CHAPTER

15 Cultural Differences in Emotional Expressions and Body Language

Beatrice de Gelder and Elisabeth Huis in 't Veld

Abstract

As our environment becomes increasingly more international, we are interacting increasingly more with people from different cultures. During social interactions. it is important to respond appropriately to the cues that are relevant in a given situation. People are expected to behave in a suitable way to avoid offending others. For example, an appropriate response to a greeting can avoid much misunderstanding. C ultural variat.ions have often been named as possible factors for explaining differences in processing emotions. Because culture is in part about regulating social interaction, one expects to find that cultural norms define display r ules that are at least character istic of the daily expressions of emotions. This chapter addresses whether there are important cultural factors that determine whole-body expressions of emotion, how they are perceived, how they are displayed, and what they are.

i Key Words: culture, neuroscience, body expressions of emotion, social interactions. processing

emotions

Cultural Perspectives on the Perception ofBody Expression

With current communication technologies and ~obal enterprises, our environment is becoming :r.ore international every day. -ll1is means rhar we are nteracting increasingly more with people from dif­

;rrcnt cultures. During social i nreracrions, it is very .r.1ponam w respond appropriately to the cues that <rerelcvant in a given situation. People are expected :obchavc in a suitable way in order ro avoid offend­r.g othcrs. For example, an appropriate response to •greeting can avoid a lot of misunderstand ing, and ,orrcctly judging the inrenrions of one's business )Jrtncr can make all the difference between reach­nga desirable deal or nor. Cui rural variations have otten been named as possible factors for explaining Jilfercnces in processing emotions. Because cul­:ure is in part about regulating social interaction, 1ne cxpccrs to find char cultural norms define dis­,lar rules rhat are at least characteristic of the daily aprcssions of emotions. This chapter addresses the

quescions of whether there are also imponant cui­rural factors thar determ ine whole body expressions of emotion, how they are perceived, how they are displayed, and what they are.

The few stud ies that have investigated cul tural aspects of body expressions and emotion have examined facial expression recognition in different cultures. Again, rhe vast majority of research articles on cross-cultural d ifferences in emotion perception have examined rhe recognition of facia l expres­sions. ln brieAy reviewing this literature, one notes that there is norhing like a systematic analysis of the kinds of questions and the types of issues that belong specifically here. In many of the studies, it is nor clear where, ar what level, and at what stage during individual face processing cultural effects can enter the processing routines. 1he notion of cul­ture is rarely commented on, and rhat of mce is usu­ally used at a descriptive level only, sidestepping the sophisticated analyses that biologists and anthro­pologists use nowadays to understand th is term.

223

One might view this set of questions as belonging to the new field of cultural neuroscience, expecring that they will be treated more systematically in the near future. Growing insight in the neurological processes underlying face and emotion recognition, the inAuence of race and culture on these processes, and cultural variations in display rules provides a framework for the much needed research on cul­tural d ifferences in the bodily expressions of emo­tion and social interactions.

Culture, Race, and Face Perception The main aspects of faces that have been studied

from a cross-cultural perspective are identity, expres­sion, and gaze direction. A fourth aspect is equally interesring and concerns cultural differences in the way observers from d ifferent racial and cultural backgrounds take advantage of multiple and parallel channels of social information input, such as recog­nizing a person's emotion from his facial expressions as well as from his tone of voice. We brieAy review some relevant studies in each of these areas.

Race and Person Identity Face perception has been a topic of extensive

research, and whether people perceive faces of their own race differently than those of other races has been of interest ro researchers for over 50 years. The phenomenon known as the "other race effect" refers to the fact that people are better at recogniz­ing faces from their own race than faces from other racial groups (Lindsay, Jack, & Christian, 1991; O'Toole, Deffenbacher, Valentin, & Abdi, 1994; for review, see Meissner & Brigham, 2001). Our lab performed a few experiments on the other-race effect using Chinese subjects who had no previous exposure to Caucasian faces . We used an extensive battery of tasks rhar were available from previous experiments in our laboratory. The tasks had been developed to invesrigare both neurologically intact and impaired observers, as well as various clinical populations. Therefore, these tasks raxed verbal and cognirive functions (e.g., memory) as li ttle as possible. For example, during all match-to-sample tasks, one picture was always presented on top, and a marching picture had to be chosen from the two pictures below. One experiment focused on iden­riry recognition and required marching the target stimulus shown in fro ntal view to the correct foil shown in three-fourths profile. One block presented Caucasian faces and the other Chinese. We did not find the other-race effect s ince our results showed no difference between groups or stimuli (Sinke, 2012) .

