$5Chung Mel and Ming Quong:

Protestant Missionary Work with Chinese Childrenin the San Francisco Bay Area, 1920s — 1930s

by Lindsey Loscutoff

Nona Mock lived with her mother in an apartment in San Francisco’sChinatown. One morning in 1935 while Nona played with her toys andher mother cooked breakfast, someone knocked on their front door. Awoman whom Nona had never seen before entered the apartment andconversed with Nona’s mother. The two women and two-and-a-half yearold Nona walked outside, entered the woman’s car, and eventually arrivedin Los Gatos, a town south of San Francisco. Soon Nona was in a roomsurrounded by a group of Chinese girls. Nona’s mother then turned aroundand walked out as the stranger held on to Nona. As an adult, Nonaremembers that “[h]ot tears seared down my burning face. And my throat,parched and strained, now became mute. I looked around the roomfearfully. The group of young girls approached me shyly and bent down,their sympathetic faces surrounding me.” Immediately the other girlsbegan comforting Nona and let her know everything would be fine. Thatday Nona became a resident of the Ming Quong Home, an orphanage forChinese girls operated by Presbyterian missionaries.1

Growing up in America during a time when anti-Chinese sentimentlimited the opportunities available to the Chinese and even threatened theChinese community’s physical safety, the children of the Chung Mel andMing Quong homes are representative of their generation.2 The story ofthese children and the missionaries who raised them offers a differentperspective on the Chinese American experience during the exclusion era.While the missionaries who worked at Chung Mei and Ming Quongspread Christianity among Chinese children, their goals also includedending racism and providing social welfare. The homes met the immediatesocial needs of Chinese families who faced economic or health problemsthat prevented them from caring for their children. Although themissionaries at Chung Mei and Ming Quong believed Christianity couldend racism by uniting people of different races in Christian brotherly love,they may have unwittingly perpetuated the racism they fought. Themissionaries considered a Christian upbringing superior to what Chineseparents offered, and they applied stereotypes to the children. For thechildren who grew up at Chung Mei and Ming Quong, the goals of themissionaries were not always explicit—the children were more concerned

‘Nona Mock Wyman, Chopstick Childhood in a Town ofSilver Spoons: Orphaned at the MingQuong Home, Los Gatos, CA (Walnut Creek, CA: MQ Press, 1999), 1-4.2 Chung Mci translates to “China America and Ming Quong translates to ‘Radiant Light.’

86 • Ex Post facto XVIwith their own need for affection, which was often ignored. However, thechildren’s lives attest to the missionaries’ attempt to infuse them withpride in being Chinese, and to offer a home when no one else would.

Protestant missionary work with San Francisco’s Chinese communityhas a history stretching back to the nineteenth century. DonaldinaCameron, a well-known Presbyterian missionary, dedicated her life torescuing Chinese women forced into sexual and domestic slavery. Fromher mission at 920 Sacramento Street, Cameron worked with formerprostitutes and attempted to teach them about Christianity. In 1915,Cameron realized that children residing at 920 Sacramento needed amissionary home, so she established the Tooker Home for Chinesechildren and infants later that year. Cameron’s friend, Reverend CharlesShepherd, also realized the need to help Chinese children.3 The AmericanBaptist Home Mission Society sent Shepherd to San Francisco as theDirector of Chinese Missions in 1919. In 1923, with Cameron’s assistance,Shepherd founded the Chung Mei Home for boys in Berkeley, the firstand only orphanage for Chinese boys in America during the 1920s and1930s.4 Following Chung Mci’s opening, the Tooker Home exclusivelyaccepted infants. And in 1925, Cameron established the Ming QuongHome for girls in Oakland. Ming Quong was operated by the Board ofNational Missions, the Presbyterian Church’s domestic missionaryorganization.5 In 1935, the Ming Quong Home opened a branch in LosGatos, California for girls ages five to twelve, while the Oakland Homeremained a home for older girls.6 Chung Mei and Ming Quong did notoperate as traditional orphanages but as homes where the children liveduntil their families could care for them again. Orphans were not adopted,parents could visit on weekends, and most children returned home oncetheir parents’ financial status or health improved.7

For many children at Chung Mel and Ming Quong, the conditionsthat affected them in the 1 920s and 1 930s had roots in the nineteenthcentury, when the Chinese first immigrated to the United States. Menconstituted the vast majority of the first Chinese immigrants arrivingduring the 1850s, as California’s booming economy, fueled by the GoldRush, initially encouraged Chinese immigration.8 However, white laborersand their political allies resented the Chinese immigrants and created anenvironment that threatened the Chinese who lived in the United States

Mildred Crow Martin, Chinatown’s Angry Angel: The Story of Donaldina Cameron (PaloAlto, CA: Pacific Books Publishers, 1977), 183, 195.Charles Shepherd, The Story of Chung Mel: Being the authentic history of the Chung Mel Home for

Chinese Boys up to its fifteenth anniversary, October, 1938 (Philadelphia: The Judson Press, 1938), 4-5.‘Ethel Higgins, “Constants in Change,” Women and Missions 17(1940): 176.Eaatfield Ming Quong, “A Century-old Tradition of Caring for Children”; available at

http://www.emq.orglabout/agencylhistory.html; Internet; accessed May 18, 2006.7Wyman, 132; Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mel, 63, 66,‘Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a D(fferent Shore: A History ofAsian Americans (New York:Penguin Books, 1990), 79.

