career aspirations

Career Aspirations 1

Running head: CAREER ASPIRATIONS

The Dreams of Our Children: A Review of Youth Career Aspirations

Michelle Nilson Levisohn, Assistant Professor

Paul Yeung, Ph.D. Candidate

Simon Fraser University

Corresponding author:

Michelle Nilson Levisohn, 250-13450 102nd Ave., Surrey, BC V3T 0A5 Canada

Telephone: 604-551-2639, email: [email protected]

Keywords: aspirations, youth, career aspirations, literature review

mailto:[email protected]


Glossary

While there is no one agreed-upon definition of career aspirations, there are certain

attributes that have been mentioned by career researchers and theorists. A career can be defined

as “a long sequence of work experiences, each of which builds upon the individual’s preparation,

not for just the first job, but for a lifetime of useful work and expanding opportunities” (Meade,

Rainey, & DeLoatche, 1974, p. 11). In other words, a career is “visualized as accumulations of

information and knowledge rather than simply progressions of work experiences” (Bird, 1994, p.

325). Aspirations can be defined as goal-striving behaviours (Lewin, Dembo, Festinger, & Sears,

2007) which “reflect one’s hopes, and expectations, more realistic options” (Cooper, Chavira, &

Mena, 2005, p. 416). By combining these two constructs together, career aspirations can be

understood as when someone aspires to realize his or her career choices.

Introduction

At present, Canadian children face a multitude of challenges when they graduate from

high school. For example, the current economic downturn has affected youths (ages 15 to 24).

According to Statistics Canada (2009), they were “hard hit in June, with losses of 33,000 [jobs].

Their unemployment rate went up a full percentage point to 15.9%, the highest rate in 11 years”

(para 4). Goldstein and Oldham (1979) pointed out that both adolescents and adults highlight the

“transformation of the non-worker into the mature occupant of an occupational role” (p. 4).

Indeed, developing one’s career is a life-long process which begins in childhood

(Guichard, 2001; Magnuson & Starr, 2000; Trice, Hughes, Odom, Woods, & McClellan, 1995).

Hartung, Porfeli, and Vondracek (2005) posited that “whereas human development theory and

scientific inquiry have overemphasized child-based, growth-oriented accounts of development

(Elder, 1998), vocational psychology has overemphasized adolescence and early-to-middle


adulthood” (p. 386). In recent years, career theorists and researchers have attempted to

understand how children come to develop career aspirations. Synthesizing available research on

children’s career aspirations can help educators, researchers, and parents to understand more

about what resources are needed in helping children to explore and realize their career goals.

Methods

Criteria for Inclusion

This review identifies research studies on children’s career aspirations between 1991 and

2009. Both conceptual (i.e., addressing career aspirations from a conceptual or theoretical

standpoint) and empirical (i.e., investigating career aspirations through career-related

psychometric instruments or interventions) studies were chosen if they examined elementary and

high school students’ career aspirations.

Search Procedures

A literature search on children’s career aspirations was performed via the online database

called PsychINFO, which includes well over 1300 journal periodicals and covers topics from

psychology and psychological aspects of related disciplines to education (Simon Fraser

University Library, 2009).

During the literature search, the “all databases” feature was used to help maximize the

search for relevant research studies on children’s career aspirations within the PsychINFO

database. The literature review in the PsychINFO database has shown that many career-related

studies exist, and that the majority of those studies were researched primarily in the United

States. The following keywords were used to search for articles: career (e.g., Coupland, 2004),

career aspirations (e.g., Creed, Conlon, & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007; Turner & Lapan, 2005;


Wall, Covell, & MacIntyre, 1999), and occupational aspirations (e.g., Holland, Gottfredson, &

Baker, 1990; Sellers, Satcher, & Comas, 1999).

Purpose

This paper reviews the literature pertaining to children’s career aspirations in two main

ways. First, we review the conceptual understanding of career aspirations as defined in the

literature; then we explore literature examining the factors influencing career aspirations. We

recognize that there is extant literature that examines youth transition into careers as well as a

wide range of studies that examine a variety of career interest inventories that, while valuable,

are not included in this review of aspirations.