One importan t and well-studied phenom­enon in face recognition pertains to the idea that recognition of the face is more dependent on hol istic, or configura!, processing than, for exam­ple, object recognition (Tanaka & Farah, 1993). Consequently, it has been surmised that the other-race effect could be explained by improved holistic processing for same-race faces (Michel, Rossion, Han, Chung, & Caldara, 2006). In our lab, we recently created the idemiry face-marching task as described previously with South African faces from a Xhosa population. Caucasian stu­dents performed the task with upright and inverted Caucasian and South African faces. In line with the other-race effect, Caucasian participants showed higher accuracy rates and faster reaction t imes 011

Caucasian than 011 South African faces. This task also allows the creation of a measure of configura­tion processing as measured with the face-inversion effect (Farah, Tanaka, & Drain, 1995; Yin, 1969). Interestingly, the inversion effect was comparable for both Caucasian and South African faces, so the other-race effect as fou nd in this study could not readily be explained by an effect of race on con­figural processing. These resultS are in line with those of other studies that found evidence fo r the other-race effect even though no differences in con­figural processing could be found, giving rise to rhe idea that the other-race effect cannot be com­pletely explained by differences in holistic process­ing (Michel, Caldara, & Rossion, 2006; Mondloch et aL, 2010). In addition, these effects have been studied using an evem-relared potential (ERP) known to be specifically involved in face processing, the N 170 (Eimer, 1998). The studies investigat­ing the face inversion effect show slightly different but, again, somewhat varied resul ts, indicari ng that both same- and other-race faces are processed holis­t ically, although it may be delayed for other races (Wiese, Stahl, & Schweinberger, 2009) or increased for same-race faces (Caharel et al., 2011; Gajewski, Schlegel, & Stoerig, 2008; Montalan et al. , 20 13; Vizioli, Foreman, Rousselet, & Caldara, 2009). In contrast, Hahn, Jantzen, and Symons (20 12) found that same-race faces were processed more holisti­cally than faces from other races using a technique called "lhatcheriz.ation," rotating only the eyes and mouth within a face.

Another important aspect in cross-racial facial recognition is the extent to which people have experience with other races (Bukach, Cottle, Ubiwa, & Miller, 2012; Rhodes et al., 2009; Srahl, Wiese, & Schweinberger, 2008). In addition to

224 I CULTURAL D I FFERENCES I N EMOTIONAL EXPRESSIONS AND BODY LANGUAGE

1he race of the perceived person, and the degree to which perceivers have experience with other races, Michel, Corneille, and Rossi on (20 I O) showed that 1he degree to which the same, racially ambiguous face is processed holistically depends on what the observer perceived to be the race of the stimulus. Another explanation for racial d ifferences in holis­Iic processing may be baseline differences berween people of different races. For example, there is evidence that Asians may process fuces and other stimul i more configurally rhan Caucasians (M ichel, Caldara, et al., 2006; Tanaka, Kiefer, & Bukach, 1004, for an overview, see Miyamoto, 2013). Ou r lab recently conducted a part-to-whole marching

experiment in Japan. Participants marched eyes or mouths to a picture of a whole Caucasian face, o r 1hey marched doors or windows ro a picwre of a whole house. Accuracy scores and reaction rimes of 1he Japanese parricipams were similar to rhose of a Dutch control group and, furthermore, they showed the same pattern in face and object parr rec­ognition as a Dutch control sample. Tn shorr, rhe japanese participants d id nor show an other-race effect, which may be explained by these baseline dif­ferences in hol istic processing berween populations.

