british muslim minorities today: challenges and opportunities to europeanism, multiculturalism and...

© 2007 The AuthorJournal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Sociology Compass 1/2 (2007): 720–736, 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00041.x

British Muslim Minorities Today: Challenges and Opportunities to Europeanism, Multiculturalism and Islamism

Tahir Abbas*University of Birmingham

AbstractThis essay explores the issues of multiculturalism, Islamism and the experiencesof Muslim minorities in Western Europe and in Britain in the light of the eventsof 9/11 and 7 July London bombings. First, the experience of immigrantsand minorities and the key historical and cultural debates in which the idea ofEurope has emerged is contextualised. Second, the debate in relation to howmulticulturalism in Western Europe is conceived and problematised is focusedupon. Third, a detailed discussion of the British experience of multiculturalismis elaborated upon, exploring the various shifts in discourse and policy-makerthinking. Finally, suggestions for moving ahead are discussed, and how itmight provide impetus to academic, governmental, civil society and practitioneraction. In conclusion, it is argued that the challenges that Muslim minority youthface in Western Europe are many but not insurmountable if one takes into consid-eration the needs and aspirations of a society that is inclusive and forwardlooking but also aware of the historical and contemporaneous factorsinvolved in the alienation and the marginalisation of variously incorporatedMuslim minorities.

Introduction

This article provides an analysis of the concerns in relation to multiculturalideology and practice in Western Europe and its implications for theidentity politics of young Muslims, who are increasingly regarded at thecentre of the multicultural problem. Focusing on Britain as a specificvariation on the Western European experience, first, this paper exploresdefinitions of ‘Old’ and ‘New’ Europe, especially what it means forMuslims in Europe and in particular Britain, today. Second, I analyse theconcept of ‘multiculturalism’, and, certainly in the British case, how it isa function of internal community dynamics as well as external opportunitystructures at the level of the nation-state. Internal to the nation-state thereis a shift away from a black–white duality towards an emphasis on cultureand ethnicity, while externally there is an erosion of British sovereignty

© 2007 The Author Sociology Compass 1/2 (2007): 720–736, 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00041.xJournal Compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

British Muslim Minorities Today 721

(Gilroy 2004a, b). An emphasis on the latter helps resist notions ofmulticulturalism by both conservative and liberal commentators. Third,the first approach to post-war ‘race’ and ethnic relations in Britaingenerated a policy of assimilation, followed by integration, and thenanti-racism, leading to current applications of multiculturalism, whichhave moved from a more open to a closed form, largely because of crisesabroad which have created crises at home. In reality, however, multicul-turalism does not work perfectly well nor is it accepted everywhere, andit remains a conceptual and philosophical tool rather than actually testablepolicy outcomes (Modood 2007). Fourth, after 9/11, Muslims in WesternEurope are regarded as facing a number of difficulties, with negativemedia and political discourses dominating the nature of social behaviours,perceptions and interactions (Poole and Richardson 2006). Indeed,Muslim minorities have remained unassimilated or not fully integrated notthrough choice but often through a lack of choice. As a result, many tendto rely on internal class and ethnic resources, and, for some, this isseen as regression to a limited cultural perspective. Nevertheless, to fullydetermine the nature of the multiculturalism project, the experiencesof Muslims in Britain after 9/11 and the 7 July London bombings (7/7)remain a useful testing ground. Indeed, some Muslims are engaged inretrospection and introspection while the nation-state officially distancesforeign policy from home-grown terrorism, mask the illegalities of theIraq invasion and its consequences. Domestic policy to deal with preventingterrorism through engagement with politicos and civil society leaders hasremained limited largely because of internal struggles for power. Finally,although the challenges are internal and external some of the solutionscan be already identified. For example, it is important to ensure social,cultural and economic participation of women of Muslim origin,continue to develop efforts to eliminate widening socioeconomic inequ-alities, improve on formal political representation, ensure positive culturalinteractionism with non-Muslim minority and majority society and toreintellectualise Islam by focusing on its humanitarian, intellectual andscientific principles. However, Muslim minority communities cannotoperate within a vacuum and while engagement at every level will berequired the nation-state must loosen its grip in relation to the currentsiege mentality of a vilified group in society that is often thought of asbeing responsible for much of its own failings and that of wider society(Kundnani 2007).