Literature Review

Conceptual Understanding of Career Aspirations

One way to understand children’s career development is through the lens of

developmental perspectives of career aspirations. One of the prominent career theorists was

Donald Super (1990) who developed A Life-Span, Life-Space approach to Career Development.

The term life-span refers to the process of an individual’s career development throughout life.

Life-space refers to the roles individuals play during their lives in different contexts. His

approach highlights specific aspects of career development taken from developmental,

differential, social, personality, and phenomenological psychology and held together by self-

concept and learning theory.

Super noted that the occupational choice of an individual is a function of the self-concept

of that individual at the time the decision is made. Each person goes through a series of stages

which lead to the refinement of his or her self-concept. According to Super, the life-span consists


of five major life stages: Growth (childhood), Elaboration (adolescence), Establishment (young

adulthood), Maintenance (middle adulthood), and Decline (old age).

Within each of the stages, a person is trying to master various developmental tasks before

moving to the next stage. For example, children who are at the Growth Stage (from birth to ages

13) are trying to master the following career development tasks: increasing personal control over

one’s own life, convincing oneself to achieve in school and at work, acquiring competent work

habits and attitudes, and becoming concerned about the future.

Like Super, Linda Gottfredson’s (1981) theory of circumscription and compromise

proposes that children develop their occupational aspirations starting from pre-school years. As

children mature, they come to understand and define careers in relation to common perceptions

of gender roles and social status. Gottfredson’s theory consists of four stages which describe

processes involved in developing one’s occupational aspirations from childhood through

adolescence to adulthood.

Stage 1 (Orientation to Size and Power) outlines how children (between ages 3 and 5) show

an increased awareness of the adult social world. At this stage, young children adopt a

fantasy stance in their understanding of careers and generally have “a fairly positive view of

all occupations of which [they are] aware” (Gottfredson, p. 549).

Stage 2 (Orientation to Sex Roles) outlines how children (between ages 6 and 8) begin to

identify careers in accordance with what they see as acceptable (which is primarily based on

a limited range of careers and gender stereotypes of those careers). Gottfredson describes this

as circumscription (or restriction).

Stage 3 (Orientation to Social Valuation) outlines how children (between ages 9 and 13)

come to understand social valuation (i.e., choosing careers based on their perceived social


class boundary). In other words, children understand the function of social class and will

usually choose careers that are not significantly below or above their current level of social

class.

Stage 4 (Orientation to Unique, Internal Self) outlines how children (ages 14 and above)

aspire to careers that are aligned to their unique self (e.g., interests and abilities).

Honoré (1988) stated that “[w]hile school children may aspire to certain occupations of their

dreams, their realistic choices may be tempered by what society may view as appropriate” (p.

313). According to Gottfredson, compromise is a process undergone by children who forgo their

most preferred alternatives and opt for careers that they perceive as compatible and obtainable.

Another way to understand children’s career aspirations is through the lens of Erik

Erikson’s (1964, 1968) developmental theory which outlines how identity formation can affect

adulthood. According to Erikson, children must resolve identity tensions at the Industry versus

Inferiority stage (ages 6 to 12) before they can move on to the Identity versus Confusion stage

(adolescence). One of the essential tasks that children need to resolve pertains to career

development: “adolescents in the midst of struggling with choices are experiencing what Erikson

called a moratorium [–] a delay in the adolescent’s commitment to personal and occupational

choices” (Woolfolk, Winne, & Perry, 2004, p. 65).

Yet another way to conceptualize career aspirations is through the hermeneutic-narrative

framework which is moving away from viewing children’s career aspirations as a lock-step

completion of career development tasks (which are explained by career developmental theorists

such as Super, Gottfredson, and Erikson).


