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    This report is published by the Sindh Education Foundation, Karachi, Pakistan with support from

    the Commonwealth Education Fund, UK. The primary purpose of this report is to generate a

    debate on promoting and streamlining education in the public, private and civil society.

    Opinions and views shared in the report, either by the author or by the respondents do notnecessarily reflect the views of Sindh Education Foundation or other concerned organizations

    involved in the study.

    Any part of this report may be reproduced freely with appropriate acknowledgement.

    For further information please contact:

    Sindh Education Foundation

    Plot 9, Block 7, Kehkashan, Clifton 5, Karachi-75600 Pakistan.

    UAN: (021) 111-424-111. Fax: (021) 9251652

    Email: [email protected] Website: www.sef.org

    Research Website: www.sef.org.pk/iie.asp

    Principal AuthorMoizza Binat Sarwar

    Editorial and Research CoordinationMohammad Ali Raza

    Tatheer Zehra HamdaniMohammad Ali

    Nosheen KhashkheliSindhu Baloch

    Designing and Website ManagementAbdul Munim Khan

    Fawwad HamidSomaiya AyoobTooba Fatima

    Youshey ZakiuddinZulfiqar AliZulfi

    Communication & CorrespondenceUmme Salma Hamdani

    Tehreem Husain

    (Sitara-e-Imtiaz)

    Research Planning and Coordination

    Professor Anita Ghulam AliSyed Mashhood Rizvi

    Aziz KabaniAbdullah Abbassi

    Technical SupportNoman-ul-Haq Siddiqui

    PhotosSEF Picture Databank

    Year of Publication2006

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    contentsAcknowledgements

    Preface

    Acronyms

    Executive Summary

    17

    15

    21

    25

    31

    45

    49

    61

    63

    65

    i. introduction

    ii Background Public sector education

    Private sector education

    Civil society provision of education

    iii Research methodology

    iv Marginalized children: research findings & discussion Push factors for out-of-school children

    Civil society response Establishment of schools

    v Documenting innovative practices Sustainability and Financing

    Access

    Retention

    Relevance

    vi The dilemma of civil society

    vii Policy avenues

    Sustainability/Financing Access

    Retention

    Relevance

    viii Conclusion

    ix Citations

    x Appendices

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    acronyms

    0

    AASP: Adopt-A-School Program

    ADB: Asian Development Bank

    ADO: Assistant District Officer

    AFED: Alliance For Education Development

    ANCE: Association of Networks of Community Empowerment

    BELA: Basic Education Literacy Authority

    BES: Behbud Education Society

    CARE: Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere

    CBSP: Community Based School Program

    CEF: Commonwealth Education Fund

    CEO: Chief Executive Officer

    CRSP: Community Support Rural Schools Program

    CSO: Civil Society Organization

    CSP: Community Schools Program

    DCO: District Coordinating Officer

    EDO: Executive District Officer

    EDO-E: Executive District Officer- EducationEFA: Education For All

    EMIS: Education Management Information System

    ESR: Education Sector Reforms

    FLAME: Friends of Literacy And Mass Education

    GDP: Gross Domestic Product

    GoP: Government of Pakistan

    ICG: International Crisis Group

    ILO: International Labor Organization

    IRC: Indus Resource Center

    ITA: Idara-e-Taleem-o-Agahi

    MDG: Millennium Development Goals

    MoU: Memorandum of Understanding

    NCHD: National Commission on Human Development

    NFBES: Non-Formal Basic Education Schools

    NFE: Non Formal Education

    NGO: Non-Governmental Organization

    NSM: New Social Movements

    OUP: Oxford University Press

    PILER: Pakistan Institute for Labor, Education and Research

    PMSP: Punjab Middle Schooling Project

    PPP: Public-Private Partnership

    SAHE: Society for the Advancement of Education

    SEF: Sindh Education Foundation

    SINP: School Improvement Network Pakistan

    SMC: School Management Committee

    SPDC: Social Policy and Development CentreSSSS: Social Sector Support Service

    TAC: Teach-A-Child School System

    TCF: The Citizens Foundation

    UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

    Organization

    UNICEF: United Nations International Children Educational Fund

    UPE: Universal Primary Education

    VEC: Village Education Committee

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    Our public education system has been at the crossroadsfor well over half a century. A more precise comparisonwould be with a crazy pavement. Bits and pieces of allsizes and shapes put in and taken out as required at thespur of moment.