The changing lives of ‘Old’ and ‘New’ Europe

We live in incredibly interesting times and in a world that is smaller thanit has ever been but could not be further apart – the internationalisationof capital and labour have led to what we call today globalisation, andthe ways in which local communities are impacted so closely by its

722 British Muslim Minorities Today


development. What does all of this mean for the many different ethnicminorities who live and work in Western Europe, and more particularly,who are different by virtue of faith, colour as well as culture? There area number of issues relating to the experiences of Muslim European youth,and the myriad challenges that are to be faced in order to bring about apeaceful resolution to a range of conflicts.

In exploring the nature of the Western European context in whichpost-war immigrant groups have arrived and settled, it is important toappreciate how different nation-states are involved in this process (Klausen2005). In Britain, there are effectively two issues that impact on anyrationalisation of the limitations of multiculturalism, and they can beunderstood both endogenously and exogenously to the minority groupsunder observation. Endogenously, there is a concern with changingforms of racialisation. It is the period in which ‘New Commonwealth’immigration and settlement of British subjects became the dominantparadigm in academic, political and popular discourse that colour racismwas projected as the key index of ‘real’ racism. From established ideas inthe sociology of ‘race’ and ethnicity of the 1970s and 1980s, there is asuggestion that conditions of late modernity are helping to generatemultiple forms of racism and new political subjects that are not simplyreducible to ‘victims’ and ‘oppressors’. This is part of the explanation forthe theoretical shift beyond the black–white model of racism (the colourparadigm) towards one in which cultural and religious identities are atthe forefront. Exogenously, Betts (2001) refers to the erosion of Britishsovereignty, national identity and culture. The subversion of its history andtraditions, and the demoralisation of its institutions and public services area source of increasing unease to many. The process began, Betts argues,with the end of the colonial empires (‘Old Europe’). Since the beginningof the last decade, concern about its consequences has been heightenedby global instability. Furthermore, the demise of communism, the riseof national independence movements and the eruption of violent ethno-national conflicts have resulted in the movement of economic refugeesand asylum seekers to Britain and other Western European nations. Thisis a holistic and cross-disciplinary discussion in which the philosophicalbackground of nationalism, (multi)culturalism and toleration are contrastedwith contemporary evidence demonstrating the extent to which they arerelevant to the world today at all and to Britain in particular. A case isargued by some on the right for the preservation of British culturalhegemony and sovereignty by resisting multiculturalism, regional devolution,the political and immigration aspects of Europeanisation (and its enlarge-ment), together with global cosmopolitanism (Goodhart 2004). There-emergence of global ethno-national conflicts and nationalism is seen asconfirmation by liberals for the continuing need for a national identity,as well as an appeal to nationhood, kinship, patriotism and loyalty to aculturally homogenous nation-state.



To effectively manage diversity is a formidable theoretical and politicaltask and no multicultural society has so far totally succeeded in achievingit. The former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia lacked the imagination orwisdom, and ultimately met with their doom. Even affluent, stable andpolitically mature democracies such as Britain, France or Germany haveexperienced limited success, and show signs of strong moral andemotional disorientation in the face of increasing minority demandsfor recognition and equality. In reality, empirical research continues toprovide evidence of racism, discrimination and the general disadvantageand hostility experienced by new and existing ethnic minority groups,in particular Muslims since 9/11. It suggests that economic and socialinequalities continue to reveal themselves to the polarising social andethnic stratification of Britain but, in the present climate, the focus isless on a black–white dichotomy and more in relation to a Muslim–non-Muslim division.

Islam and Western Europe and in Britain

There are appropriately 20 million Muslims in Western Europe, with thebiggest of numbers in France, Germany, the Netherlands and Britain(Nielsen 2004). All of these nation-states share a common history – theywere all ‘Old Europe’ and continue to dominate the political economyof New Europe as it enlarges in an attempt to compete on the globaleconomic stage. But it is Britain, where there are approximately 2 millionMuslims that we are now faced with important questions regardingidentity politics, social exclusion, economic marginalisation and culturalrelativism. In particular, since the events of 7/7, multiculturalism hascome under severe attack from the Right and the Left, and concerns inrelation to ‘Muslim terrorists’ fill the public imagination, created byalliances between certain powerful neo-Orientalist media discoursesand neo-conservative political ideologies. And, yet, apart from a fewhigh-profile political philosophers, few can adequately define or imaginea genuine multicultural society where respect for difference is matched bya national cultural framework that is fully inclusive. Much is being focusedon the Muslim who is disloyal, who seeks not to integrate, Muslimwomen who wish to regress to wearing the face veil, and a body ofMuslim youth that is out of control whether through ‘Jihadi’ sensibilitiesor criminological misdirection. Little attention is being paid to wideningeconomic, social and cultural polarities, and the role of foreign policy(Abbas 2005, 2007a). The continued focus on culture, identity, ethnicityand religiosity per se takes attention away from alienation, exclusion anddisempowerment.