'I he next question concerns the time during per­ceprual processing when race influences face per­cepiion. Walker and Tanaka (2003) found this race effect already ar early srages of perceptual encoding by using a sequential matching task with natural and morphed East Asian and Caucasian faces. However, 1he N 170 ER.P has given rise to larger amplitudes for other rhan same race faces (Caharel er al., 2011; Gajewski et al., 2008; Herrmann er al., 2007; Stahl et al., 2008; Walker, Silverr, Hewsrone, & Nobre,

2008). This was not seen in the earlier PI 00 ERP (Caharel et al., 20 I I; Herrmann er al., 2007; Stahl e1 al. , 2008). Thus, a race effect seems to manifest itsel f at a later stage, relared to rhe structural encod­

ing stage of the face and larer, ar approximately 250-300 ms (Caldara, Rossion, Bover, & Hauen, 2004; Caldara et al., 2003; Tanaka & Pierce, 2009). In conclusion, the picrure of rhe orher-race effect is Slill nor very solid and rhe explanation is not clear, as one can also discern from recent meta-analysis reports (Michel, Rossion, et al., 2006; Young, Hugenberg, Bernstein, & Sacco, 20 12).

Race and Facial Expressions Facial expressions play a major role in com­

munication, bur this role may be modulated by culture or race. The debate on universal facial expressions of basic emotions has been occurring

for decades (see Nelson & Russell, 20 13; Scherer, Clark-Polner, & Morrillaro, 2011 ). Currently, how­ever, many researchers take a position rhar is a sorr of compromise berween the classical Ekman posi­tion on universal emotions enshrined in rhe Ekman facial expressions and the realization rhar rhere is a measure of cultural relariviry.

A modest position rhar only touches rhar debate rangentially concerns rhe influence of culture ar rhe level of rhe display rules for emotions. Culture provides various kinds of rules about which facial expressions to d isplay, when, and where. This is a vast topic, and deal ing with it systematically would require contributions from anthropologists and socio logists, among others. To illusrrare, there is cultural variability in rhe level of rhe display rules fo r emotions. For example, Japanese people are per­ceived as less likely ro show negative emotions such as fear or anger bur more likely to express positive emotions (Hess, Blairy, & Kleck, 2000). At the least, there are cultural differences in rhe appropriateness of expressing certain emotions in certain sirua­tions. Overall, Asians are less prone to express nega­tive emotions such as contempt and fear (Chung, 20 12; Safdar er al., 2009). A well-known experi­ment showed that Japanese participants were prone to mask negative emotions by smiling, whereas Americans did not (Friesen, 1972). Evidence for this emotion suppression was found when Asian and American participants were asked to suppress their emotion in response to images while ERPs were recorded. In Asian participants, bur not in Americans, a significant decrease in the late posi­t ive potential (LPP), a measure of emotional pro­cessing, was found (Murata, Moser, & Kitayama, 20 13). Possibly because of rhese traditions, people in some East Asian countries tend to be more emo­t ionally introverted (Bond, 1993; Matsumoto, Yoo, Hirayama, & Perrova, 2005).

Because of these cultural differences in display rules, it can be hypothesized that Asians are more experienced than Westerners in estimating emo­t ional states from looking ar the eyes because it is well-known rhat muscles around the eyes (orbicu­laris oculi) are d ifficult to control (Ekman & Friesen,

2003). An interesting day-ro-day result of this focus on the eyes can be seen in emoticons used in dif­ferent areas of the world (Pollack, 1996). Whereas

Westerners keep the eyes constant (rwo simple dots) but change the mouth ro signify different emotions,

Japanese keep the mouth as a straight line while changing the eye symbols for each emotion. To rest this cultural bias on rhe eye versus the mouth, Yuki,

DE GELDER, H UtS IN 'T VELD 225

Maddux, and Masuda (2007) used borh emoticons and real faces and manipulated independently rhe eyes and mouths. They fo und rhar Japanese partici­pants rated the emotion by focusing mainly on the eyes, whereas American participants used the mouth as a prominent cue (also see Blais, Jack, Scheepers, Fiset, & Caldara, 2008). These findings are sup­ported by a study that examined the eye move­ments of Eastern and Western participants during rhe decod ing of facial expressions. It was fo und that Eastern people, in contrast ro Westerners, fix­are on the eye region instead of looking ar mulriplc regions of rhe face. In addition, these different scan patterns are likely to be an underlying cause of rec­ognition deficits in certai n emotions Uack, Blais, Scheepers, Schyns, & Caldara, 2009). In contrast, Asians and Caucasians were found ro use largely the same cortical networks while trying co decode emotion from the eyes of both their in-group and their our-group, although these networks were more active in response w eyes belonging tO rhe same race (Adams, Rule, et al. , 2010).