A hermeneutic-narrative framework is an attempt to understand how a person makes

sense of his or her career experiences (Mkhize & Frizelle, 2000). According to Mkize and

Frizelle (2000):

The aim of hermeneutics [is] to understand the complex process of career development in

its socio-cultural context, and to grasp the definition of this process as given by the social

actors involved. As a result, the complex meanings attached to the process of career

development will be opened up for exploration. (p. 6)

This approach may be of use to understand how children make meaning of their career options

which lead to their career aspirations.

In order to enrich career researchers’ and theorists’ understanding of children’s career

aspirations, it may be of use to listen to children’s voices in sharing their career narratives so that

career researchers and theorists can extract critical information about their lived experiences

(Young & Collin, 1992). As Cochran (1997) succinctly put it, “composing a narrative is our

primary way of making meaning” (p. 4). As children engage in their career narratives, they

create and recreate their career possibilities. Mkhize and Frizelle (2002) noted that

“individuals…have to enter into a dialogue with the multiple narratives out there, debate these

narratives for themselves, and eventually emerge with new understandings “hammered out” from

the possibilities open to them” (p. 10). Nazli (2007) further stated that “As one gets older, the

self-concept gains a clearer, sharper, and more realistic structure” (p. 448).

Career researchers and theorists can also better understand the various western

assumptions children hold towards career aspirations via their narratives. As Young and Collin

(1992) noted:


The development of society’s current understanding of career has been based, implicitly

or explicitly, on a modern, Westernized version of the self. It is precisely this notion of

the self, represented by the bounded, reified, highly individualized, autonomous self, and

by the self as a natural object that is the subject of critical analysis (for example,

Cushman, 1990; Taylor, 1989). (p. 4)

The hermeneutic-narrative framework may be of use to help career researchers and theorists

understand how children (especially at-risk children) make sense of changes and uncertainties as

well as potential sources of inaccurate, incomplete or distorted information about their career

options. As Cochran (1997) put it, “Causality forms the plot of a narrative, elevating the sheer

succession of chronology to a pattern of explanation. To tell a story is to explain how an end

came about from a particular beginning” (p. 5).

School-Aged Children’s Career Aspirations and Expectations

Mkhize and Frizelle (2000) posited that “career development should be reconceptualised

to take into account individuals’ attempts to navigate their lives in a world that is increasingly

characterized by unpredictable changes and uncertainties” (p. 1). Both Super (1990) and

Gottfredson (1981) noted that young children are curious about the world around them and begin

to develop a sense of self through their interaction with adults. Young children begin to notice

their abilities through learning in school. It is around this time that children develop fantasy-

versus reality-based careers (Helwig, 1998, 2004).

Auger, Blackhurst, and Wahl (2005) used structured interviews with 123 elementary

children to examine the types of careers that children wished to have and expected to have in a

semi-rural community in the midwestern United States. Auger et al. found that older children


tended to aspire to fantasy occupations and that older children desired more socially prestigious

and less sex-typed careers than younger children.

Care, Deans, and Brown (2007) interviewed 84 preschool and kindergarten children (45

boys and 39 girls; ages between 4 and 5) in urban Melbourne, Australia. The way Care et al.

coded children’s responses regarding fantasy- versus reality-based careers was as follows:

Child aspirations that did not fit the definition of a job used in ASCO (Australian

Standard Classification of Occupations) were classified as ‘parent’ if centred on domestic

duties, ‘student’ where the child aspired to study as a future job, ‘fantasy’ if no such

occupation existed (such as a fictional character), or ‘don’t know’. (p. 159)

Care et al. found that of 84 children, “60 children (72%) named real jobs as aspirations, and 9

children (11%) named a fantasy aspiration” (p. 161). In other words, “most of the children in this

sample could nominate a realistic job as an aspiration” (p. 161). When Care et al. examined

gender differences on fantasy- versus reality-based careers, they found that “[b]oys were less

likely (p = 0.004) to nominate a real job (64%) than girls (82%) (p. 161).