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ExPostFactoXVl • 87with violence, discrimination, and segregation.9 Anti-Chinese sentimentgrew among CaLifornia’s white population and resulted in the 1882Chinese Exclusion Act, which barred Chinese laborers from entering theUnited States. The Chinese Exclusion Act had reverberations beyondpreventing immigration. The law also affected Chinese family formation,as Chinese male laborers who already lived in the United States could notbring over wives. The bachelor society among California’s Chinesepopulation left the Chinese men little opportunity to marry and startfamilies. The law did not halt all Chinese immigration and still permittedChinese government officials, businessmen, students, travelers, andmerchants into the United States. Women who fit under those cateoriesor women who married men under those categories could immigrate. 0

Most Chinese men remained bachelors, but after the fires thatfollowed the 1906 earthquake destroyed immigration records in SanFrancisco, significant numbers of Chinese women began entering theUnited States. With false papers, Chinese women arrived in California,and families gradually replaced the bachelor society.11 Into the I 920s,anti-Chinese sentiment remained high among native-born whites, afraidthat Chinese laborers would take jobs from white workers and threatenAmerican culture)2 Americans with European ancestry who supportedexclusion argued that Chinese lacked morals, could not adopt democraticprinciples, lowered wages, and were racially inferior.’3 Eugenics theoriesheld that immigrants would have difficulty assimilating into Americanlife, especially Chinese immigrants, and would pollute American societyand weaken America’s political and economic power.’4

Congress further impeded Chinese immigration when it passed theImmigration Act of 1924. This act implemented a quota system thatseverely limited immigration to the United States. The law also prohibitedthe entry of aliens who could not become citizens, which effectively cutoff immigration from Asia, since United States law already forbadeAsians from becoming naturalized citizens.15 Despite the restrictionsplaced upon the Chinese living in America, Chinese family life beganflourishing during the 1920s and 1930s as more men and women marriedand homes in San Francisco’s Chinatown filled with new residents. Once

Judy Yung, Unbound Feet; A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (Berkeley:University ofCalifornia Press, 1995), 2 1-24.‘°Yung, Unbound Feet, 21-24.“Takaki, Strangers from a D)flèrent Share, 234-235.2 Enka Lee, At America’s Gates; Chinese Exclusion During the Exclusion Era, 1882-1943(Chapel Hill: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 2003), 64.‘ Lee, At America’s Gates, 26-29.14 Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Dfferent Color; European Immigrants and theAlchemy ofRace (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), 97-99.‘ Yung, Unbound Feet, 57.

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$8 • Ex Post facto XVIrare, children accounted for forty-one percent of Chinatown’s populationby 1930, and were doted on by parents, relatives, and strangers.16

During the l920s and 1930s, Chinese and Chinese Americansdiscovered that discrimination still limited the economic opportunitiesavailable to them. Most whites refused to hire Chinese employees forhigh-paying jobs, forcing Chinese workers into low-paying and low-skilled labor. Even college degrees did not help Chinese secureemployment in their field of study and discrimination forced eveneducated immigrants into undesirable jobs.’7 Many parents who sent theirchildren to Chung Mei or Ming Quong did so out of economic necessity.In The Story of Chung Mel, Dr. Shepherd discusses why he opened hishome for boys. He explains that “[p]art of this need is that of caring fororphan and half-orphan Chinese boys. Another part is that of assistingparents who find themselves so situated that they are unable to give theirchildren the care they desire them to have.”8 Chung Mei met the Chinesecommunity’s needs by providing a home for children while their parentsstruggled to find a living wage.

Like Chung Mei, Ming Quong addressed the Chinese community’swelfare needs. Ming Quong became the home for Chinese girls whosefamilies met with tragedy. Some girls arrived after a parent passed away,became ill, or could no longer financially support their children.’9 MostMing Quong girls did not have another place they could call home.2°Although Donaldina Cameron did not work at Ming Quong, she kept incontact with the staff and wrote about Ming Quong in an officialPresbyterian Church journal, Women and Missions, a publication forPresbyterians interested in missionary work in the United States andabroad. In a 1930 article, Cameron provided an overview of the welfareneeds of Chinese children in the San Francisco Bay Area, includingdaycare. Without daycare, Chinese mothers who worked outside the homewere forced to leave their children unattended. Cameron wrote that “[ojurMission Home would be well adapted to such service, and such a stepwould open wider avenues for definite Christian work in many homes inthe community.” She concluded her article by explaining that Ming Quongand Chung Mei were organizations that already meet the needs of workingChinese families while expanding Christian work with little children.21For Cameron and the Presbyterian Church, working with Chinese childrenand alleviating welfare needs in the Chinese community spreadChristianity’s message.

6 Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore, 254.‘7Takaki, Sfrangers from a D(fferent Shore, 266-267.‘8Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mei, 63.‘ Ming Quong Registry, courtesy of Eastfield Ming Quong, Campbell, CA; Carol GreenWilson, ‘Home Coming nay at Ming Quong,’ Women andMissions 7(1930): 172.20 II. Higgins, “A Working Vacation,” Women and Missions 8 (1931): 211.21 Donaldina Cameron, “A New Avenue of Service,” Women and Missions 7 (1930): 164.

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Ex Post facto XVI • 89A 1935 government report stated that in 1930, eleven out of forty

boys at Chung Mei arrived through the juvenile court system or otherchildren’s agencies and, in 1934, thirty-one out of eighty-nine. The reportdoes not explain the circumstances that led the boys into the juvenile courtsystem.22 In the case of the three Len boys, their frail mother could notproperly supervise them and they got into trouble. According to Dr.Shepherd, the Juvenile Court took notice, and the boys became ChungMei residents.23 Shepherd stated that some of the boys got in trouble withthe Juvenile court after they ran away from home or committed petty theft.Other boys were the victims of abuse or entered the court system aftertheir parents passed away.24

In his 1935 pamphlet, “The Story of Lee, Wong and Ah Jing,”Shepherd told the story of Lee Chang, a young boy who ran away fromhome and ignored his father’s orders. The San Francisco police contactedShepherd after Lee entered the Juvenile Court’s custody ten times.Shepherd criticized Lee’s father’s ability to discipline his son. Shepherddefined discipline as the ability of a parent to control their children andmake sure they do not run around unsupervised or get into trouble.25Discussing the outcome, Shepherd wrote that “[tjhe case came up in court;but a soft-hearted judge decided to return him once more to his father; andfather and son left the court apparently in the happiest frame of mind.”According to Shepherd, after they arrived home Lee ran away again, andthe police sent him to Chung Mei where he became well disciplined.

Lee’s father wanted Lee at home with him, but the Juvenile Court andShepherd believed they could provide a superior home for Lee since theyconsidered his father’s discipline inadequate.26 Shepherd recognized thelove that Lee’s father had for his son, but Shepherd did not consider lovewhen he took Lee to Chung Mei. Shepherd and the Juvenile Court equateddiscipline with proper parenting, and Lee’s father did not fit theirstandards. In Shepherd’s mind, the “soft-hearted judge” responded to thefather’s sentiments not Lee’s needs, which included a Christian upbringingthat would teach him deference to adult authority. For Shepherd, aChristian upbringing at Chung Mei was superior to the father’s parenting.