Indeed, the complex reality is more sophisticated than any of the primafacie outcomes would suggest. With one-in-three British Muslims underthe age of 15, there has been a demographic time bomb ticking away well



before 7/7 (Peach 2006). Many young inner-city-British-born Muslimsare disconnected and disgruntled. They lack social, cultural and economicopportunities, while disengaged from the political process. They cannotalways connect with rural-born uneducated leaders and elders whoseattention is on matters elsewhere, where the tendency is for ‘fake elites’to have been propped up by artificial interests, much in the same way asMuslims in colonial societies were manipulated in the past (F. Burgat,personal communication, 2007). In general, local Islamic institutions arenot fit for purpose. A sometimes radicalised (pseudo-)Islamic outlook ispromulgated by burgeoning Salafist bookshops. Young people have theability to download problematic fatwas from websites, with the mediumof English used to communicate fanatic ideals with much effect.

Bader’s (2007) review is useful in attempting to analyse the widerexperience of Muslims in Western Europe after 9/11. As a reaction to theevents of 9/11, policies of assimilationism have come to dominate, ‘whichinclude the recasting of citizenship laws according to security considerations’(Fekete 2004, 4). In relation to multiculturalism, it is apparent the ‘racerelations’ policies are being steered away from multiculturalism andtowards monoculturalism. In Britain, the idea of ‘community cohesion’exemplifies this instance. In all the European Union nation-states, includingthe UK, there has tended to be an implicit belief that all Muslims areresponsible for the reactionary cultural practices of the few. The debateis centred on the idea of an ‘us’ and ‘them’. Voices from within thecommunity are notably silenced by media and state apparatus. Indeed,Fekete (2004) argues that the security state demands ‘cultural homogenisationand forces assimilation’. Similarly, in recent expositions of a multiculturalEuropean identity, others have come to the conclusion that to be Europeanis to be a Christian, Enlightened liberal who abides by Roman law,where the emphasis is on a return to a narrower multiculturally exclusiveEuropean identity (Amin 2004; Marranci 2004).

The question of Muslim minorities living in Western European nation-statesis met with differing answers in differing countries. In France, the generalattitude is very much one of assimilation, where society regards all Frenchpeople as the same. At the other end of the spectrum is Germany where,until 2002, the general consensus was that immigrants, including theirGerman-born descendents, were ‘guest workers’. Britain had adopted areasonably more developed approach towards multiculturalism but thecharacteristics of the 7/7 bombers, who were all British nationals, seemto show that it is too ‘a failing concept’. One of the major issues lies indefining what it is to be ‘British’, as ‘Britishness’ was a concept that wasconceived to amalgamate the English, Irish, Scottish and Welsh. In the sameway that a definition of Britishness needs to be discussed, certain institutionsin British society need to emerge from their lack of awareness in relationto Islamic issues and sensitivities. There is a general misunderstandingamong British society as to what Islam is, and a lack of understanding



of Islamic thought leads many people to ask the Muslims leading question,‘are you British or Muslim?’ when clearly they are both, and more.

There are a number of important sociological factors that come intoplay when explaining the marginalisation or disenfranchisement of youngMuslims in Britain or in other parts of Western Europe. The social,political, cultural and economic conditions that Muslims find themselveshelp to create a social divide. Muslims, for example, face discriminationin education and employment (Brown 2000; Modood et al. 1997; White2002). The majority of Muslims also live in poor neighbourhoods, incrowded houses often lacking basic amenities. Where there is this clearseparation between Muslims and non-Muslims, there is room for jealousyand resentment, and this is something that far right Islamists or far rightsecular political actors can exploit. The original immigrant Muslimcommunity to Britain was of Yemeni origin and their primary role wasto aid in the ship-building history (Ansari 2003). After the Second WorldWar, the need for labour in the 1950s opened up the doors for work andimmigration from once-colonised nations to aid in the redevelopment ofthe country. Many South Asian Muslims who came seeking work weregenerally Pakistani and Bangladeshi in origin because the ‘host society’was not entirely prepared to relax its prejudices again the ‘oriental other’;as a result the immigrant community felt it would need to one day returnto their native society (Anwar 1979; Eade 1989). With these expectationsin mind the communities remained close to their cultural and religiousidentities, that is, there was no obvious need to fully integrate.