Fantasy helps in the development of interests, and experience and feedback bring them

awareness of their capacities, which make them more realistic. As children mature, they begin to

realize the importance of planning for the future and that their present behaviour influences their

future lives (Erikson, 1964, 1968; Trice, 1991; Trice & King, 1991). Blustein, Phillips, Johin-

Davis, Finkelberg, and Roarke (1997) noted that both self-exploration and self-understanding are

critical for post high school transitions. The same can be said regarding the transition from

middle to high school.

Factors Influencing Career Aspirations


In order to consolidate numerous studies on career aspirations, five areas of research have

been identified to help understand factors influencing career aspirations: 1) role models, 2)

ability or aspiration match, 3) socioeconomic status, 4) family, and 5) curriculum materials.

The Effect of Role Models on Children’s Career Aspirations

Role models exert a powerful influence on children’s career aspirations. Cochran (1990)

stated that models help facilitate one’s goal-setting and one’s beliefs that one can contribute in

one’s vocation. “A person seems to search in particular for a model that not only exemplifies a

desired state but one whom the person identifies with as similar to oneself” (Cochran, 1990, p.

63). For example, Trice et al. (1995) studied 168 kindergarten children and discovered that their

mothers played an influential role in both boys’ and girls’ career aspirations.

King and Multon (1996) examined the effects of television role models on African

American junior high school students’ career aspirations. It was found that younger junior high

school students are more likely to be influenced by television role models. King and Multon

reminded parents, teachers and counsellors to address possible misconceptions of careers

portrayed in television programs, which can help broaden young junior high school students’

career aspirations.

Depending on how children view their role models, they can limit or broaden the child’s

horizons regarding the range of career possibilities. As Ferguson and Snipes (1994) stated, “Each

[child] needs to understand and practice methods for supporting the development of healthy

[career] identities” (p. 22). Since children are in contact with key adult figures who might

become role models, one way of teaching necessary decision-making skills is through mentoring

(King & Multon, 1996).


Gender and sex-role influences. Bailey and Nihlen (1990) used the pre- and post-test

method to examine children’s understanding of psychological and social dimensions of

occupational sex-role stereotyping. Bailey and Nihlen introduced 219 Anglo American and

Hispanic boys and girls (ranging in age from 6 to 11) to nontraditional workers in their

elementary school classrooms. Bailey and Nihlen found that children who were being exposed to

nontraditional workers expressed significantly fewer sex-role stereotypes.

Stroeher (1994) examined kindergarten students’ beliefs and attitudes towards gender-

related roles and career aspirations. Stroeher discovered that “even as kindergartners, the girls

selected traditional female careers” (p. 95). Stroeher stated that:

It is distressing to think that these 5- and 6-year-olds, especially the girls, discount certain

careers for themselves because they believe that girls are incapable of performing them.

Girls’ discounting male-typed career possibilities might lead them not to take courses in

subjects such as math or science that prepare them for these opportunities. (p. 102)

Phipps (1995) also noted that middle elementary-aged children had restricted views of gender-

stereotyped occupations (e.g., boys wanted to be mechanics and girls wanted to be teachers).

Lupaschuk and Yewchuk (1998) examined 160 students (who were between Grades 4

and 12) in a small rural school in central Alberta. The students were asked to “respond in writing

to the appropriate version of Papageorgiou’s question: If you woke up tomorrow and discovered

that you were a (boy) (girl), how would your life be different?” (p. 303). Lupaschuk and

Yewchuk concluded that “Despite the fact that some students’ comments reflected quite liberal

perceptions about the difference between being male [or] female, gender stereotyping still

appears to be quite pervasive among school children” (p. 313).


Sellers, Satcher, and Comas (1999) investigated 103 children’s career aspirations (48%

male and 52% female, ranging in age from 8 to 11). Sellers et al. used the Children's Sex Role

Inventory (CRSI) to help identify children’s perception of gender roles. CRSI has 30 items and

the breakdown is as follows: 10 masculine, 10 feminine, and 10 neutral gender role measure

items. Sellers et al. then asked children, “What do you want to be when you grow up?”, and

classified their answers based on traditional or non-traditional careers. Sellers et al. found that

“children tend to select occupations which are gender stereotyped” which lends support to

previous research findings (e.g., Bailey & Nihlen, 1990; Lupaschuk & Yewchuk, 1998; Phipps,

1995; Stroeher (1994).