Lee’s story is echoed in Shepherd’s book, Lim Yik Choy, a fictionalaccount of a Chinese orphan who grows up in a home for Chinese childrenlike Chung Mci. Shepherd’s book includes many anecdotes and lessons

California State Relief Administration, Survey of Social Work Needs of the ChinesePopulation of San Francisco (1935), 51. The data is unclear since the statistic combines boysfrom the Juvenile Court with boys from other agencies. The source does not reveal whichagencies are represented or which charges the court held against the boys.23 Charles Shepherd, “Chung Mci ... Where Drifting Boys find Anchorage” (New York: TheBoard ofMissionary Cooperation of the Northern Baptist Convention, 1931), 3.24 Charles Shepherd, “The Story of Lee, Wang and Ah Jing,” 1935; available fromhttp://ark.cdlib.orglar/l3030/hb4O9n99qs; Internet; accessed April 6,2006.25 Shepherd, “The Story of Lee, Wang and Ah Jing,” 1.25Shepherd, “The Story of Lee, Wang and Ah Jing,” 1-2.

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90 • Ex Post facto XVIthat presumably reflect events that he encountered as a missionary atChung Mei. Born in China, Shepherd’s fictional character Urn Yik Choy,known as Ah Choy, immigrates to California with his uncle. One day, AhChoy’s uncle becomes extremely weak after coming down with the flu. Herests, but his body cannot recover. Ah Choys elderly relative, Lim Sang,begins taking care of him, but Ah Choy starts hanging out with a group ofjuvenile delinquents and the police arrest him. Before his trial, Pastor Wu,a Chinese Baptist minister, speaks with a court official on Ah Choy’sbehalf. The court plans to maintain Lim Sang’s custody of Ah Choy, butPastor Wu argues that “[t]his Lim Sang. . . is a good man, but he is veryold and feeble. I am sure he is kind to this boy, but it requires, as youknow, more than kindness to protect a child from the evils of the city inwhich we live.” Pastor Wu concludes his arguments and suggests the courtshould send Ah Choy to the Chinese Boys Home so he can receive propercare.27 During the court hearing, Ah Choy wants to return home with LimSang and Lim Sang wants to care for Ah Choy, but the judge decides thatelderly Lim Sang cannot provide the boy a proper upbringing and keep AhChoy out of trouble. urn Sang quietly yields and Ah Choy is sent toMorrison Home, Chung Mei’s fictional representative.28

In Ah Choy’s story, Christian Pastor Wu believes that he betterunderstands Ah Choy’s needs than elderly Lim Sang. Despite Lim Sang’sdesire to care for Ah Choy, the court deems him unfit and takes the boyaway. Although a fictional account, it resembles the story of Lee Chang.In both cases, Shepherd and Pastor Wu disregard the relatives when anopportunity arose to teach another Chinese boy Christianity. Shepherdused the Juvenile Court to bring boys to Chung Mei who still had parentsor relatives to care for them. In this case, the court used juveniledelinquency as an excuse to support missionary work among Chinesechildren.

In The Story of Chung Mel, Shepherd’s record of Chung Mei’shistory, Shepherd consciously attempts to present an objective view ofChinese parents and juvenile delinquents. Shepherd informs his readersthat “[f]ilial piety and its counterpart, parental devotion, are virtues highlyprized by the Chinese; but then among the rest of us, there are those whoexcel in such virtues and those who do not.”29 Shepherd asserted thatChung Mei accepted boys from the Juvenile Court when the parents didnot perform their parental obligations.30 According to Shepherd, most ofthe boys were not delinquents by nature but got mixed up with the wrongcrowd.3’ Shepherd points out that American parents are also capable of

27 Charles Shepherd, Lim Ylk Choy. The Story of a Chinese Orphan (New York: Fleming H.Revell Company, 1932), 23, 48, 50, 55, 47, 68, and 74.28 Shepherd, Lim Yik Choy, 74-76.29 Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mel, 15.30 Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mel, 15.Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mel, 65.

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Ex Post Facto XVI • 91being unfit, despite what he calls Americans’ “boasted superiority,” andthat juvenile delinquency occurs in all American communities.32

Shepherd’s comments reveal that he tried to avoid stereotyping theChinese. He informed his readers that the Chinese were like everyone elseand used his argument to attack ideas of white supremacy. However,despite Shepherd’s attempted unbiased attitude, his account of Lee Changand the fictional Ah Choy contradict his statements. Lee Chang and AhChoy provide evidence that the Juvenile Court and Shepherd, rather thanChinese parents, controlled the definition of good parenting. Lee Changand Ah Choy’s experiences also reveal that the court ruled subjectively.Shepherd’s conflicting views may also reflect transitions in his ownthinking and attitudes regarding race. Nonetheless, Shepherd’s actions didnot always match his words.

Shepherd argued that discrimination and social conditions imposedupon the Chinese in America contributed to juvenile delinquency andaffected parenting. Many parents, especially fathers whose wives stilllived in China, needed Chung Mei’s social services since no else couldwatch their sons while they worked. Shepherd did not want people toassociate the Chung Mei boys with delinquency or with incompetentparenting. He explained that the Chinese community had fewer cases ofjuvenile delinquency compared to what he identified as “similarlyconstituted” groups.33 He argued “[t]hat there is not more is, I maintain,decidedly to the credit of the Chinese; especially when one considers thatas a result of racial prejudice and antipathy practically all of our Chinesecommunities are more or less segregated, crowded off into the worstsections of our cities.”34 Shepherd praised the Chinese for overcomingadverse living conditions and racism. He stressed that discriminationcreated social conditions the Chinese could not control, which createdhardships for Chinese families. He warned his readers against usingstereotypes or equating social conditions with inferiority. He urged hisreaders to look past the effects of racism and realize Chinese people act asindividuals like everyone else.