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    ur public education system has been at the crossroads for well over half a century. A more precise comparison

    would be with a crazy pavement. Bits and pieces of all sizes and shapes put in and taken out as required

    at the spur of moment. The result - rambling infrastructure and innumerable trained professionals exist

    without much purpose and direction and the deterioration is occurring exponentially throughout the education

    system. The effects of the mushrooming private education sector with no real sense of quality and accountability has

    added insult to injury. At this point in time, we have no choice but to radically transform our education system, both

    public and private, if we are honest and serious about saving our future generations from complete social breakdown.

    On a positive note, Pakistan has a strong tradition of public education on which to build this new education system

    for the 21st century. Right now, however, public education system, as compared to the private industry, is particularly

    vulnerable. Continued neglect of public education system could ultimately lead to its near collapse. The process of

    creating an education system that is appropriate for the diverse people of Pakistan, with the right mix of local, national

    and international elements by forming meaningful partnerships with the civil society, is a process that will take both

    time and the willingness to experiment and try new approaches and ideas to learning and education. The essence

    of it lies in the creation of a learning system based on an open spirit of sharing practices between the civil society and

    public education system.

    True as it is that critical junctures are discomforting, it as true that they also provide an exciting time for those whoventure to change mindsets and explore the possibility of having government look at the more human side of

    education, rather then be overawed by grandiose plans. While many problems exist, a unique window of opportunity

    that is created by the present government in the shape of policy revisions and education sector reforms seems to be

    at hand.

    The clear lessons from the past have created the opportunity to develop a new way of looking at educational

    development and establishing strong foundations for sharing practices for educational change. Everything - rules,

    relationships, and systems - that have existed in the past are being thrown into question. Such openness to discuss

    issues is unprecedented and serves as a significant shift towards real partnerships between the civil society, private

    and the public sector. The window of opportunity is currently open but history has demonstrated that such windows

    are not only extremely rare but also that they do not last for long. What remains to be seen is whether the education

    planners of our country are able to seize this opportunity with renewed energy, initiative, commitment and innovation.

    They have no choice but to face up to this awesome challenge - for the future of the country and for the future of our

    children.

    This study, at best, should be seen as a humble effort to contribute to the process of rebuilding by creating an

    opportunity of sharing best practices within some select civil society organizations for the enrichment of the public

    sector.

    preface

    0

    O

    There is no reason why we must have a system that gives the wealthy andpowerful high-quality information and education so they may rule the worldwhile the rest of the population is fed a diet of schlock

    Robert McChesney

    Professor Anita Ghulam Ali,Managing Director,

    Sindh Education Foundation

    Sitara-e-Imtiaz

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    Undeniably, our efforts to regenerate education anddevelopment will serve as a tool for societal justice, andnot simply as an act of charity for the general public.

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    his report could not have been possible without the generous support

    of the Commonwealth Education Fund, in particular, the support of a

    number of people and organizations both governmental and non-

    governmental who have helped us record and analyze data from all parts of

    the country. Weve had endless hours of discussion with most of these people

    and their insightful comments and comprehensive feedback has helped us

    immensely. Indeed, the right technical advice at the exact time that we needed

    it helped made this report achieve what we feel is its full and complete shape.

    The people whose names are mentioned have generously provided their

    valuable advice for this report. The quality of material is witness to their

    knowledgeable commitment and labor. These people have had the judgment

    and wisdom to consider a range of issues and problems and also to outline

    needs and possibilities for future action. Apologies are extended to anyone

    whose name has been inadvertently omitted.

