuel 28:15 (tr. Green); 'And Samuel said to Saul, Why have you disturbed

me, to bring me up? And Saul said, I am grieviously distressed, and the Philistines are fighting against me, and God has departed from me and has not answered me any more, either by the hands of the prophets, or by dreams; and I called for you to make known to me what I should do.'

99 Cf 1 Samuel 28:17-19 (tr. Green): '(17) And Jehovah is doing for Himself as He spoke by my hand; and Jehovah is tearing the kingdom out of your hand and giving to your neighbour, to David. (18) Because you did not listen to the voice of Jehovah, or execute the fierceness of His anger on Amalek, therefore Jehovah is doing this thing to you today. (19) Yea, Jehovah is also giving Israel into the hands of the Philistines along with you; and tomorrow you and your sons (shall be) with me. And Jehovah shall give the camp of Israel into the hand of the Philistines.'v


Then Saul went out and, because of this, sank to the ground unconscious.^"" And the sorceress recognized him and came closer to him, together with those who were with him, [10] and they did not cease to be with him until he became fit [again]. She provided hospitality to them for the night, and they departed in the morning."" The fight was fierce and defeat befell the Hebrews. They [the Philistines] multiplied the killing amongst them.^"^ Three ofthe sons of Saul were killed, and he leant on his spear and took it out from his back.^°' And the Sons of Israel gathered together to name David as king, and he fought whoever

defied them. All this is equally supplied by the Annals. And of these [reports],

there is one which is dedicated to the philosophers, and there is one which is dedicated to the prophets and to the Books of Laws, and there is one about what is reported in the Qur'an as regards mention about magicians and magic, as we have reported in what precedes [this]."-^

100 Cf 1 Samuel 28:20 (tr. Green): 'And Saul hurried, and fell the full length of his stature, to the earth, and greatly feared because of the words of Samuel, and there was no power in him, for he had not eaten bread all that day, and

all that night.' j ,, 101 Cf 1 Samuel 28:21-25 (tr. Green): '(21) And the woman came to Saul, and saw

that he was greatly distressed and said to him, Behold, your servant has listened to your voice, and I put my life in my hand, and I obeyed your words which you spoke to me. (22) And now. I beg of you. you also hsten to the voice of your servant, and I will set before you a bit of bread, and eat. and there shaU be Lrength in you when you go on the way. (23) But he refused, and said. I ml^not eat But his servants urged him. and the woman also, and he listened to their voices and rose from the earth, and sat on the bed. (24) And the woman had a fat calf in the house; and she hurried and killed it, and took flour and kneaded it. and baked unleavened bread of it; (25) and brought near before Saul, and before his servants; and they ate. and rose up, and went on during Aat nigh .

102 Cf 1 Samuel 29:1-2 (tr. Green): '(1) And the Philistines gathered aU the to Aphek; and Israel was pitched at a fountam which (is) m Jezreel. (2) And the rulers of the Philistines were passing on by hundreds, and by thousands; an David and his men were passing on in the rear with Achish.

103 Cf 1 Samuel 31:4-6 (tr. Green): 'And Saul said to his armor-bearer. Drawyour sword and and thrust it through me, lest they come, these uncircumcised ones, and shall thrust me through and roll themselves on me. But his armor-bearer would not, for he was greatly afiraid; so Saul took the sword and fell upon it. (5) And his armor-bearer saw that Saul was dead; and he fell, he also, on his sword, and died with him. (6) And Saul, and three of his sons, and his armor-bearer. and all his men, died on that day together.'

104 The Brethren seem to recapitulate here the sources they have been previously

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Conclusion by the Ikhwan al-Safa'

Do you believe that all this is a lie and without foundation, and idiocy and stupidity on the part of whoever reports it to those who feign amazement [but who] disavow it in their souls, [15], regarding as a he what they hear about because of their ignorance, [whereas] they are overbearing towards them, with haughtiness and arrogance, because of their lack of intelligence, the small-mindedness of their sciences, and their inadequacy in acquisition of the real sciences?

[p. 295] Those people find disavowing and lying easier for them. God is the Helper; let us ask Him for the goodness of success and choice.