Some Ming Quong girls also went through the Juvenile Courtsystem.35 San Francisco’s Juvenile Court rescued Chinese girls who wereforced into domestic slavery or who suffered abuse from their families.36Ethel Higgins, director of the Ming Quong Home, discussed what

32 Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mel, 63-64.Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mel, 63, 66.Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mel, 63-64.Data is incomplete, but from July t, 1930 to July 1, 1934 only seven Chinese girls went

through the juvenile court system. Records show that two of the girls went to the PresbyterianMission Home; it is unclear how many Ming Quong girls entered the home through theJuvenile Court. It is also unclear whether delinquency or family hardships led to the JuvenileCourt’s intervention. Source: California State Relief Administration, Survey of Social WorkNeeds ofthe Chinese Population ofSan Francisco (1935), 30, 49.36 “Changes in Work at San Francisco,” Women and Missions 7(1930): 183.

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92 • ExPostfactoXVlhappened when well meaning parents could not properly care for theirchildren. In a 1936 article in Women and Missions, Higgins told the storyof Leen Kum, a Ming Quong girl whose family lived in poverty eventhough her father worked and brought home food for his children. Tragedystruck when Leen Kum’s older brother became ill and passed away in ahospital. Declaring Leen Kum’s father an unfit parent, Higgins wrote that‘[t]he father, steeped in superstition, determined to resist in the future allmedical care for his family, because medicine had failed to save the life ofhis oldest son. He was poor; his earnings could not care adequately forhimself, his wife, two remaining boys, and the wee girl, Leen Kum. foodwas scarce, living conditions too crowded.” Higgins blamed Leen Kum’sfather for the mother’s death after she became ill and the father refused toadmit her to a hospital.37

Higgins outlined her justification for sending Leen Kum to MingQuong, presenting Lee Kum’s father’s behavior as superstitious andcharacterizing him as culturally backward. She attributed the father’sbehavior to Chinese culture, which in her view caused dangerous healthand living conditions for his children. Higgins did not consider thepossibility that Lee Kum’s father acted the way he did because he lost hisson after a previous hospital experience. Instead Higgins placed the blameon Chinese culture, for Higgins, bringing Lee Kum to Ming Quong notonly saved her from poverty, but also rescued her from backward culturalbeliefs.

Higgins viewed Ming Quong as a social service institution that aidedfamilies. According to Higgins, following the death of Leen Kum’smother, Leen Kum and her siblings were left unsupervised during the daywhile her father worked. Social workers tried to persuade Leen Kum’sfather to send his children to a home since he could not fulfill hisparenting duty. The Juvenile Court stepped in and sent Leen Kum to theMing Quong Home in Los Gatos. Leen Kum’s father was permitted tovisit her, and during one visit, he ate dinner at Ming Quong. Higgins wrotethat “. . .the first step was taken towards winning the friendship of that sadhearted father, who still resents the action of the court in ‘breaking up hishome!” After arriving at Ming Quong, Higgins concluded, Leen Kum ledthe happy and healthy life her father could not provide.38

Instead of working to alleviate the family’s economic hardships at theroot of the problem, the Juvenile Court and Higgins supported separatingthe family. Unconcerned with keeping families together, they jumped atthe chance to send Leen Kum to Ming Quong. Higgins expressed theopinion that Ming Quong provided more for the children than Leen Kum’sfather ever could. Higgins and the Juvenile Court declared that Lee Kum’sfather provided inadequate supervision. His parenting did not meet their

37Ethel V. Higgins, ‘Sunshine Preferred,” Women and Missions 13(1936): 189, 190.38Higgins, ‘Sunshine Preferred,” 190.

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Ex Post Facto XVI • 93standards, since his work interfered with the amount of time he spent athome and he could not provide all of his family’s food needs. Higgins andthe Juvenile Court did not consider that discrimination forced Chineselaborers into low-paying jobs. Higgins mocked the fathers assertion thatthe court broke up his home and believed the father should have acceptedMing Quong’s help for his children’s sake.

Presbyterian missionaries in the Bay Area recognized reasons besidesjuvenile delinquency that led to girls arriving at Ming Quong. AsDonaldina Cameron asserted in her reasons for founding Ming Quong, inmany Chinese families both parents worked and they needed someone tosupervise their children.39 A 1937 article published in Women andMissions discussed Cameron’s mission at 920 Sacramento Street and MingQuong’s relationship with San Francisco’s Chinese community. Originallythe work at 920 focused on rescuing Chinese women from slavery inAmerica, but by the I 920s slave trafficking was a rare occurrence due inpart to the work of Donaldina Cameron.4° Cameron’s mission then beganto focus on women with family problems and welfare needs, and onteaching Christianity to the Chinese girls at Ming Quong. The articledescribes the work as “protective and preventive,” referring to its role inguarding Chinese women and girls from slavery and teaching themChristian morals.41 Many Chinese women and girls who lived at 920 andMing Quong went through the juvenile court system, although others didnot. According to the Women and Missions article, “[o]f the forty-fournew admissions last year, thirteen were Juvenile Court wards while fifteenwere mothers, some with small children, who represented family problemcases and needed friendly counsel and help temporarily.”42

The services 920 and Ming Quong offered included housing,childcare, and advice for Chinese women who sought their services.Missionaries described the services as temporary, indicating that parentswho voluntarily sent their daughter to Ming Quong determined the lengthof their child’s stay. Unlike Shepherd’s reports, discussions of the JuvenileCourt and juvenile delinquency in Women and Missions did not explorethe relationship between social conditions and delinquency. Instead,Higgins and other writers for the publication focused on parentalqualifications and women escaping from abusive family life. Whilejuvenile delinquency appeared in Women and Missions articles as onecause of entry into Ming Quong, many families voluntarily sent theirdaughters to Ming Quong because other options did not exist. Many of theChinese women and families who sought help from 920 and Ming Quongdid not go through the juvenile court system.

Cameron, Loves Labor Finds Fmition,”l80.° “Changes in the Oriental Field, Women and Missions 14 (1937): 133; Yang, Unbound Feet, 72, 74, 77.“ ‘Changes in the Oriental Field,” 133; Yang, 77.42 “Changes in the Oriental Field,’ 133.

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94 • ExPostfactoXVlShepherd and Higgins publicly presented the homes as happy and

healthy environments. For Shepherd and Higgins, a healthy environmentmeant not only teaching Christianity and discipline, but also providingsustenance, education, and recreational activities. Chung Mel’s focus onproviding recreational activities for the children followed trends in otherorphanages during the same period.43 Shepherd lists plentiful food, a bedfor each boy, and access to superb public schools as some of the benefitsof life at Chung Mei. After Lee Chang’s arrival Shepherd argued thatChung Mei’s environment contributed to Lee’s transition from delinquentto well-behaved. Shepherd described Lee as an adventurous boy.