Also on a more physical level, emotions are nor always expressed similarly or to the same degree between d ifFerent culrures (Eife nbein, 20 13). For example, when participants fro m Quebec and Gabon were asked to freely express emotions, it was fou nd rhar the groups used different action units fo r different emotional expressions (Elfenbein, Beaupre, Levesque, & Hess, 2007). In other words, people from different cultures use different facial muscles to

express emotion. Ir may therefore not come as a sur­prise rhar what people expect to see in an emotional expression differs as wel l. -This cultural variety was demonscrared by add ing random noise ro a standard face o r by using a random action uni t generator to create random expressions, after which participants were asked to judge the emotion seen in the random noise. ' ll1ese responses were then used ro create aver­age expected emotional expressions, which differed in each cu lture Uack, Caldara, & Schyns, 20 12; Jack, Garrod, Yu, Caldara, & Schyns, 20 12). Also, there is evidence supporting the notion that rhe left side of the face may be more strongly infiuenced by culture than the right side and that there are cultural differences in these hemifacial biases (Eifenbe in, Mandai, Ambady, Harizuka, & Kumar, 2004; Mandai, Harizuka, Bhushan, & Mishra, 200 1 ). These effects are important to rake into consider­ation nor only fo r researchers who are interested in faci al responses, emotional contagion, or imitation but also because they may be of importance fo r new emerging techniques such as fac ial interpretation

softv,rare for smarrphones, security cameras, or games. In conclusion, it seems that a Facial Action Coding System (FACS; Ekman & Friesen, 1978). which maps all the muscles used fo r facial expres· sions, would need ro be different fo r each culture.

Probably because of these differences in the expression of emotion, there are subtle differences in how people from different countries interpret facial expressions of emotions (Eifenbein & Ambady. 2002). There seems to be an in-group advamagc especially for the recognition of culturally "natural· emotions and a majority advanrage for standard­ized (FACS) expressions (Beaupre & Hess, 2005: Elfenbein eta!. , 2007; for review, see Kang & Lau, 20 13). In a functional magnetic resonance imag­ing (fMRl) experimenr, Chiao et al. (2008) showed Japanese and American parricipanrs emotional faces of their in- and our-groups, and ir was fo und that che amygdala responded more strongly ro fearful expressions of che in-group. However, there may also be differences in che way rhe Japanese brain and che Caucasian brain process emotion ro begin with; it was found that the Japanese rely more on the pre· motor corcex and the insula, whereas Caucasians recruited the posterior cingulate, che supplemen· rary motor area, and che amygdala (Moriguchi et al., 2005).

A meta-analysis by Elfenbein and Ambady (2002; see also Elfenbein & Ambady, 2003) clearly showed char the in-group advantage was reduced when more intercultural concacc was establ ished. An fMRI study found that culture and duration of stay influenced amygdala activation and its relation· ship to the recognition of anger and disgust (Dernd et al., 2009). Srudies of cultural factors need to more systematically compare results obtained with groups before and after they have had extensive exposure to

the other cul ture. In any case, living in a multicul· rural environment or not must be a relevant f.1ctor. -Therefore, in our experiment, we rested Chinese stu· dents who had recenrly arrived in The Netherlands (no more rhan 2 weeks) so thar their contact with Wesrern people was at a minimum. The prcviouslv mentioned study on Chinese versus Durch idcmiry recognition also contained a memory experimen1. Dutch and Chinese parricipanrs were asked to memorize a ser of Caucasian faces . In one experi­ment, rhe faces wore neurral expressions. l l1c Dmch participants performed significantly bener than the Chinese. However, che d ifference between the two groups disappeared when the faces to remember were showing a fearfu l, sad, or happy expression. ll1is suggests that neutral faces of strangers :1re more