The 1960s, however, saw increased migration extending to families ofthe ‘pioneer’ migrants, and so remaining in Britain rather than returningbecame an attractive prospect. For some in the second generations, bornin this country and who are British nationals, there exists a mixedperspective on loyalties. The first generation is eager to maintain its strongties with heritage and religion, and any reproach towards losing this isstrongly scrutinised. The second generation, unlike the first, finds itselfdealing more actively with wider society (Anwar 1998). As well as thescrutiny from within the community, second generations are also subjectto discrimination from wider British society, who challenge their conceptof ‘Britishness’, and are keen to see them adopt British values and moralsover cultural and religious norms. They are, therefore, subjected to aproblem on a number of fronts. ‘Being British’ is seemingly at odds withwhat the first generation perceives as ‘being Muslim’. The trouble lies inthe fact that the perception of what it is to be a South Asian Muslim isbuilt on the model of culture and Islam that came with immigration. Thesecond generations are therefore finding themselves in a dilemma. Theyare both British and Muslim but some find the two on conflicting terms.The choices appear mutually exclusive as many believe they cannot beboth at the same time due to the assumption of inherent conflicting issues.Faced with the demand for conformity from majority society, Muslim



minority communities are precariously balancing many potentially conflictualmodes of being.

There is another similar mechanism that works to exacerbate circumstances.That is, the broad opinion among wider European society seems to bethat the development, and particularly expansion, of an Islamic presencein Europe is somewhat problematic (Ramadan 1999). It is the assimilationof these ideas in the minds of some Muslims that has led to inaccurateassumptions that Western ideals and Islamic identity are two irreconcilableentities. It points to the presupposition that it is not possible for anindividual to be simultaneously Western and Islamic. The result is thatyouth become marginalised, and unable to reconcile their identity conflicts.Given this condition, the prospects for radicalisation are greatly increased.For some Muslim youth searching for recognition, radicalism provides asolution to their problems through three channels. First, it provides a frontto criticise their ethnic minority community but at the same time remainingloyal to it. Second, they are presented with an intellectual way to satisfytheir diasporic religious identities. Finally, it provides a channel to helpdeal with the discrimination faced in their communities, particularlythrough greater participation in the formal political process (cf. Yaqoob2007). Radicalism renders invisible the task of having to negotiate aBritish identity with a Muslim identity, as the core principle of radicalismrests on the belief that such a merger is not only impossible but potentiallya betrayal to Islam and the writings of the Qur’an.

In today’s modern urban centres, there is an increasingly cosmopolitanenvironment, evident through the diversification of personalities, theologiesand polities. It is the increase in these differences between individuals insociety that leads to an increasing need for recognition. The rise in thisdiversification has redefined what conformity there essentially is byexpanding the boundaries of identity, recognising it as multiple and nolonger singular, fixed or uncontested. As the world becomes increasinglyglobalised, individuals align themselves with parochialisms of differentkinds, including certain radicalisms. In more global terms, the deteriorationof Islamic institutions in Muslim countries has been cited for the rise inIslamic political radicalism, with leaders of Muslim countries beingportrayed in a self-fulfilling manner, rather than being portrayed as activelyprotecting Muslims. Militant groups gain popularity by highlighting thisprogressive deterioration (usually associating it with Westernisation) andthen portray themselves not as revolutionaries but as saviours trying tosave the old society from self-destruction. In many cases, these groups givethe impression not of radicalism but of conservatism, which has as its mainideology two powerful concepts: the concept of the Umma together withMuslim suffering, and this is attractive to a broad section of the communitythat identifies itself as Islamic. On the surface, it encourages an Islamicidentity that transcends ethnicity, stimulating emotions that could bethought of as positive, such as charity and empathy.



British ‘race’ and ethnic relations in Britain: From assimilation to multiculturalism

With the arrival of African Caribbean and South Asian economicimmigrants, the assumption of various governments from the 1950sthrough to the 1970s was that given the provision of English languagesupport in schools, the immigrant population would learn ‘to become likeus’, that is, they would be assimilated (Grosvenor 1997). The assimilationistmodel was based on an inadequate understanding of the social psychologyof group identity, and, in particular, the resilience of ethnic identities ina context where the minority community is marginalised and faceshostility. If a minority community begins to adopt the cultural practicesof the dominant ethnic community and is still rejected by the majoritypopulation then assimilation is hardly a viable political or cultural option.Given this scenario, it is unsurprising that xenophobia and racism canpresent themselves in majority populations, reinforcing any tendencyfor minority communities to attempt to retain their unique ethnic andcultural norms and values.