Would you call Lee Chang a bad boy? Surely not. He wasjust a sturdy little man, tired of the sordid surroundings inwhich he found himself. . . Three days later he was broughtto Chung Mel Home and there he has found things aplenty tosatisfy his longing for adventure--a bunch of happy boys,healthy boys with whom to play all sorts of adventurousgames . . . and an abundance of interesting activities with awholesome dose of hard work thrown in. Happy? You shouldsee his big round smiLing face.45

Shepherd asserts that Lee’s nature did not make him a delinquent., but thathis previous Living conditions in Chinatown and at home with his fathersimply did not provide him with recreational space.

Higgins also presented the Ming Quong girls as happy and living in ahealthy environment. After Leen Kum began living at Ming Quong,Higgins described her as a happy girl who enjoyed playing hopscotch,running around outside, and playing with Ming Quong’s dog. Discussingthe Ming Quong girls in general, Higgins wrote that “[s]unshine andwholesome food and regular hours of rest have made the transformation,under the mercy of the Great Physician. Children thus restored—and intime returned to their families—are beinning to take home the lessonswhich are taught them of trust in Him.” ti presented Ming Quongas a place where children had fun and played. She asserted that MingQuong’s recreational activities rehabilitated the children, and in LeenKum’s case provided a healthy environment her parents could not. Higginsalso linked Ming Quong’s recreational activities to God, who also helpedrehabilitate the children. Higgins hoped the girls who returned homewould teach their families about God and healthy living, as demonstratedby life at Ming Quong. Higgins viewed her role as extending into the

leroy Ashby, Endangered Children: Dependency, Neglect, and Abuse in American History (NewYork: Twayne Publishers, 1997), 92; Kenneth Cmiel, A Home of Another Kind: One ChicagoOrphanage and the Tangle ofChild Welfare (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1995), 87-89.Shepherd, “The Story of Lee, Wong and Ah Jing,” 2; Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mei, 61.° Shepherd, “The Story of Lee, Wang and Ah Jing,” 2,

46 Higgins, “Sunshine Preferred,” 190.

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ExPostfactoXVl • 95Chinese community and teaching Chinese how to improve their livingconditions. The article asserts that Chinese parents needed ProtestantMissionaries to teach them how to raise happy and healthy children.

Although filling immediate welfare needs, the missionaries at ChungMel also attempted to infuse the children with what they saw as Christianvirtues. By the 1920s, many Chinese families allowed their children toattend activities at Christian churches even if the parents were notChristian.47 When Shepherd opened Chung Mci, he sought to raise youngboys in a Christian environment that taught Christian goodwill and rightfrom wrong.48 Shepherd identified the Christian virtues the boys weretaught at Chung Mei as “[tjhe promotion of habits of reverence,obedience, discipline, courtesy, self-respect and all that tends toward trueChristian manliness.”49 In The Stoty of Chung Met, Shepherd establishedChung Mei’s role as a religious institution with missionaly goals. Whileclarifying Chung Meis religious intentions, Shepherd stated that

[t]hose who have administered its affairs and molded its lifehave careftully refrained from any effort to force religiondown the throats of Chinese boys’ . . They have, however,consistently endeavored to live the Christian life and to teachits principles in such a manner as to make it attractive andwinning, thus created in the home an atmosphere that isgood, though not goody-goody; that is religious, but notabnormally pious.°°

While Shepherd raised the boys as Christians, he sought to create areligious environment that still allowed them to be children.

Presbyterian missionaries affiliated with Ming Quong also sought tocreate a religious environment that extended into the Chinese community.Prayer, Bible study, and church filled the daily lives of the girls who grewup at Ming Quong Home. The staff members at Ming Quong taught thegirls Christian virtues and hoped the girls would grow up and aid theircommunities with Christian service. Higgins stressed the importance ofBible study and preparing for a Christian life. Higgins explained that “[i]nBible lessons the aim is always that the girls may, through their own vitalChristian experience, help others to seek and to find the way of Life. . . Ifour stewardship is faithful, the American-born Chinese girl will be fittedfor usefulness and bLessing where ever she goes.”5’ Although Higgins wasvague about what constitutes a Christian life, Higgins and the MingQuong staff believed their work prepared the girls to carry out missions oftheir own to improve the lives of people in need with Christian teaching.

47Yung, Unbound Feet.48 Shepherd, The Story ofChung Mci, 167; Henry Gin, email interview by author, April26, 2006.“ Shepherd, “The Story of Lee, Wong and Ah Jing,” 4-5.°° Shepherd, The Story of Chung Mei, 94-95.“ Pthel Higgins, “The American Daughter of Chinese Parents,” Women and Missions 11(1934): 191.

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96 • ExPostFactoXVIMing Quong’s missionary work with children had different

connotations than work with adults. In 1929, Cameron described thehenefits of missionary work with children. Writing in Women andMissions, she discussed the lives of Ida Lee and Hung Mui Chew, twoChinese staff members at Ming Quong who grew up in missionary homes.From a young age, missionaries raised the women in a Christianenvironment and they grew up pious Christians. As adults, both womendedicated their lives to missionary work and became Ming Quong staffmembers. Hung Mui Chew’s life, Cameron explains, “[p]rovesconclusively that mission work is most successfluly done by bringing lifeinto contact with Christian influences in infancy . . . Reared frombabyhood in the home, Hung Mui has always been most loyal and faithfiilin service.” Ida Lee and Hung Mui, Cameron continued, “[djemonstratethe practical wisdom and encouraging results of Christian work for littleChildren.”52

Cameron considered the lives of Ida Lee and Hung Mui proof thatChinese children would grow up to become devoted Christians if exposedto Christianity at a young age. She also believed that Chinese children leftwithout homes should not be raised in the Chinese community, but insteadraised to aid the community with Christianity. Cameron encouraged othermissionaries to find opportunities to work with Chinese children, hopingthe children would become Christians and then spread Christianity amongnon-Christian Chinese.