226 I CU LTURAL DIFFERENCES IN EMOTIONAL EX PR ESS I ONS AND BODY LANGUAGE

difficult to remember. lt also indicates that memory for faces of people from another race is at least to some extend culturally specific, but it may also be dependent on emotion and probably the inrerplay between race and gender (Krumhuber & Manstead, 2011). However, the pattern was differenr when we

used a task that required matching an expression ro the correct similar one rather than a memory rest. Overall, the Dutch parricipanrs were rather f.1Ster than Chinese participants in matching the Caucasian facial expression . However, this was also dependent on the emotion; Chinese students were slower than the Dutch on all emotions except happy. Fear and surprise were recognized less accurately in rhe two groups than the other emotions. Taking rhese and previous results into consideration, happy seems to be the facial emotion most easily recog­nized across cultures.

Culture and Gaze Humans use information on the direction of

gaze of others to rapidly orienr themselves ro the location where the gaze is directed- a process that is useful to detect relevanr events in the en vi ronmenr. However, this automatic orienting behavior seems

ro be influenced by the in-group versus out-group status of rhe observed face. For example, an Italian srudy showed that black parricipants shifted atten­rion similarly to the averred gaze of black and white faces, whereas white participants selectively shifted attention only in response to individuals of their same group (Pavan, Dalmaso, Galfano, & Castelli, 20 II ) . AJlother study showed that the own-race effect for the memory of faces is also dependent on eye gaze, where same- race faces were recog­nized better only when the gaze was d irect (Adams, Pauker, & Weisbuch, 20 I 0). It is interesting to note how some effects chat were previously deemed to

be automatic attenrion effects a re now found to

be under the concrol of social factors (Shepherd, 20 10). Cerrainly, more research is needed to unravel rhe various components of these complex behaviors, and it might also shed light on che question of cui­rural or racial influences on the perception of bodily expressions. Comparable to gaze direction, body language provides directional informacion, and a disruption of these processes as a result of racial interactions can be indicative of the effect of race on

body language. Regarding the perception of emotion and gaze,

it was found char East Asians experience a face as angrier when the eye contact is direct {Akechi et al., 2013). Furthermore, another study found that the

direct gaze of our-group members is experienced as more inrense chan the gaze of in-group members in an Asian versus Caucasian compa rison (Kramer et al. , 20 13). This may be explained by greater amygdala responses co the d irect gaze of our-group members (Adams, FrankJin, et al. , 20 I 0; Richeson, Todd, Trawalter, & Baird, 2008).

Culture and Affective Cue Selection To date, cross-cultural stud ies of emotion have

typically used facial expressions not accompanied by information from the voice as expected in rhe natural environment (de Gelder & Bertelson, 2003; de Gelder, Boeker, Tuomainen, Hensen, & Vroomen, 1999; de Gelder & Vroomen, 2000; Massaro & Egan, I 996). However, there are indications of cross-cultural d ifferences in the way information from the face and information fro m the voice are combined . Cultural differences were reported nor only in unisensory stimuli bur also in the susceptibility ro ignore information in visual (Masuda er a!., 2008) and auditory (Ishii, Reyes, & Kirayama, 2003) modalities. ll1e very

process of integrating emotional cues from differ­ent modalities may also be cultu re sensitive. We investigated cultural differences in the multisensory perception of emotion between Japanese and Dutch participants. In line with che view that the Japanese are sensitive to conrexrual information (Masuda et al., 2008) and to vocal affect (Ishii et al., 2003), we expected chat they would weigh cues in the voice more than the Dutch when presented with audio­visual stimuli. We used short fragments voiced by two Japanese and two Dutch female speakers in their native language. Each fragment with neutral linguis tic meaning was uttered with happy or angry emotion, and the fragments were combined with

happy and angry facial expressions. Our results demonstrated that when the face and the voice

did nor represent rhe same emotion, rhe Japanese participants weighted cues in the voices more chan

did the Dutch participants. These findings provide the firsr evidence char culture modulates multisen­sory integration of affective information (Tanaka et al., 20 I O). The results arc consistent with rhose

of a study reporting char the Japanese are more sus­ceptible w affective prosody and less susceptible ro linguistic content compared to Americans (Ishii et al., 2003). Our results are also consistent with a lesser degree of audiovisual speech integration in the Japanese (Sekiyama & ' lo hkura, 1991). These results can be interpreted as showing rhar in mul­tisensory situations, che Japanese people rely more