Research has shown that career sex-role stereotyping also exists among gifted students

and high-achieving students. For example, Feldhusen and Willard-Holt (1993) examined gifted

boys’ and girls’ perceptions of gender differences in school-related attitudes (e.g., classroom

interactions), preferences, and aspirations. Feldhusen and Willard-Holt noted that gifted boys and

girls showed occupational sex-role stereotyping. In other words, gifted children’ career

aspirations followed stereotypic expectations (Leung, Conoley, & Scheel, 1994). Leung et al.

noted that even among gifted students, teachers tend to pay more attention to gifted boys than

girls, and how this may impact on students’ career aspirations remains for further investigation.

York (2008) examined a group of high-achieving students (i.e., high school

valedictorians) regarding their college and career plans. York collected regional and public

school newspapers to help create the annual valedictorian profiles. He performed regression

analyses to find out to what extent females’ aspirations were equal to their male counterparts at

the end of their high school year. York found that traditional gender differences exist regarding

their college and career plans. For example, while females showed a strong interest in the


humanities and social sciences, males showed a strong interest in quantitative subjects (e.g.,

computer science, engineering, and mathematics).

The point of the discussion is to highlight the potential consequence of career sex-role

stereotyping. As Stroeher (1994) noted, “Girls may believe that, if “boys make better

astronauts,” and “doctors should be boys,” then they need not excel in math” (p. 102). As a

result, some girls or children who are at-risk may come to believe that certain careers are beyond

their reach.

Self-concept. Self-concept is defined as “how a person considers himself or herself, and

this self-concept of the child is enriched through the developmental periods” (Nazli, 2007, p.

448). According to Care, Deans, and Brown (2007), “an occupational aspiration can be seen as

an attempt to present a preferred self-image” (p. 156). The American Association of University

Women (1991) conducted a study of 3000 children from Grade 4 to 10 and found that when

compared to adolescent boys, adolescent girls generally had “a poor self-image, constrained

views of their future place in society and much less confidence about themselves and their

abilities” (p. 4). As a result, children who face failure after failure may focus on their inadequacy

and erode their self-esteem and interest in pursuing their career dreams. Nazli (2007) noted that

“[i]ndividual awareness comes about as a result of his or her experiences, which is melded

together through the opinions of others about him or her, and then form meaningful wholes in

order to develop the self-concept” (p. 448).

Ability or Aspiration Match

Ability or aspiration match can be understood in relation to self-efficacy beliefs which

highlight “beliefs in one’s capabilities to organize and execute the courses of action required to

manage prospective situations’’ (Bandura, 1997, p. 2).


Pinquart , Juang, and Silbereisen (2004) examined career aspirations, school

performance, and cognitive abilities by analyzing an archival data set which was collected by the

former East German Central Institute for Research on Youth. Pinquart et al. described the

sample as “[a]ll sixth graders of 28 randomly chosen schools from the city of Leipzig who were

present in these schools at the time of data collection participated (N = 1298)” (p. 130). The first

data collection point was 1985 and continued every year, and the last data collection point was in

1995. At the time of the first data collection, the mean age of the participants was 12 years old.

Pinquart et al. found that “high levels of self-efficacy were associated with an increase in career

aspirations between 1989 and 1991, and an increased probability of attending university in 1995”

(p. 137). Furthermore, “interaction effects of self-efficacy with cognitive abilities and school

grades were found, indicating that for adolescents with higher self-efficacy beliefs, cognitive

abilities became more important and grades less important in predicting the transition to

university” (p. 136).