Missionaries working with Chinese children placed their work withinthe context of anti-Chinese sentiment as they addressed racism’sdetrimental effects on the Chinese community. Shepherd openly criticizedracism targeted at Chinese living in America. In 1934, he published hiscriticism in the multi-denominational Protestant journal, The MissionaryReview of the World. In “Promoting Interracial Understanding,” Shepherdexposed stereotypes that white Americans projected on the Chinese,asserting that “[i]f we would understand the Oriental we must abandonfrom the outset the rather egotistical assumption that we, in the way ofdoing things, in mental attitudes, and in philosophical and ethicalconceptions, are unequivocally right, and the Oriental undeniably wrong.”Shepherd told his readers that no one can understand the Chinese unlessthey speak their language and expose themselves to Chinese culture. Hecontinued, writing that “[wje tell the Oriental who comes to our shoresthat he must learn to read and speak our language, to study our literatureand adopt our customs; yet how many of us are willing to take the samesteps in order to understand the Oriental in our midst.”53

Protestant missionary work with children addressed the need to helpChinese children cope with racial discrimination. Most Presbyterians

52 Cameron, “Lovo’o Labor Finda Fmition,’ Women and Missions 6 (1929): 175.Charles Shephead, “Promoting Interracial Understanding,’ The Ahaaionary Review of the World 57(1934): 277.

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Ex Post facto XVI • 97working with the Chinese in San Francisco expressed a deep concernabout racism in the articles they wrote in Women and Missions. Philip F.Payne, the San Francisco secretary for the Board ofNational Missions, theorganization overlooking Presbyterian missionary work, spoke againstdiscrimination toward the Chinese community. He expressed concernabout white America’s historic persecution of the Chinese and continueddiscrimination at work, at school, and in everyday life. He told hisaudience that Americans should be ashamed, but pointed to the MingQuong Home as an example of the Presbyterians’ fight againstdiscrimination. He stated that “[t]he Presbyterian Church is doing all in itspower with the limited funds at its command to help the Onentals of thesecond generation. We have a splendid home in Oakland for orphanChinese.” What Ming Quong offered, he asserted, was hope for thechildren whose parents could not take care of them because discriminationlimited their economic opportunities. According to Payne, Presbyterianmissionaries also confronted racism through their work in China. Heconcluded that “[tJhis constant stream of pure silver, reined in a fiercecrucible of racial prejudice but cooled with kindness and sympathy ofChristian service, wilL help immensely to take Christianity to the Orientand bring the Orient to Christ.”54 Spreading Christianity and creating aChristian community in China would lessen discrimination in Americaand create a united Christianity. Payne hoped racist Americans would lookbeyond stereotypes and physical appearances. When Americans looked ata Chinese Christian, he wanted them to see another Christian. Payne’svision for overcoming racism required the Chinese to convert toChristianity but did not attack racist attitudes toward the non-ChristianChinese population.

Charles Shepherd sought to teach the Chung Mei boys how to handleracism. In Lim Yik Choy, Shepherd included a lesson on how Chinese boyscould overcome racism. Throughout the book, Shepherd condemnedracism and also praised Chinese culture.55 In the story, Ah Choy attends aChristian college, but experiences racism despite being around Christians.Two of Ah Choy’s Christian classmates, Gus Richardson and WesleyAmes, falsely accuse him of drinking alcohol because they did not want aChinese classmate at their school.5 After the college dean approacheshim, Ah Choy explains his side of the story, but the dean does not believehim. Feeling the pain of racial discrimination Ah Choy decides he isthrough with college, saying that “I am through with Christianity.” AhChoy does not think God looks out for Chinese people.57 When discussing

‘ Philip F. Payne, Out of the Smelter,’ Women and Missions 11(1934): 183-184.Shepherd, Lim Yik Choy, 94, III, 204.

56Shepherd,Lim YikChoy, 214- 231.57Shepherd, Lim Yik Choy, 231.

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98 • Ex Post facto XVIRichardson and Ames, Ah Choy asks “[wJhat is the use of beingChristian? These men are Christian and I do not want to be like them.”58

In the story, Ah Leen, a female friend of Ah Choy’s, expresses herdisappointment in him and explains that “[wJhen Christians did wrong itwas because they did not allow themselves to be governed by theprinciples of Christianity.” Ah Leen urges Ah Choy not to give upChristianity and explains that the actions of Richardson and Ames werenot Christian. She also encourages Ah Choy to play on the football teamagain and talk to the dean once more.59 Confident, Ah Choy approachesthe dean and argues he was falsely charged. He realizes his faith in Godwould acquit him of all accusations, while denouncing God would onlymaintain his guilt. The Dean tells Ah Choy that “[a]n innocent man neverneeds to run away.”6° Shepherd’s story would teach its readers that withfaith in God an individual can overcome racism. Ah Choy maintains hisguilt when he loses faith in God, but when he looks to God, he regains hisconfidence and progresses down a moral path. Ah Choy also realizes thatonly his faith in God matters and without God he cannot overcome racism.Ah Choy plays quarterback for his college team and leads them to victoryshortly after he regaining his faith in God. His classmates apologize fortheir attitudes; even Ames apologizes for the way he treated Ah Choy.61As his story illustrates, Shepherd believed that Christianity would removeracism. However, his plan to end discrimination relied on Chineseconversion to Christianity. Shepherd did not expect Ah Choy’s classmatesto accept him for being Chinese. Ah Choy must gain their acceptance byproving he is a good Christian and can participate in American activitieslike football. Shepherd did not ask racists to alter their attitudes toward theChinese, but expected Chinese Christians to prove they could be a part ofAmerican society.

The Ming Quong staff and Ethel Higgins also addresseddiscrimination and sought to provide Ming Quong girls with copingstrategies. In the article “The American Daughter of Chinese Parents,”Higgins expressed concern for the future of Chinese girls. She told thestory of May Kwock, an intelligent Chinese-American girl who dressedlike an American. Unfortunately, May’s schoolmates excluded her becauseshe was Chinese. Higgins wrote that “[sJhe has grown apart from theChinese viewpoint of her parents, and yet has not real place in Americanlife.” May Kwock, Higgins explained, despite her intelligence and the factthat she followed American cultural practices, lived between two worlds.Whites did not view her as American and so would limit May’sopportunities. Culturally May was not completely Chinese, but like otherChinese people, she will be forced into low-paying and low-skilled jobs.