Chapter 6 Magic with the Sabi'ans, the Harranians, and the Hanifs

A. Historical Perspective

We say that the last ones of those about whom we have heardrthose giving credence to the sciences of talismans and their effects, whose information was passed down to us and whose traces have reached us, [they] are the Greeks [^^^Isjj]. According to them, those [believers in talismans] have different names in the view of the people: Sabi'ans

Harranians and Hanifs They had taken, then, the roots of their sciences from the Babylonians [ the Egyptians [jjii/.^], according to the exchange of the arts and the sciences

quoting from, namely, Plato ('a report dedicated to the philosophers'); the Judeo-Christian Torah ('a report dedicated to the prophets and to the Books of Laws'); and the Qur'an. Note that there is no trace of Abu Ma'shar's Mudhdkardt here.

105 There is full agreement between the manuscripts and Beirut on $dbi'iin. 106 The reading liarrdniyyiin is given by nun, which thus plainly confirms Marquet's

emendation ('Sabeens I', p. 36) of IlarrdsQn as found in Beirut (and Idm). 107 The two manuscripts have Haniifiyyiin (possibly IfatiXfiyyiin), whereas Beirut

has the unintelligible Hatufun. The correction IfanifQn, already suggested by Marquet ("Sabeens I', p. 36), is largely supported by the manuscripts.

108 Our testimonies are at great variance here: Beirut has Surydniyyin ('the Syrians'); lam has an implausible Rabbdniyyin; and nun has Bdbiliyym, which we have adopted since it fits much better with the context. All implications from the reading 'Syrians' (which was naturally the one endorsed by Marquet and all the other scholars li^ng worked on Beirut alone) must therefore be discarded.

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in the countries, according to the governments and the religions [20] that had arisen there. And amongst the ancient chiefs [f-^jj] there were four: Agathodaimon [ jjiiitl],"" Hermes [|_^ja],^"' Homer and Aratus [^\J]."' Then their contingents divided into

109 Nun has Aghddhimun (one of the usual Arabic forms for Agathodaimon), which we retain here. Beirut and Idm have something like A'ddimdyun. On Agathodaimon, see M. Plessner, 'Aghathudhimun , pp. 254-255; UUmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften, pp. 175-177 (Agathodaemon). As mentioned in the Introduction (p. 10), Agathodaimon also appears in a passage from Epistle 44 ('On the Belief of the Brethren of Purity') in association with various other prophets, ranging from Adam to Muhammad. The text about Agathodaimon reads: 'Would you feel like entering the temple of Agathodaunon, in order to contemplate the spheres woven by Plato — these are only spiritual spheres ['afldk rawhdniyya], and not those pointed at by the astronomers' {Rasd'il, vol. 4, p. 19.8-9). On this, see Corbin, 'Rituel', pp. 187-188: 'L'invitation a entrer dans le Nouveau Temple y est formulee en termes qui en mentionnent explicitement le Sabeisme ideal par un rappel d'Agathodaimon que les Sabeens reconnaissaient comme leur prophete'. Baffioni, 'Secret Sects', p. 14, suggests that the reference to Plato in the passage from Epistle 44 may be to the Epinomis.

110 Both manuscripts and Beirut agree on Hirmis. See Baffioni, 'Secret Sects, p. 14: 'In our Encyclopaedia we find three quotations about Hermes [...]. Two of them, alluding to astral religion, note Hermes' Sabean origin. In Ep. 3, [voL 1,] pp. 137.23-138.2 we read that, thanks to his wisdom, he was able to divest himself of his body and ascend to the sphere of Saturn, where he revolved with the sphere for thirty years, by which time he had acquired experience of all the states of the sphere. Afterwards, he came down to earth again and taught astronomy to mankind. The same account is given in Ep. 5, [vol. 1,] pp. 225.19-226.4, where Qur'an 19:57 is also quoted for the second time; in Ep. 9, [vol. 1,] p. 297.10-2, with regard to how God created His vicary on earth, there is a reference to the "fourA sifr of Hermes' work", which may be an allusion to Enoch's book about Adam's cycle'. On Hermes, and especially the legend of Hermes Trismegistus in Arabic literature, see Massignon, 'Inventaire', pp. 384-400; Gundel, Astrologoumena, pp. 10-27; UUmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften, pp. 368-378 (Hermes and Hermeticism); Pappacena, 'Ermete Trismegisto', pp. 263-283; van Bladel, 'Sources', pp. 285-293; van Bladel, Arabic Hermes (New York: OUP, 2009). See also, for later Latin developments of the legend, Burnett, 'Three Hermes, pp. 231-234.

111 The reading Gmahris comes, here again, from nun, whereas Idm and Beirut provide us respectively with something like armahris and lumhars. Marquet's proposal to emend the Beirut variant with Omahris (for Homer) is quite remarkable.