DE GELDER, HUIS IN ' T VELD I 227

on a vocal affect than a facia] expression because d irect or excessive eye contact can be considered rude in their culture (Malpass & Kravitz, 1969) or because they rend ro use a less efficient srraregy to judge the facial expression Qack er al., 2009). lr also may be related ro the fact that Japanese people control the display of their own feelings in rhe face (Ekman, 1972; Matsumoto, Takeuchi, Andayani,

Kouznersova, & Krupp, 1998). This may lead to a lower reliance on rhe face and higher reliance on the voice when judging a person's emotion.

Cultural Differences in the Recognition of Bodily Expressions

Although there is no doubt rhar the face, or voice, can indicate much about a person's feelings or intentions, body language is another very important indicator. Bodily expressions of emotion have only recently become a domain of interest, and knowl­edge in this area is increasing rapidly (for reviews, see de Gelder, 2006; de Gelder, Snyder, Greve, Gerard, & Hadjikhani, 2004; de Gelder er al., 20 l 0), although cultural differences in perceiv­ing bodily expressions have nor yet received much arrention. We previously stared rhar facial expres­sions can be culturally d iverse, and there is evidence that the same might be true for bodily expressions. In 1988, Scherer er al. found that rhe Japanese do nor use as many movements of the hands, arms, and body in certain emotional situations. Furthermore, the Japanese and Americans have some un ique and differing features rhar enable them to recognize emotion from body posture, whereas other fea­tures may be universal. For example, a bent head

and arms hanging next to rhe body are essential for Japanese participants to recognize sadness, but Sri Lankans and Americans accept other poses for sad­ness as well. Also, poses that are viewed as fearful by

Japanese people are perceived as angry by Sri Lankans (Kleinsmith, De Silva, & Bianchi-Berrhouze, 2006; Sogon & Masutani, 1989). The study by Kleinsmith et al. (2006) also supporrs the theory that some cul­tures may be less expressive: When American and

Japanese parricipams are asked to rare how intensive rhe emotion is rhar a person must be feeling based

on bodily expression, the ratings of the Japanese are higher than those of Americans. The same was pre­viously found for Chinese participants: The Chinese rare facial expression of negative emotions of other Chinese as more intense than those of Caucasians (Zhu, Ho, & Bonanno, 2013). Th is implies rhar a Japanese observer infers that someone might be feel­ing more than she is expressing. On the other hand,

although cultural diversity exists, it seems that there is at least some universality with regard to recogniz· ing emotional expressions in the body. For example, Americans and Indians were asked to categorize emotional dance expressions as described in ancient Indian texts, and both groups were able to do this accurately (Hejmadi, Davidson, & Rozin, 2000). Similarly, in-group and our-group effects, as dis· cussed with facia l expressions, may be similar with regard to bodily expressions: Caucasians are faster tO

recognize angry body language when a black face is combined with an angry body than when a Caucasian face is combined with the exact same angry body (Hinzman & Kelly, 2013). In contrast, African and American children judged rhe expression of emo­tional faces, faces and bodies, and bodies alone, and no cultural differences were found in the body-only condition (Tum inello & Davidson, 201 1).

Additionally, in a recent behavioural study, we

found that white Western European participants perceived black bodies of ambiguous emotion as angrier than ambiguous white bodies when in a neutral context (i.e., paired with neutral sounds); however, when rhe bodies were paired with affective sounds there was no difference in emotion carego· rization, suggesting that specific multisensory con· rexrs may be able ro reduce or eliminate race-specific biases in emotion perception. We also investigated rhe cerebral correlates of "other race" body emotion perception, scanning white European participants using fMRI . Here, we dearly saw regions which activated more to other race, vs. own race bod· ies, including the bilateral interparietal lobule and fusiform gyrus.