58Shepherd, Lim Yik Choy, 233.Shepherd, Lim Ylk Choy, 235-236.

60 Shepherd, Lim Ylk Choy, 240.‘ Shepherd, Lim Yik Choy, 245-249.

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Ex Post Facto XVI • 99Higgins explained that Ming Quong will teach May how to overcome

racism and have a successful future despite discrimination. As a part ofthis agenda, Ming Quong offered Chinese language and Bible classes. Thegirls also attended the local public school in Los Gatos. Higgins explainedthat “[i]n Bible lessons the aim is always that the girls may, through theirown vital Christian experience, help others to seek and to find the way ofLife. Some are even brave enough to set their faces towards service inChina.”62 Even if discrimination limited the opportunities of Chinese girls,Higgins asserted, Ming Quong girls could find success as missionaries.

Higgins did not challenge racial attitudes, but sought to provide theMing Quong girls a future without racism in missionary work. Higgins’plan provided limited opportunities for Ming Quong girls and did not offerthe girls more opportunities than the outside world. In another article, aMing Quong staff member explained that Ming Quong offered Chineselanguage classes so the girls could maintain ties with the San FranciscoBay Area’s Chinese community. The Ming Quong staff expected the girlsto perform missionary work with the Chinese community after leavingMing Quong.63 The staff members supported teaching Chinese languageso the girls could spread Christianity, not to maintain the children’sChinese identity.

While the staff at Chung Mel and Ming Quong described thereligious and healthy environment that dominated the homes, other aspectsof daily life stand out in the children’s experiences. Lyneue Choy Ginarrived at Ming Quong in 1943 when she was five years old. Whilediscussing daily life at the home, she recalled how the “[bJell rings to getup, wash up, dress for school, make bed, go to dining room for breakfast.• . bells for everything.” Bells also dominated life at Chung Mel, creatingstrict order and discipline at both homes. Henry Gin arrived at Chung Meiin 1942 when he was eight years old. Looking back on his memories, heexplained that “[t]he boys called him Dr. Shepherd as a formality. Or morecommonly at the home, the boys referred to him as Captain, conforming tothe military codes of behavior and training.”TM For both children, thehomes created an orderly environment enforcing behavior codesnecessitated by the large number of children residing in the homes.

Children expressed different attitudes toward their teachers. Whileliving at Ming Quong, Nona Mock Wyman felt very close to most of herteachers including Miss Davies, Miss Reber, and Miss Chew. Wymanreminisced how “...when I thought of mother, Miss Chew came to mind. Ifelt the closest to her, but unlike mother she did not show affectionShe was strict, fair, and rather kind and spoke only when necessary.”65

62 Higgins, ‘The American Daughter of Chinese Parents,” 192.63 “Ming Quong Changes,” Women and Missions 13 (1936): 189.64 Lynette Choy Uyeda Gin and Henry Gin, email interview conducted by the author, April 26,2006. Unless stated, all references to Lynette and Henry Gin are from this interview.65Wyman Chopstick Childhood, 17.

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100 • Ex Post facto XVILynette Choy’s connection with her teachers differed dramatically fromNona’s connections. Lynette did not feel close to her teachers, includingMiss Chew. “Miss Chew was in charge of my group, the nursery groupwhich was the youngest group. I felt she was very strict. I was afraid ofher. She never smiled,” recalled Lynette. Lynette’s brother, Orin Narm,entered Chung Mei in 1943 at the age of seven. Of his teacher Ms.Richert, he remembered that “I felt she had a lot of compassion for all theboys. She taught me a lot about the Bible... I can only say and withoutreflection that she was loved by all who were under her charge... I felt herlove and still feel it from my recollection. She was a very caring person.”66Henry Gin arrived at Chung Mei in 1942 when he was two years old.Henry disliked Dr. Shepherd and explained that “1 could not adjust to thestrict discipline. At the age of 15, I actually ran away and refused toreturn.” Henry characterized Shepherd as a strict disciplinarian, andexplained Shepherd would beat the boys if they refused to eat their food orfollow Shepherd’s rules.

Life at Ming Quong and Chung Mei denied the children love andaffection. The former Chung Mei and Ming Quong residents explained thestaff members did not openly express affection. They interpreted thestaffs actions as a result of institutional living. If the staff membersexpressed affection for one child then they would exclude other children.67Henry explained that “Chung Mei boys are different than those brought upin a nuclear family environment. Emotional feelings are different than thatof the average person. Expressing love or being demonstrative is not ournature; huggy-touchy-feely is not part of our nature. We express love inother ways.” Nona articulated that “[a]s for the lack of affection from theteachers at the Home, I felt that happened because of institutional living.The teachers may have wanted to hug us, but because there were so manygirls around, if they hugged one girl and not another, I’m sure there wouldhave been tension.”68

The punishment for misbehavior made discipline a concern for thechildren. Growing up in an institution with a large number of childrenrequired disciplinary action, but this action often implanted fear inside thechildren that was not disclosed to the public. Discussing Shepherd’sdiscipline methods, Orin stated that “Dr. Shepherd ruled with fear.” Orincontinued by placing Shepherd within a time when society consideredcorporal punishment an acceptable form of disciplinary action. Dr.Shepherd beat Orin once when he was around the age of twelve. Orinrecounted how “I’ll never forget I was repeatedly and brutally beaten downto the floor with both his fists about my face for not answering a questionabout an incident that I had no idea what he was referring to.” Shepherd

66 Onn Nann, email interview conducted by the author, April 26, 2006 and May 14, 2006.67 Wyman, Chopstick Childhood, 196; Lynette and Henry Gin, email interview conducted bythe author, April 26, 2006.68 Wyman, Chopstick Childhood, 196.