Lupart, Cannon, and Telfer (2004) utilized the Eccles Model (which integrates decision-

making theory, achievement theory, and attribution theory) to examine career aspirations. Lupart

et al. surveyed 1419 students: 870 were in Grade 7 and 549 were in Grade 10, and found that

girls rated artistic careers the highest and boys rated information technology or science and

engineering careers the highest (p. 40). This has implications for educators when informing

children about potential career options and ways in which children (especially girls) can evaluate

their assumptions about their career aspirations.

Durik, Vida, and Eccles (2006) examined students’ task beliefs (which include the self-

concept of ability, intrinsic value, and importance) about reading in Grade 4 and English in

Grade 10. Durik et al. found that the importance of reading predicted course choices and career


aspirations: “Specifically, 3rd-grade reading grade predicted 4th-grade reading importance. In

turn, 4th-grade reading importance predicted 8th-grade English grade. However, 8th-grade

English grade did not predict participants’ 10th-grade ratings of English importance” (p. 388).

Perhaps, one way to increase children’s career aspirations is through literacy, because “reading

importance in [the] 4th grade uniquely predicted course choices [and] indicates that importance

more generally is a predictor of high school course choices related to literacy” (p. 390).

Creed, Conlon, and Zimmer-Gembeck (2007) conducted a survey with 176 Grade 7

children (86 boys and 90 girls) regarding “career status aspirations and expectations, career

barriers, academic engagement, academic control beliefs, general ability and literacy” (p. 242).

Creed et al. noted that reading ability was found to be associated with certain career choices:

“This association was best identified when comparing the semi-professional career category to

the skilled career category” (p. 252). In other words, “[f]or every one unit increase in children’s

reading ability, children were about 2.2 times more likely to aspire to a semi-professional career

rather than a skilled career” (p. 252). This reinforces Cooper, Chavira, and Mena’s (2005, ID

026) argument that “it is important to recognize how early children’s pathways in math and

language divide as they move through school if successful pathways are to be sustained” (p.

407).

Cheung and Wong (2006) noted that “[s]ince many students will start working when they

finish their secondary education, the mismatch between secondary curricula and the employers’

requirements has been the concern of many education authorities in other countries…” (p. 111).

It is also important to examine children’s perceptions of career matches because “perceptions of

career barriers both compromise career aspirations in adolescents and impair their capacity to

make optimum career-related decisions” (Albert & Luzzo, 1999; Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 2000;


as cited in Creed et al., 2007, p. 243). Furthermore, it may also constrain children’s career

aspirations if they express low aspirations or expectations, coupled with receiving inaccurate

information about future career opportunities. (Rojewski & Hill, 1998).

Socioeconomic Status

Willms (2002) noted that according to the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and

Youth, vulnerable Canadian children or at-risk youth tend to report having negative life

experiences (e.g., maltreatment by parents, poverty, violence, and racial prejudice). As a result,

these children have high drop-out, delinquency, and unemployment rates. These children face

considerable difficulties in finding jobs.

Career aspirations are an issue for high school dropouts. Gassama and Kritsonis (2006)

noted that some of the consequences faced by high school dropouts are that they are unable to

find adequate work. Even when they find work, their earnings are not enough to support

themselves. Gassama and Kritsonis also cited “studies by Dryfoos (1990) and Duper (1993)

[who] have found that high school dropouts are more likely to be involved in crime, drug use,

and health and marital problems compared to those who graduate” (p. 1). How this may impact

on high school dropouts’ career aspirations remains for further investigation.

Roach (2005) noted that the Joint Educational Facilities (JEF) initiative is an attempt to

provide opportunities for minority and socially disadvantaged K-12 students, which in turn will

help them to explore their educational and career aspirations. JEF is a non-profit community-

based K-12 organization located in Washington, D.C. It works with students to acquire basic

knowledge in computer science (e.g., artificial intelligence). Roach stated that “An estimated 400

students from poor to middle-class households have been a part of the program” (p. 32). Over the

years, “[m]any JEF students have earned college degrees in science and technology fields;


former participants have also earned masters’ degrees and at least one student has a Ph.D. in

computer architecture” (p. 32). As Webster and Fisher (2000) explained, “career aspirations of

the students have a strong and positive effect on achievement” (p. 358). Despite the fact that

some students from these disadvantaged background have done well, it is nonetheless important

that students (minority and socially disadvantaged K-12) with an opportunity to explore their

educational and career aspirations early before they construct their future in a negative light, and

that “community-based learning projects can help significantly boost the participation rate of

underrepresented minorities in math and science fields” (Roach, p. 32).