In our lab, we tested the same group of Chinese subjects with instrumental and emotional bodily expressions, and the procedure was rhe same as that used for faces. Here also, no differences were found between groups or stimulus categories. In contrast with the facial expression results, where happy is the best recognized expression, sad seems to be the most prominently recognized body emotion for both groups. In a follow-up experiment using images of day-to-day scenes with and without other people present, we investigated the role of the context in wh ich bodily expressions are encountered. When judging rhe emotion of bodily expressions shown in nonsocial contexts, we found that the Chinese were

general ly slower in judging the emotion of the tar· get body than the Dutch. However, because we had also found this for the previous match-to-sample tasks in general, we cannot say conclusively that ir is because of the context. Both groups were distracted

228 CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN EMOTIONAL EXPRESSIONS AND BODY LANGUAGE

by a fearful context when the body is neutral, lead­ing to more time taken tO respond.

In addition, bodily expressions in social contexts dm show other people engaging in activity with either the same or a contrasting emotional signifi­cance are more difficult to recognize by either group when the bodily expression is incongruent with the scene. All participants were influenced by an incongruent (happy or neutral) social scene show­ing fearful target bodies and also by a fearful social scene showing happy target bodies (as shown by the accuracy data). However, the Chinese did perform becter than the Dutch students in general, which was not the case when the bodies were presented in a nonsocial context or without conrexr. An explana­tion for this could be that the Chinese are in fact more influenced by the social scene, bur in a differ­em way: Because there are other people present in the scenes, they might feel some pressure to perform becter. We know that such unrealistic social cues can indeed have an influence on behavior (e.g., Bateson, Nettle, & Roberts, 2006), and because the Chinese students were raised in a collectivistic society, this could have a greater effect on them. One possible explanation of why the incongruent social scenes do nor distract could be the short stimulus duration of I 00 ms. A previous study showed that Japanese participants who had to judge a target body within a social scene looked more at the other people in the scene-but only after I s (Masuda et al., 2008). This finding, however, could nor be amibured tO

any ambiguity in the scenes: Both groups recog­nized the emotion expressed by the people in the scene equally well, and neither had any trouble rec­ognizing happy scenes.

In addition, Chinese panicipants seemed to be more specialized for faces compared to Dutch par­ticipants; they were more accurate in recognizing both Chinese and Caucasian idenrities, and they did this faster than idenrifying shoes or bodies. With regard to Caucasian emotions, Chinese par­ticipants needed more rime than their Dutch coun­terparts independenr of whether these emotions were expressed in the face or the body. They also needed more time to recognize (emotional) bod­ies in a nonsocial context- but not when bodies were perceived in a social context, in which case the Chinese were faster than the Dutch. Thus, although an incongruent scene similarly influenced both groups, a social scene did have more effect on the Chinese participants. One might speculate that this is related to the fact that traditional Chinese society is less individual istic than Western society.

Currently, however, these are rather broad and vague categorizations.

To add to the existing literature, a bodily expres­sion recognition experiment was performed in Japan and The Netherlands. Participants performed a sample-to-march task with angry, fearful, happy, and neutral expressions of Japanese and Dutch bodily expressions. Caucasian expressions were rec­ognized more accurately than Japanese stimuli by both Dutch and Japanese participants. lmerescingly, Japanese participants were better at recognizing fearful Japanese expressions than were the Dutch participants. However, it is important to note that Japanese angry and fearful bodily expressions yielded lower accuracy scores than those of Japanese happy and neutral expressions from both nation­ali ties. This has previously been found for Japanese facial expressions (Malpass & Kravitz, 1969). h can be argued that these stimuli may be less expressive than the Caucasian expressions because it is cultur­ally less accepted to express negative emotions in Japan. Further analyses on behavioral ratings of the stimuli should be taken into account.

Cultural Differences in Social Interactions Much research has focused on the one-sided

action of perceiving rhe face, or body, of another human. How does race influence the process of daily interaction? Participants of four differ­em nationalities (Irish, Guatemalan, Peruvian, and Serbian) were asked ro rate the intensity of social interactions between rwo English people. In this situation, an in-group effect was found; Irish panicipants cared the emotions as more intense than did people from other nationalities (Sneddon, McKeown, McRorie, & Vukicevic, 2011 ). Recalling the discussion of display rules, it has been found that Asians react less angrily than Americans in an anger-provoking situation with an experimenter (Mauss, Buder, RobertS, & Chu, 201 0), but they experience greater physiologi­cal responses in confrontational or intercultural social interactions (Buder, Lee, & Gross, 2009; Mauss & Buder, 2010).