112 The correct reading Ardfus is given, this time, by Idm (and Beirut); nCin has something like Artalus, which may be discarded. The comparison with other Arabic statements about the $abi'ans has led some scholars to take this name as referring to Arani, but the correspondence of our text with Mas'udi (who provides the same list in his Tanblh), makes it clear that Aratus is to be preferred here; see the Introduction, p. 43. On this rather curious inclusion of Homer and

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Pythagoreans Aristotelians [fc^lk^jl],'"Platonists

and Epicureans

B. Philosophical Doctrines

They allege that the world is finite in its dimension, since it is spherical in shape."' And they allege that there is no commencement to its existence and no second one [ jbj \x^ rather, that it

Aratus, two Greek poets a priori not connected with Hermeticism, see Marquet, Pythagoriciens, p. 11: 'Les IJarraniens, comme les Grecs de basse epoque, croyaient sans doute aux significations esoteriques des vers hom^riques. Quant Aratos, po^te de r^poque mac^donienne et seleucide, sans doute est-ce son poeme astronomique, les Phenomenes, qui lui vaut son prestige chez ces yarraniens.' Aratus' astronomical poem, so influential in Greek and Roman Antiquity, was in fact a typical product of the Alexandrine milieu, containing a great variety of subtle allusions and riddles (on this, see for instance my 'Knot of the Heavens'). I would argue that this pecuharity may have contributed to the notoriety of this work in Arabic Hermeticism.

113 The reading PUthaghuriyya is provided by Beirut only (the two manuscripts have unintelligible variants here), but the context makes it clear that it is the correct one.

114 Beirut and lam both have AristanUniyya, which the context makes obvious. NUn is unintelligible.

115 Beirut and Idm both have AfldfUniyya, obvious in this context. The name is missing in niin.

116 NUn {al-Afiqiiriisiyya) confirms here Marquet's remarkable intuition ('Sabeens I', p. 37). Ldm and Beirut have: al-Aq'Hrusiyya, which Baffioni ('Secret Sects', pp. 15-16) suggests linking with the Greek dpxovTiK6(;, but the argument seems to me far-fetched. True, the mention of Epicureans looks odd here since, as Baffioni remarks, the Brethren's awareness — and, broadly speaking. Islamic awareness — about Epicurus and Epicureanism was almost nonexistent. But the name was known, and I would take its inclusion here as yet further evidence for the Brethren's lack of familiarity with the history of philosophical traditions of Antiquity.

117 Note the implication of the phrase: the world is said to be finite 'because' i'li-anna-hu, given by both manuscripts) it is spherical and not 'except for the fact that' {'illd anna-hu) it is spherical, as given by Beirut.

118 One has to choose here between Beirut {'mabda' thdnin') and ldm {'mabda' wa-thdnin'). Beirut is problematic, as was already noted by Baffioni, 'Secret Sects', p. 17: 'The pattern "mabda' thdnin" is, to my knowledge, very rare in the Rasd'il, and used in reference to the numbers (see, e.g., Ep. 1, [vol. 1,] pp. 58.22-59.5). Now, such a construction postulates an object x, the awwal of a series, as distinct from another object y, which is thdnin in reference to x. We may therefore infer that in our texh^s well the mabda' thdnin is to be denied to another mabda', in this case, the oljly one. Such an idea contradicts Kindi's [as reported by Ibn

118


is dependent on the Creator, how powerful and lofty is He,"' as the dependence of the effect with respect to its cause. And they allege that the phenomena of the terrestrial world take place by means of the [following] things:

(1) Matter, subject to mixture (fol. 525a) and composition, that is, the four elements.

(2) Souls, those moving and those immobile in their individuals. (3) The impulse from the celestial world towards the four elements

and [the things] generated from them, in order for them to get prepared to receive the influences of souls in terms of motion and immobility, union and separation, heat and cold, humidity and dryness — [influences] by which the artist [j^U] consolidates the influence of the art [ic^] on matter for every thing produced.

(4) The preservation by the supreme divinity, how lofty is His loftiness, ofthe powers of all existing beings upon them [yc] [i.e., the elements], the support of His help to them M [existing beings], [5] the completion by Him of their objectives and aims, and the distribution of existing things amongst the seven planets.