The multicultural doctrine asserts the values of different cultures coexistingwithin a single society – a vision of cultural diversity deliberately fosteredand protected by the nation-state. Responding to the failure of assimilationin the late 1960s, multiculturalism emerged as a policy that allowed forthe recognition of ethnic diversity in Britain. Multiculturalism hasprovided a framework within which ethnic diversity may be recognisedby policy-makers and respect for different cultures encouraged betweenindividuals. Thus, within multiculturalism, the various identities andneeds of ethnic minority communities have tended to be shaped in apolitical process where difference has been the perceived problem(Modood 2005). Mobilisation of ethnic differences in the political processhas the impact of focusing on difference rather than similarities. Throughthe late 1970s and into the mid-1980s, multiculturalism was critiquedby members of ethnic minority communities who resented its implicitpaternalism (Sarup 1991). The notion that racism = prejudice + powerwas seen as too simplistic, seemingly blaming all white groups for theoppression of all non-white groups. This hardened form of anti-racismlost credibility among both minorities and majorities, while a softeranti-racism has persisted throughout, sometimes even gaining prominence,recently seen in reaffirming the issue of institutionalised racism throughthe strengthening the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000.

At the beginning of 1980s, anti-racist strategies emerged as an alternativeto multiculturalism. This model recognised the conflict of interest withinmulti-ethnic Britain, and of addressing systematic processes of inequalitywithin British institutions. It developed its insights from the concept ofinstitutional racism informed by the Race Relations Act 1976, and whichmade clear the idea that that perfectly ordinary people may be involved



in generating discriminatory outcomes through their everyday andprofessional practices. As a model for responding to inequalities anddiscrimination within a multi-ethnic society, anti-racism was a directchallenge to members of the indigenous dominant white community whofelt comfortable with Britain’s ‘tolerant credentials’. Although it started aconsiderable debate in political and governmental circles, it also, however,attracted critique from many on the left and from ethnic minoritycommunities who found it strong on rhetoric and weak on delivery. Agreat emphasis on black identity politics was presented but it did so in anarrow, exclusionary manner devoid of the need to work with sympatheticmajority groups as part of wider-collectivised political struggle.

In Britain, it is apparent that since the 1960s various governments haveshaped policy and practice in relation to ethnic minority groups based onvarious strategies of anti-immigration and anti-discrimination legislationon the one hand and with a programme of assimilation, integration andlatterly multiculturalism on the other. However, what permeates policyand practice is the underlying assumption concerning the inevitableassimilation of immigrant groups. In relation to British Muslims, this hasnot occurred to the extent envisaged, partly as a function of racist hostilityimpacting on people and group potential to positively integrate intodominant economy, polity and society but also because of a lack ofappreciation of the extent to which ethnic minority communities havecome to rely on group class and ethnic resources to mobilise what littleeconomic and social development they can achieve. In effect, Muslimsoften have had little choice but to retreat into their communities. Evenbefore the events of 9/11, questions in relation to ‘loyalty’ to a culturalnational identity were being asked of British Muslims. The 1989 Rushdieaffair placed the concerns of British South Asian Muslims firmly on themap (Modood 1990, 1998; Werbner 2000), with issues of civic engagement,the question of blasphemy laws, multicultural philosophy, the natureand orientation of certain religio-cultural norms and values, andsocioeconomic exclusion and marginalisation dominating rhetoric, policyand practice. Combined with concerns in relation to cultural hybridisationand the recognition of minority religions the experience of and dominantattitudes towards British Muslims permeated debates and discussionsthroughout the 1990s.