Another important aspect of social interac­tion is the ability to understand other people not only by reading facial and bodily expressions but also by reading their gestures. Molnar-Szakacs, Wu, Robles, and Iacoboni (2007) measured cor­ticospinal excitability- a measure of motor reso­nance or, in other words, the responsiveness of the motor cortex- in response to actors of the in­and out-group playing out both culturally known

DE GELDER, HUIS IN 'T VELD

and u nknown gestures. Inrerestingly, motor reso­nance was increased only in response ro in-group members, independent of the gestures. However, another study ind icated that in females, the oppo­site pattern can occur (Desy & lneoret, 2007). In line with these results, observing both the fam iliar and the unfamiliar gestures of in-group members also faci litates the mirror neuron networks and rhc insula (Liew, Han, & Aziz-Zadeh, 20 I I). In addition, conical nerworks involved in imitation, including rhe motor areas (Losin, lacoboni, Marrin, Cross, & Daprerro, 20 12), respond differently ro gestures performed by people of another race.

Conclusion Social interactions arc a large parr of da ily

human life, and in rhcsc interactions we use infor­mation from facial expressions, body posture, and rone of voice. Race and culrure are increasi ngly important aspects in th is regard, and they inAu­ence these processes that are at the heart of suc­cessful commun ication. In the literature reviewed , we found thar navigating in an environment with many people of other nat ionalities might inAuence one's ability ro remember the ir faces, interpret their emotions and gestures, or even misunderstand their gaze. TI1e re are many situations in da ily life in which this can have detrimental effects. For example, in docror-patienr relationships, it has been found

that race may interrupt effective doctor-patient communication or impede the rrust that patients have in their doctor due w m isinterpretations of nonverbal behavior (Levine & Ambady, 20 13). Furthermore, people were willing ro listen more ofren to a compmcr avarar giving rhcm advice when rhc avarar was a member of rhcir in-group (Pratt, Hauser, Ugray, & Patterson, 2007), which can severely impact adherence to medication or rrcar­menr in a medical scrring. It is reasonable ro assume rhar this may also play a role in other real-life inreracrions-for example, between reachers and srudcnrs, doctors and patients, therapists and cli­cnrs, and pol ice officers and rhc public . If these kinds of processes, essential for commun ication, are inAuenced by race or culture, the same might be true for the perception of body language in day-tO­day interaction. To make rhe comparison with daily life, this might inAuence the effectiveness of police officers or firefighters working in a multicultural envi ronment, requiring asture responses from oth­ers in a high-st ress situation.

Studies on display rules have consistently found that some cultures are more likely to

suppress rheir emotions, especially negative ones, in social interact ions. This again is something thar should be raken into account in imporram inte rracial interactions. For example, to rake a therapist-cl ient pe rspective, rhc role of depression on emotional expression is vastly different for peo­ple from d ifferenr culwres (Chenrsova-Durron, Tsai, & Gotlib, 20 10; Su, Lee, & Oishi, 20 13). On a more positive note, it has been suggesred that dc rrimcnral effects of emotion suppression arc also dependent on culture, where rhe negati ve effects are less for people with Asian values who are more likely ro suppress their emotion (Butler, Lee, & Gross, 2007).

More diverse stud ies with different popula­tions are necessary. For example, fM RI studies are predominantly done on Caucasian populations. even though people from other races may have a slightly different brain structure (Bai er al.. 20 12; lsamah et al. , 20 I 0). Some studies have examined the previously reviewed race effects in cl inical populations, such as those wirh autism (Hi rschfeld , Bartmess, White, & Frith, 2007) or schizophren ia (Pinkham et al., 2008), finding rhat these syndromes do nor inrcracr wirh racial biases. However, it was found rhar children wirh W ill iams syndrome do nor have racial stereotypes (Santos. Meyer-Lindcnberg, & Dcruclle, 2010) and thar emotion perception may be differentially affected in different populations with schizophrenia (Brekke. Nakagami, Kee, & Green, 2005; Leppanen er al., 2006).

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234 CULTU RAL DIFFEREN CES IN EMOT I ONAL EXPRESSIONS AND BODY LANGUAGE