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Ex Post facto XVI • 101eventually informed Orin he was being punished for not reporting a lostwallet to Shepherd. Orin and three of his friends had not realized they didanything wrong when they found a lost wallet on the ground and used thefive dollars inside to buy ice cream instead of turning the wallet in toShepherd.69

After arriving at Chung Mei, Shepherd paddled Henry Gin forrefusing to eat his Chinese food. Before coming to Chung Mei, he livedwith a Jewish family and had difficulty digesting the Chinese food he wasnot used to eating. Henry stole food from staff members because he washungry. When Shepherd caught him stealing, he beat Henry with a paddlewith holes drilled into it. While discussing Shepherd’s disciplinary actions,Henry explained that “[t]here were a lot of things he did, that I would callchild abuse today. I got whacked with a paddle . . . That is why I hated itthere. I was bad because I hated the food.”7°

Strict discipline carried out by Miss Hayes, director of the MingQuong Home in Los Gatos, scared the girls. Lynette remembered that “1did not like her. I thought she made no secret of having her ‘favorites.”One day, Nona’s friend Ida stole a barrette, and Miss Hayes carried out astrict punishment. Nona and her friend Carol found Ida locked in a cagethat was not high enough for her to sit upright. “I noticed that her headappeared distorted,” Nona recounted. “Coming closer, I gasped as Ida’sentire head was pulled tightly and clasped . . . A dreadful silencesurrounded us.”71

Strict behavior also meant Christian behavior. The children did nothave unifying views on their religious experiences. During the day, theboys and girls at Chung Mei and Ming Quong participated in religiousactivities, for the children, Christianity was an unquestionable part oftheir lives. Since they were raised Christian at the homes, they did notquestion Christianity’s place in their lives. Before living at Ming Quong,Lynette lived with a white family. Looking back, Lynette explained that “Idon’t remember anyone rejecting religious training. I like the Bible stories,I didn’t know they were religious stories; they were entertaining.” HenryGin, who had lived with a Jewish family before he lived at Chung Mei,still felt Christianity was just a part of life.72 While Orin lived at ChungMei, the local Baptist pastor baptized him. “Looking back . . . I thinkreligion and my love for God the Father, Jesus, the Son of God, was veryreal and embraced. Which led me to my baptism,” Orin asserted.73

While the teachers at Chung Mel and Ming Quong wanted thechildren to remain connected with the Chinese communities throughlanguage, childhood attitudes toward learning Chinese and the structure of

69 Orin Narm, email interview conducted by the author, May 12,2006.70 Henry Gin, in person interview conducted by the author, May 5, 2006.“ Wyman, Chopstick Childhood, 76.72 Henry Gin, in person interview conducted by the author, May 5, 2006.Orin Narm, e-mail interview conducted by the author, May 14, 2006.

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102 • ExPostfactoXVlChinese class interfered with this goal. The Chinese language classestaught at Ming Quong and Chung Mei focused on memorization of Biblepassages in Chinese. The children also learned religious songs in Chineseand practiced writing Chinese characters. Nona remembered the difficultyshe had writing the Chinese characters, and Lynette still remembers thewords to “Jesus Loves Me” in Cantonese.74 Elaborating on his experience,Orin remembered that the classes did not provide the opportunity topractice speaking Chinese, which prevented them from retaining thelanguage. Many boys did not want to learn Chinese. Orin explained that“[w]e felt we are now Americans among Americans. It was moreimportant to know English if we are to survive in the outside world ofEnglish speaking Americans. That’s why trying to teach us the Chineselanguage was an exercise in futility.”75

Not learning about Chinese culture placed a strain on the children’srelationships with their Chinese relatives. Nona remembered meeting herChinese relatives for the first time while she was living at Ming Quong.Although she was happy to visit with her relatives, she did not know howto properly greet her Chinese grandmother, and her family becamedisappointed. Her grandmother and other relatives pointed out her enorsand became angry by her failure to follow Chinese customs whenaddressing elders. Nona remembered that “[o]n one visit I did find thecourage to ask them if my mother was still living. They looked at mesuspiciously and turned to each other and conversed rapidly in Chineseamongst themselves. Observing them, I felt left out and excluded fromtheir world.”76

Despite the failed attempt to create connections to Chinese culturethrough language, the missionaries of Chung Mei and Ming Quongachieved other goals. Nona remembered dressing up in Chinese clothingand participating in the annual Los Gatos Pioneer Days parade. “Anewspaper photographer would run in front of us to take our picture,”Nona recalled. “Marching to the sounds of the Los Gatos High Schoolband filled us with pride.”77 Although Henry and Lynette did not learnChinese at Ming Quong and Chung Mei, they agreed that their Chineselessons benefited them in the future. Lynette stated that “[Ijooking backwe are Chinese living in a white world. I think they made an effort withthe Chinese language classes to instill in us the fact we are Chinese and beproud. I didn’t know it at the time, but now that I look back, they didn’twant us to forget who and what we are.”78

‘ Wyman, Chopstick Childhood, 152-153; Lynette Choy Uyeda Gin, in person interviewconducted by the author, May 5, 2006.75Orin Narm, e-mail interview conducted by the author, May 14, 2006.76 Wyman, Chopstick Childhood, 132.17Wyman, Chopstick Childhood, 50-51.78 Lynette Choy, e-mail interview conducted by the author, April 26, 2006.

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Ex Post Facto XVI • 103World War H altered the lives of Chinese Americans forever.

Deemed a “watershed” in Americas history of race relations by historianRonald Takaki, white Americans reevaluated their attitudes toward theChinese and became more sympathetic after Japan invaded China. China’srole as an American ally during World War II also helped to curbdiscrimination against the Chinese.79 The children of Chung Mel andMing Quong lived through this transitional period in American history.While the missionaries had a religious goal, they also confrontedAmerica’s racism toward the Chinese before the rest of America.However, discrimination did not suddenly cease; it continued to affect thelives of the children who grew up in Chung Mci and Ming Quong. Dr.Shepherd, Ethel Higgins, and staff members from the Baptist andPresbyterian Churches addressed immediate social needs within theChinese community at a time when no other organization would take careof Chinese children. However, the missionary goal of ending racismthrough Christianity perpetuated notions of Christian superiority andChinese inferiority, and the missionaries expressed contradictory views onracism. Their fight against racism depended on the Chinese becomingboth more American, and more Christian. According to Shepherd andHiggins, if that failed, Chinese Christians would still have God. Althoughthe children’s experiences reveal the harsh realities of life at Chung Meiand Ming Quong, they also contain moments of happiness. The childrenenjoyed religious songs and found pride in their Chinese culture. Duringthe height of Chinese exclusion and antiChinese sentiment in America,the homes provided for the children when no one else would.

Ronald Takaki, Double Victory: A Multicultural History ofAmerica in World War ii (Boston:Little Brown and Company, 2001), 116.

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