Currently, the experience of British Muslims allows debates of integration,multiculturalism and even extremism to be conceptualised in their fullestform. Given the ways in which multiculturalism is seen, understood,accepted, applied and rationalised, it is clear that no other group providesgreater exposure to its effectiveness than Muslims in Britain today.Indeed, there were both external and internal forces at work affectingthe positions of British Muslims before 9/11. Externally, after 9/11 theinternational agenda has dominated domestic politics, there has been atightening of security and anti-terrorist measures (Nellis 2007), and



citizenship tests for new immigrants. Important to consider too are thedisturbances in the North in 2001, as government reaction has direct andlingering implications for British South Asian Muslims (Kundnani 2001).Internally, young British Muslims are increasingly found to be in theprecarious position of having to choose their loyalties, being impacted byradical Islamism on the one hand and developments to British multiculturalcitizenship on the other. This creates tensions and issues, encouragingsome to take up their ‘struggle’ more violently while others seek to adaptto more Western values, for example. There is a contestation between theforces of radicalisation, secularisation and liberalisation impacting on thelives of young British Muslims (Abbas 2007b). In the post-9/11 and 7/7era, British Muslims are at the centre of questions in relation to what itmeans to be British. The basis of this rests in Muslim-related issues on theglobal stage as well as local area concerns in relation to ‘communitycohesion’, citizenship, and multicultural political philosophy.

The way ahead

The year 2006 was a particularly difficult year for British Muslimcommunities and no less so than 2005. What went wrong again? The year2006 saw a number of high-profile arrests of Muslims. Forest Gate in June2006, the ‘foiled terror plot’ of August 2006 and the Jack Straw niqab‘debate’ are some of the most memorable. Political and media activity inrelation to these debates was vast, expansive but ultimately detrimental.The hugely anticipated speech by Tony Blair on multiculturalism inDecember 2006 was an unexciting, and ultimately anodyne set of words.The July 2006 invasion of Lebanon and the use of chemical weapons byIsraeli armed forces are quickly forgotten. Today, after his end as PrimeMinister, Tony Blair aspires to solve the Palestinian crises but what can heachieve little when on the ‘Arab street’ he is regarded as being so closelytied to a politico-ideological agenda set by the USA. The British mediaand political institutions have been focusing on Muslims as the problem,not the workings of society itself. What do this mean for British Muslimsin the current period and what solutions can be identified in relation tothis malaise? There is a need to move beyond endogenous British Muslimnavel-gazing, although there are important critiques of this experience(Ahmad 2007; Aziz 2007; Husain 2007; Manzoor 2007; Omaar 2007),and to engage with wider British society far more in the process ofmoving forward. I outline four key steps.

First, the position of Muslim women is problematic. Of course, muchhas to do with majority society but it also has to do with Muslim men.The arguments are well rehearsed but suffice to say that before Islam cameto the Arab world, women had many freedoms but limited rights. Theyfought wars, battles and traded blows with men. They successfullybargained and exchanged goods and services with their male counterparts.



When Islam came along, women received less freedom but many morerights. Today, here in Britain or in the wider Arab world, Muslim womenhave little to feel confident about (Mernissi 1992). In the current climate,Muslims cannot flourish when half of the Ummah is unrepresented.There is much that is also a function of the role of majority society,certainly in how it orientalises the Muslim woman (cf. Said 1994), andhow employment outcomes reflect negative biases in selection andrecruitment (Anwar 2005). The Muslim woman in routinely objectifiedin majority society media and political discourses, and because of a lackof confidence or trust many Muslim first-generation women do not seekto engage with the labour market and prefer to maintain their focus onthe domestic sphere. However, the second generations are exhibitinggreater levels of confidence and optimism, and their presence is beginningto be more resolutely felt, particularly within education (Ahmad 2001;Basit 1997; Dale 2002). With a number of high-profile Muslim womenin public life, the negative perceptions are slowly being tackled. However,with only one in five Muslim women who can work that does work, theyremain significantly under-represented (White 2002). Employment doesnot just relate to incomes so one can afford luxury items but it is a social,cultural and intellectual sphere of activity which builds upon the ‘capitals’people are able to generate. On average, Muslim men too do not fare aswell in the labour market, but much here is also to do with self-employment,under-employment and long-term health problems. Muslims certainlyneed to broaden beyond limited occupational choices, which tend to bethe most difficult to enter, and the educational directions often used toget them there rather than always opting for the ‘gold standard route’ ofhighly technical further education followed by elite university entry(Modood 2006). What is required is apart from majority society makingbetter efforts to integrate Muslim women, Muslim minority communitiesneed to re-explore the relationship between Islam and patriarchy, anddevelop more progressive strands in Islam that provides greater freedomsfor Muslim women to better engage and participate in institutions insociety.