    We hope that the people who have worked on this report and have helped us

    complete it will continue on expanding the level of partnership between the

    civil society and the public sector with more energy and more dedication than

    ever. Undeniably, our efforts to regenerate education and development will

    serve as a tool for societal justice, and not simply as an act of charity for the

    general public.

    acknowledgements

    0

    TWe thank the generous support of:

    Dr. Baela Reza JamilChairperson

    Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi

    Ms. Fakher Karim Siddiqui

    EDO-Schools, Karachi

    Ms. Huma SikanderCluster Coordinator

    Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi

    Ms. Maria Rahat

    Ms. Rabia NusratExecutive Coordinator

    The Indus Entrepreneurs, Lahore

    Ms. Sadaf Zulfiqar AliActing Coordinator

    Commonwealth Education Fund

    Mr. Saeed ShahManager WSIP

    Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi

    Ms. Saima HasratProgram development officer

    Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi

    Ms. Shagufta Dada

    Mr. Shahjahan BalochCountry Coordinator, Pakistan

    Commonwealth Education Foundation

    The teachers and field staff:ANCE, Behbud Association,Bunyad Foundation, CARE,

    Catco Kids International,FLAME, Godh,

    Idara-e-Taleem-e-Agahi,Indus Resource Center,

    Insan Foundation, Pahchaan, PILER,

    SAHE, Sanjan Nagar, Shirkat Gah,SSSS, Sudhaar,

    Teach-A-Child School System,The Citizens Foundation and

    The Zindagi Trust

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    Constitutionally the provision of education is viewed asthe responsibility of the state1, and institutionally theactual provision is the responsibility of each provincewhile the execution of the matter rests with the localgovernment.

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    akistan is among the signatories of the

    Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as well

    as the Dakar World Education Forum 2000. Policy

    initiatives aimed at the achievement of these goals have

    ranged from the National Plan of Action for Educationfor All (EFA); the Education Reform Action Plan derived

    from the National Education Policy 1998-2010 to the

    National Commission on Human Development (NCHD)

    in Pakistan Universal Primary Education (UPE) program.

    The objectives of these programs focus on three goals,

    namely universal access to primary education by

    increasing the net enrolment and higher rate of survival

    of children till grade 5, increase in the adult literacy rate

    and to attain gender equality at all levels.(GoP, 2006: pg

    159)

    Constitutionally the provision of education is viewed as

    the responsibility of the state1, and institutionally the

    actual provision is the responsibility of each province

    while the execution of the matter rests with the local

    government. The indicators emerging from practices at

    the public sector level present a multitude of concerns

    in state provision of education. The budget for education

    in Pakistan is comparatively low as compared to other

    South Asian countries and stands at a meager 2.1% of

    the GDP. Enrolment rates are low while drop out rates

    are considerably high reaching almost 50% in some

    districts (Nayyar-Stone et. al., 2006).

    Although the government has made primary educationfree, compulsory and in some cases also provided

    stipends, scholarships, subsidized textbooks; such

    measures have met with only fractional success. The vast

    majority of state schools are felt to be lacking in teaching

    and curriculum quality thus failing to provide meaning

    or relevance to contemporary circumstances. Field

    coordinators interviewed in the course of the study

    claimed that community surveys indicate that poor

    parents see education as a dead end, particularly parents

    of girl children.

    The role of the private sector tends to be streamlined

    towards filling the gaps noted in the public sector. 39%of the private institutions are in rural areas and 61% in

    the urban reflecting an inversion of supply and demand

    brought about by the entrance of education into the

    market sector. Accountability to market forces alone is

    one facet of the private schooling system; another is the

    quality of the curriculum which, although of a better

    standard (particularly in English) than the public sector

    is relevant and accessible to only a small segment of the

    population. One quality indicator is the low teacher:

    student ratio with an estimated range of 1:20 to 1:40

    (Baqir, 2001) as compared to that of government schools

    which can be as high as 1:65. The nature of provision of

    education by this sector generates widespread

    discrimination in access and opportunity limiting it to a

    small subpopulation of the urban populace which can

    afford to send children to private schools.