Usinger (2005) analyzed a 5-year longitudinal study with respect to how Grade 7 students

who enrolled in academically low-achieving schools and in economically disadvantaged areas

developed academic and career aspirations. Usinger used semi-structured interviews to interview

57 students (25 boys and 32 girls) and 43 parents (12 fathers and 31 mothers). Usinger reported

that “although family support was evident, many students seemed to develop their ideas about

their future in a nondirective environment in which parents/guardians frequently evoked a sense

of regret about their own earlier decision making” (p. 234). Betz (1989) described the

nondirective environment as a place which neither encourages nor discourages an individual’s

choice. Usinger noted that although the Grade 7 students lived in low SES conditions, they

nonetheless tended to develop a positive attitude towards their future career possibilities. This

may be attributed to the notion of resiliency (Donnon & Hammond, 2007), especially in the

contexts where at-risk children and youths are being told that certain careers are beyond their

reach.

Cooper, Chavira, and Mena (2005) noted that even low-income, immigrant, and ethnic

minority parents “want their children to go to college and [have] careers, but many do not know


towards which careers and educational pathways they should steer their children” (p. 426). This

highlights the dilemma faced by parents and how schools and communities can help parents

learn more about educational and occupational opportunities for their children.

Family

Parents play an influential role in their children’s career aspirations (Trice, 1991). Trice

and Tillapaugh (1991) noted that Grade 3 and 5 children tend to develop career aspirations based

on their parents’ career satisfaction.

Jennings (1992) investigated the relationships between parental aspirations for their

children and their children’s later aspirations and high school completion. Jennings found that

“Family SES (socioeconomic status) was significantly correlated to PEA (parent educational

aspirations) when students were in primary and upper elementary school grades” (p. 13).

Furthermore, “PCA (parent career aspirations) was not based upon the evaluations of their

children’s academic abilities….This suggests that the PCA variable…may be a measure of

parents’ wishes rather than expectations grounded on parent[al] knowledge of their child’s

abilities” (p. 14).

Likewise, Trice, Mcclellan, and Hughes (1992) interviewed 576 kindergarten, 2nd, 4th,

and 6th grade students regarding career choices. Trice et al. discovered that “direct suggestions

play a role in children’s career aspirations” (p. 254). Trice found that “Girls were less likely to

give a suggested career choice (53%) than boys (76%). Of the 66 suggestions made, 48 were

made by parents, 8 were made by grandparents, 4 were made by siblings, and only 2 were made

by teachers. Half (25) of the parental suggestions were for their own professions…” (p. 253).

Marjoribanks (1998) conducted a longitudinal study of children’s educational and

occupational aspirations in Australia. He first interviewed 270 Anglo-Australian, 100 Greek, and


90 Southern Italian families regarding their children’s aspirations. At the time, participants’

children were all 11 years old. Marjoribanks performed a regression analysis and found that

“parents’ involvement in their child[ren]’s education and children’s academic achievement had

significant associations with the occupational aspiration scores” (p. 190). In other words,

parents’ involvement and children’s academic capital play an important role in children’s

occupational aspirations.

Marjoribanks conducted a follow-up study by utilizing structured questionnaires to

measure the adolescents’ (age 16) perceptions of their academic interactions with parents and

teachers. Marjoribanks noted that “adolescents’ aspirations were enhanced when positive

perceptions of their academic interactions with parents and teachers were in harmony” (p. 193).

Kellaghan, Sloane, Alvarez, and Bloom (1993) suggested that “when the home and school have

divergent approaches to life and to learning, children are likely to suffer in their school learning.