And they allege that the fixed stars are allotted to the planets, mixed with their powers, assisting them with respect to their actions. And they allege that the ninth sphere is in contact with the sphere of the fixed stars and that it is the sphere that terminates with the sphere of the zodiac, formed with images [j^] that distinguish it;''° [and they allege] that each one of its degrees is divided into two parts, one on the north and the other one on the south, including images that one has come

al-Nadim] statement about the Sabean doctrine that the world has an eternal and unique author, devoid of attributes, and to whom the qualities of the caused beings are not referable'. We have thus preferred ldm, whose reading would seem to better agree with Ibn al-Nadim's report, namely, 'These people [tiie Harranian Sabi'ans] agree that the world has a prime cause [the transcendant deity] who is eternal and a unity, rather than multiple'; Ibn al-NadIm, Fihrist, tr. Dodge, p. 746.

119 In agreement with their own understanding of the concept of Uanif, we note from this kind of statement that the Ikhwan had no problem in identifying tiie God revered by the Sabi'ans with the God of the Muslims.

120 The zodiacal sphere is the only one of the heavenly spheres that is made of 'images' {suwar), namely, the twelve 'images' or 'representations' corresponding to the twelve zodiacal signs or catasterisms.

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TertdT T- over fc And I t •" r have reported

when they allotted the terrestrial issues [10] to the planets anrf organized then, under their direction and the

proceeded also along this way with respect to areas, dimes, districts c i t i e s , a n d v i l l a g e s . " ^ i > i r i c i s .

As regards souls, for them [i.e., those crediting magic] there are

tlntf] . 'r-l and Which doLlivet the lineage U^]. one way or another, because of their elevation

7 ™ • • ' • t h e i r f l l t h a n d t h e i r squalor. They call these souls the divine [ones].

And, for them [the believers], those are divided into two kinds.'^^

, f f ^'PP-®^~^04and'Oikoumen6hypouranios' dd m

proiZhrrw tiTttftL'" tr-=

only), nun (confirmed at Lt ta Iwo"Sy °"™' jinth (a variant ofiim mp=,nin„ • > , ^ T' common word

123 Compare the testimony to foZ'lit^The

n».ely .he devils. And fi, „d.er „e'al«ched',„b" dS

120

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he first kind is good by essence, and its individuals are called angels. They [the believers] seek to get closer to them [angels], in order to appropriate the good. And the second kind is bad by essence, and its individuals are called devils. They [the believers] seek to get closer to them [devils], in order to get rid of their bad. And they assign to each one [15] of them a distinct invocation [e-Wj], a determined incense [jô], and a sequence of rituals [ J-p], by way of which they attain what they wish.'^'

Other souls are linked to the lineage [du:^] of the stars and do not depart from it. And these are nevertheless linked and behave in this terrestrial world according to two categories of behaviour:

(1) By way of the natures of the bodies [:>Lu:>-I] [to which they are linked], as is reported in the books of astrology.

(2) By way of their souls. Other souls are linked to bodies [.^L^t] without departing firom them

and without renovmcing them, except to the extent that their spirit [^jj] departs as a result of their passing-away. Of this class of souls, there is one species [^] that lives in the human lineage [Îvi:^] and behaves [in accordance] with it and in it and does not depart from it, except on the occasion when the soul departs fi-om the rest of the individuals — animals and plants — while passing to the Sea of Taus [^jlL],'^® namely, [20]

of the stars, are inseparable from them and do not detach from them {tasbiru 'an-hd) but to a certain extent, and these act {mutasarrifa) in the world by two types of actions {taârruf): (a) in the natures of their bodies (ajsad) according to what is recorded in the books about the dispositions of the stars, and (b) in their souls. And other souls are attached to the bodies (ajsad), do not separate from them and do not detach from them {tasbiru 'an-hd) other than to the extent that they separate from the body (juththa) for its corruption. And among this class of souls there is a species which dwells in the human body (juththa) and does not separate from it but like the souls of the other animal and vegetal beings separate [from them], and the place to which they arrive {mafiru-hd) is the Sea called Tus, to be punished there unless (illd an) they seek a delay in falling into matter, where their staying will be proper and they will have the power to attain their redemption.'

124 Both Marquet ('Sabeens I', p. 38) and Baffioni ('Secret Sects', p. 18) assume that this word means 'to offer a sacrifice', but I would see that as over-interpretation.

125 On these elements as part of the Sabi'an initiation ceremonies, see the Introduction, pp. 62-63.

126 Marquet ('Sabeens I', p. 38) suggests, without conviction, the 'lunar ocean'. But the 'Sea of Taus' (ba/ir (dus) in the present context might well be directly

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the sphere of ether, in order [for them] to suffer there until they ask for the reversal of this and the descent into a matter that is fitting for their dwelling, and in order [for them] to take command of the realization of their salvation.