Second, politically, it is not enough to simply leave matters to the ‘few’,and one cannot emphasise enough the importance of Muslim men andwomen actively engaging in the political sphere, as without it there is littlehope in making an impact on policy and practice. In specific relation toleadership, the original ‘few’ tended to be self-appointed community leaderswhose successes are based on a patrilineal-clan-kinship network of maleelders and the support they can facilitate as prominent patriarchs. Thisapproach has been imported into Britain by a first generation thatexperienced firsthand the tribal feudalism that still inflicts the sendingregions of South Asia to this day (based on the historical legacy ofcolonialism and the creation ‘fake elites’). By remaining outside of mainstreampolitics, there is no recognition of the concerns that people face, there is



no suggestion of actively consulting such disfranchised groups, and thereevery effort made to work together to determine positive outcomes. But,at the same time, with the recent decline in support for the ‘War onTerror’, with the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office now drop-ping the term altogether, there are a whole host of quickly developingMuslim political leaders rushing to fill the vacuum left by first generationsin retreat and central government attempts to bring on new people. Fromthe early 1980s onwards these first-generation Muslims leaders in suchplaces as Bradford, Manchester and Birmingham were comprehensivelyexploited by the Labour Party for their abilities to return bloc votes,particularly in local councils. It is incumbent upon majority society tofoster deeper and wider political participation and representation amongBritish Muslims as well as to help break down existing patterns andprofiles in relation to negative Muslim participation and representation.

Third, what do Muslims do in relation to culture? Here, culture wouldbe defined in terms of art, literature and music, as well the celebration ofsocial and cultural modes of conduct and behaviour associated with them.How is this and other (multi)culture(s) positively used by Muslims as away in which to engage in dialogue, interaction, exchange or positiverelations with others? Britain, for all its failings, is still one of the mostopen, tolerant and liberal societies in Western Europe. For many Muslimsliving in Denmark, France, Germany and Italy, it is altogether a morenegative experience. Why do British Muslims fall down when weintroduce culture? The issues are complex but suffice to say the Muslimsof Britain are heterogeneous, and are further differentiated in terms ofsocial class and region. Poorer uneducated Muslims in the North andMidlands do not have the ‘capital’, the confidence or wherewithal. Moreaffluent, educated, Muslims in the South do, and they often lead whatlittle there is in terms of this presence. More effort needs to be made bypeople outside of London to engage with national culture, and to explorehow other local and national British cultures are akin to Islamicapproaches to life, and there are plenty of examples today, that is, directprogressive taxation, adoption and fostering services, welfare payments forthe old and infirm, universities and hospitals, for instance. These examplesrepresent a common approach to modernity that has roots in Islamichistory and science but also in the post-war social welfare policies ofWestern Europe.

Finally, there is the issue of the intellectual. There are numerous socialscientists and humanities experts but one cannot easily count on one handthe number of high-profile Muslim theologians who could be regardedas notable. We need to look forward, not back. Think positively, notnegatively. Be progressive, not regressive. Be open, not closed. Islam wasripe for dehumanising, oppressing and subjugating when we as Muslimsclosed the doors of individual interpretation. Muslims are ripe for thepicking today if they continue to remove themselves from the public



sphere and regard other non-Muslims (and other Muslims even) asunworthy of consideration. Muslims need to achieve a successful Islam,here in Britain and everywhere else in the world, when humanity returnsas the focus.

On the positive side, the lack of public intellectualism will dissipateonce Muslims become more confident and better integrated into society.It will dramatically impact on Muslim–non-Muslim relations and foster acreative dialogue and the positive interactions of ideas, opinions andactions. This is increasingly becoming the case.

Concluding thoughts

This paper has addressed a number of important issues in the study ofMuslim minorities in Western Europe, and the challenges of sacralisationand the application of an effective approach to multiculturalism since theevents of 9/11 in the USA and more recent terror attacks on Europeansoil, that is, Madrid, Amsterdam and London in 2004 and 2005. Infocusing on the issues, it is clear that each Western European nation-statecontext is important to appreciate. Each needs to effectively determine anappropriate range of policies and practices to eliminated disadvantage,discrimination and alienation in an effort to bring about an effectivemodel of equality, integration and multiculturalism. Paying particularattention to the British experience it is clear that the events of 9/11 and7/7 have compounded matters in how Muslim minorities regard themselvesand how they relate to non-Muslim majorities in an atmosphere of repression,vilification and stigmatisation as the nation-state reconceptualises itself inthe light of devolution, expanding Europeanisation and globalisation.There are a number of areas that Muslim minorities can begin to tackleendogenously, such improving gender equality, engaging in the formalpolitical process, cultural interactionism and intellectual redevelopmentbut it is without doubt the context in which these challenges are beennegotiated have a potentially greater impact on outcomes. Various Europeannation-states are in the process of realigning their specific economic, politicaland cultural and social positions on the world stage, while ‘Old Europe’continues to dominate ‘New Europe’. Furthermore, the battle for theaccession of Turkey into the European Union will rage on whilecommentators and officials struggle over the question of whether theEuropean Union is essentially a club of Christian nations.