Conversely, when home and school have similar emphases on motivation and learning, children

are likely to do well” (p. 145).

Curriculum Materials

Gender biases are woven throughout school curricula and instruction (e.g., Sadker &

Zittleman, 2007; Sunderland, Cowley, Rahim, Leontzakou, & Shattuck, 2000). Abraham (1989)

found that “teachers’ ideological perspectives on sex roles strongly influence their attitude

towards designing, and/or introducing in the classroom, non-sexist or anti-sexist curriculum

materials” and that “teacher ideology significantly influences teachers’ selection of texts with

respect to sex roles” (pp. 46-47).

Cheung and Wong (2006) posited that in order to prepare students for employment, for

learning and ultimately, for life, secondary education must tap into students’ learning experience


in the academic, vocational, organizational, social service, arts, and sports domains. In Hong

Kong, the Education and Manpower Bureau (EMB) introduced the Career-Oriented Diversified

Curriculum (CODC) in 2003 which was renamed as the Career-Oriented Curriculum (COC) in

early 2004. The goal of this curriculum is to engage students in exploring possible educational

directions and career aspirations. In order to accurately inform students about career options,

“providing a diversified career-oriented curriculum is an alternative way to widen a student’s

learning horizon” (p. 99). Course providers and students agreed that the participants enjoyed the

CODC pilot programme more than they did mainstream subjects. They also found that the

programme was useful and relevant for future employment.

Students must be taught about career development as opposed to briefly touching upon it

in school subjects (Gillies, McMahon, & Carroll, 1998). As Cheung (1998) stated, ‘education

reflects society and society shapes education’ (p. 335). Students need to see “education as a

continuing process in their lives—a way of solving problems creatively and planning effectively

for the future. They will need to be able to use many different learning methods, both old and

new, and to develop transferable skills” (Simcoe County District School Board, 1996, p. 7).

School and Community

Reiger (2000) asked 89 seniors (40 males and 49 females) to evaluate their high school

which was located in a small town in New Jersey. The participants “represented about half of the

senior high school class for spring 2000” (p. 649). Reiger’s findings lent some support to the

findings of the Nation-At-Risk report which was “based on the views of graduating high school

seniors” and highlighted “the absence of … scientific development and testing of job-career

plans for a major group of high school student before 11th grade” (p. 651).


Epstein’s (2001) Theory of Overlapping Spheres of Influence explains how home, school,

and communities play an influential role in children’s learning. A crucial mechanism in

understanding the intricate connection among home, school, and communities is through

involvement. Although Epstein’s theory addresses how to promote learning, his theory can also

be used to understand how to assist students in developing career aspirations. For example,

schools could provide information about how to better utilize home conditions for learning and

exploring different career options, inform parents about their children’s progress, provide diverse

volunteer opportunities (e.g., informing parents about school programs so that their children can

explore career options through different school activities and initiatives), address learning habits

(e.g., how to engage children’s learning through homework and school-related activities), engage

parents in school-related decision-making (e.g., involving parents in a Parent Advisory

Committee), and form partnerships with community businesses and agencies so that students can

explore different career-related opportunities and develop their career aspirations (Epstein &

Sanders, 2006).

Conclusion

As shown in this literature review, career development is a life-long process which begins

in early childhood. Learning does not occur just at school, but also takes place at home and in the

community (e.g., churches, museums, theatres, and workplace visitations) (McCluskey &

Treffinger, 1998). Research has shown that children’ attitudes towards learning, achievement,

and career are also affected by cultural values and practices. Goals (such as career aspirations)

and values can serve as a motivating force to help people self-evaluate their actions (Bandura,

1997).


As Goldstein and Oldham (1979) noted in their seminal volume, children’s orientation

toward work “not only starts early, but is far more extensive and rapid than many of us would

have otherwise been prepared to believe” (p. 177, as cited in Hartung et al., 2004, p. 412). The

goal of reviewing the available research will help deepen teachers’ and researchers’

understanding regarding ways in which children may come to develop career aspirations in the

contemporary Canadian society.


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