And they [the believers in magic] allege to be able to know the path of these [souls] by pondering character traits [j^^I] and habits. If they find [one soul] similar to the beasts [ia^J in its behaviour, having a nature [i*Ja] without a thought about the support of a religion or [about] the examination of a doctrine, then, regarding it, they decree that its soul is the soul of a beast, for which nothing is fitting but only the fact of populating a house and perpetuating the species of mankind [i^Lol y]. As for the other (fol. 525b) species, these are souls for which it is possible that, when they are healthy, they ascend towards the spheres and live in them and take pleasure with them and in them. But it is possible, when they are ill, for them to fall down from them [the spheres] and live in the [human] lineage [il^] [p. 297] and be linked

connected with the peacock (pa'iis or fdwHs, from the Greek tacbc;) and some of its symbolism. F. Vir6, 'Tawiis', EI2, p. 396, records that 'according to some beliefs, it [the peacock] is said to have been the cause of the entry of the Devil into Paradise and of the expulsion of Adam, with the injunction that he was never to return there for the whole duration of the terrestrial world'. A Muslim legend reported via the QifUf al-anbiya literature has it indeed that Iblis, who wished to enter Paradise, then guarded by the angel Ricjwan, managed to slip past him by convincing the haughty peacock to carry him under its feathers into the Garden; see Knappert, Islamic Legends, pp. 36-37. On Malik Ta'us, the King Peacock (or Angel Peacock) believed to have redeemed itself from its fall and then become a central figure in the Kurdish Yazidi religious literature, see Kreyenbroek, 'Yazidi', pp. 313-316, especially p. 313. The Ikhwan identify here the 'Sea of Taus' with the 'sphere of ether' (which is mid-way between the spheres ofthe four elements and the planetary spheres), and mention the souls that are there to endure suffering until they find the way of'descent into a matter'. In other words, the expression is meant to designate the 'interval' between heaven and hell in which the souls are believed to remain between two successive cycles of metempsychosis. See also Ibn al-NadIm, Fihrist, tr. Dodge p. 746: 'They [the apostles] have promised enduring contentment for the obedient, but for the person who is disobedient, they have promised torment and punishment to the extent which he deserves. Eventually, however, this [punishment] wiU be ended. It is related that one of their leaders said, "God punishes for nine thousand cycles, after which there will be a change to the compassion of God'". On Shahrastani's report on metempsychosis and reincarnation cycles, see also the Introductid^, p. 49.

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with it, and [it is possible that] they take pleasure and suffer from them [human bodies] and in them. And these souls are the human and incarnated souls [i^.

And they allege that it is also possible for them to know towards what outcome the human being is led to after his demise, if he departs from this world while being in the condition he wishes. And this is because, for each view and [each] religion, the thought of the one believing is realized in the direction of one of the categories of character traits, [5] and one is moved towards one of the varieties of actions. Like the doctrine which intensifies the savagery of its people and their primitive way of life, or the doctrine which multiplies dispute and controversy, or the doctrine in which the murder of persons and the seizing of goods are multiplied, or the doctrine in which sacrifices of animals and the consumption of meat, or other doctrines that are wholly absorbed by some of these actions, are exaggerated [i»ji].^^' For these actions, if they are predominant amongst human beings, [they] clothe them with character traits by which their habits are steered, [habits] that are permanent in them and by which they are known.

And they allege also that each category of character traits, even if it is [found] in humans, is more powerful and more apparent in one species [10] amongst the species of animals, such as, bravery with the lion, pride with the wolf, slyness with the fox, greed with the swine, silliness with the donkey, humility with the camel, hastiness with the gecko, stickling with the creepy-crawlies, lasciviousness with the bear, appetency with the monkey, under-handedness with the snake, kleptomania with the magpie, rapturousness with the falcon, fearfulness with the hare.

127 It is interesting to find this judgement on 'exaggerated' doctrines under the Ikhwan's pen, who are generally known for their tolerance and open-mindedness. In this respect one may recall here the famous passage from Epistle 48 ('On the Call to God'), by which they declare: 'Know this, my Brother: we are not opposed to any science, we do not to cling fanatically to any doctrine, and we do not keep ourselves away from any of the books that the sages and the philosophers have written or composed on the various sciences and the subtle meanings which they have extracted by their intellects and observations. As for the support, assistance, and foundation of our cause, they are the books ofthe prophets, God bless them all, the revelation which they have set forth, as well as the information, inspiration, and revelation passed to them by the angels; see Rasd'il, vol. 4, p. 167.

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