These challenges operate at a number of levels that are local, nationaland international; however, it will be incumbent on both non-Muslimmajority nation-states and Muslim minority communities to regard themas opportunities to build a Western Europe that is inclusive, forwardlooking and able to overcome the historical and cultural barriers toeffective relations between the Muslim and Christian worlds. Moreover,all of these challenges read in another away are opportunities, and this is



important to concentrate on if we wish to move forward. Over 500 yearsof imperial and colonial endeavours, parts of ‘Old Europe’ continues tohold on to a cultural memory that systematically demonised Islam andMuslims. After the eventful collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the pan-Islamism of the twentieth century demonstrated that politicised Muslimsthought of one thing only – a return to literal application of Islamicprinciples and practices. But this vision was clouded by ideologues suchas Sayid Qutb and Mawlana Mawdudi who saw this as an immediatesolution to the perceived problem, not a pro-active forward-lookingresponse, although this is done from a position of weakness, not strength;at a time when the colonial and imperial powers were in retreat but notquite fully out of the way.

The challenge today, as Islam continues to lose ground in the face ofcollected efforts to eliminate its presence, is to ensure that enlightenedWestern European born or educated Muslim minorities can act as thevanguard in this important epoch of history. The post-war period has seenindependence in Muslim lands, but effective modernity and democracyare nowhere to be found. Instead, despotism, militarism and factionalismare rife. This again is because outside states prop up problematic regimessuch as Syria, Egypt, Libya and, until recently, Iraq (1980–1988), morehistorically, Iran (1953–1979). Much of the Muslim theological hierarchyis morally and spiritually questionable, putting aside the fact that thereshould be no clergy in Islam at all. Young Muslims in Western Europeneed to return to Itjihad (individual interpretation) but to also appreciatethe freedoms and liberties that exist for all. Young Muslims need to realisethat Western societies have huge problems (i.e. teenage pregnancy,alcoholism, lawlessness, and disrespect for genuine authority), but Muslimscan step away from these issues with the confidence that most non-Muslim people would also wish to be dissociated from these behavioursand outcomes. Furthermore, there exist institutions, organisations, lawsand practices that protect the innocent, promote the virtuous and encouragea civil polity based on the many differences and needs that make who weare as humans so very unique. The essential crux of the matter is that ifMuslim minorities achieve success in Western Europe and in Britain inparticular, for it has a head start, then the rest of the world’s Muslims andnation-states can follow suit. But without the nation-states working muchharder to develop a participatory democracy with a cosmopolitan multi-culturalism, there is little that powerless Muslim minorities can do basedon only their own efforts.

In Britain, the role of governance and Islamic and Muslim institutionswill become ever more important in the light of a relatively young anddisadvantaged demographic in the North with strong upward socialmobility in the South. As institutions develop, structures to improverelations between a Muslim citizenry and its relative secular nation-statewill be enhanced, pulling along the rest of Western Europe with it. With



greater trust, confidence, participation and representation in society,Muslim minorities can fully integrate into society as equal citizens of thenation-state.

Acknowledgement

The author would like to thank the two anonymous referees for com-ments on earlier version of this paper.

Short Biography

Tahir Abbas is Reader (2006–) in Sociology, the founding Director of theCentre for the Study of Ethnicity and Culture (2003–) at the Universityof Birmingham and one of the leading authorities on ethnic and religiousminorities in Britain. He has published five authored and (co-)editedbooks, and over 80 articles, chapters or book reviews in sociology,education, public policy and Islamic studies. He was elected to the RoyalSociety of Arts in 2006. His most recent publications include The Educationof British South Asians (2004); and as editor, Islamic Political Radicalism(2007) and Muslim Britain (2005); and as co-editor, Immigration and RaceRelations: Sociological Theory and John Rex (2007). His latest book is dueout in the spring of 2008, entitled, British Islam: The Road to Radicalism.

Note

* Correspondence address: 32 Pritchatts Road, Edgbaston, Birmingham, West Midlands B152TT, UK. Email: [email protected].

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