    The third tier to rise in response to the gaps in service

    delivery sustained by the public sector and private sector

    comprises the community schools set up mainly by Non-

    Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Civil Society

    Organizations (CSOs). In the current scenario, the pressure

    on public-private partnerships from international donors

    and the need for a more intensive grassroots approach

    (particularly in the context of decentralization) has ledthe government to mobilize CSOs. While mainstream

    educational functions remain shrouded in vicious cycles

    of access, enrollment, retention and quality2, there has

    been a parallel emergence of many innovative models

    within public and private education sectors 3 .

    To explore the different innovations currently underway

    in education at the national, provincial and grassroots

    executive summary

    1

    P

    1 Article 372 As success in achieving one indicator results in the failure of another, e.g. increase in enrollment is inextricably entwined with the decline of the

    quality of education3 Not necessarily profit oriented entities but outside the sphere of public education

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    levels, this research study focuses on the translation of

    innovative ideas into educational practices. Innovative

    models will include both indigenous as well as

    adaptable/replicable models that have been customized

    according to local needs. However, preference has been

    given to those models which have been developed,

    p r i m a r i l y , t o c a t e r t o t h e n e e d s o f t h e

    marginalized/excluded children and youth (focusing on

    girls and working children). The innovation may be in the

    model itself or in a component of the model such as the

    curriculum, assessment methods or teaching methods.

    FindingsCivil Society OrganizationsPush factors driving the identified groups of marginalized

    children away from schooling range from the households

    poverty status; inflexibility in curriculum and school timings;

    lack of relevance of education to the daily routine and the

    future of the child; the direct cost of education (loss of childearnings, fee, books, papers, uniforms, clothing); the indirect

    cost of education (loss of assistance to parents, household

    and extended family) and the geographical inaccessibility

    of schools. Progressively, CSOs have provided innovations

    that are being captured in mainstream education often

    through the vehicle of public-private partnerships.

    CSOs in the education sector share some common features

    in their expressed vision; funding mechanism, type of

    schooling, curriculum and school establishment which are

    delineated in the following discussion. While the expressed

    vision and mission statements of most CSOs center on theempowerment of poor children/working children/girl child

    through education, the strategies of how to implement

    that vision vary from institution to institution (from setting

    up home schools to adopting public sector schools).

    On the theme of education most of the surveyed

    organizations had a few common funding agencies, notably,

    Save the Children UK, Save the Children Sweden, ILO and

    ActionAid. In addition to these donors, organizations also

    received funding from sources such as Oxfam, Pakistan

    Poverty Alleviation Fund, Gender Equality Project,

    Developments in Literacy, Unicef, Agha Khan University

    Institute of Educational Development, Unilever, Right to

    Play (Canada), US Dol.

    Financial sustainability of projects is a chief area of concern

    as most donor driven projects are handed down with

    timelines and renewal of funding is uncertain. It is felt, that

    at best, donor money and the circumscribed project period

    suffices for experimentation in models of education as

    opposed to their creation and maintenance. With the

    exception of The Citizen Foundation and partly ITA, the

    remaining organizations operate non-formal schools,

    minimally till the primary level. The curriculum in some

    schools is infused with CSO material or supplementary

    activities concentrating on educating children on civic

    sense, health, workers rights and often to facilitate the

    regular activities. However during the field visits, the

    implementation of the techniques imparted at teacher

    training workshops was seen to be irregular at best, if,

    applied at all. Clearly, there is an emphasis on indicators ofquality as input materials as opposed to processes or

    outcomes. CSOs either waived any charge of fee for their

    program or charged minimally up to Rs. 20. Books and

    materials in some cases were provided for free and in others

    for half price.

    Responses concerning the civil society initiatives

    relationship with the formal sector are ambiguous even

    from school to school within the same organization. At the

    grassroots level, the experience is usually mixed but most

    actors acknowledge that initially mainstreamed children

    are discriminated against by public sector schoolteachers.Anecdotal evidence collected in the course of this study

    makes it clear that while most CSOs are aware and declare

    their primary responsibility to be that of advocacy, in the

    course of their interaction with the government a number

    of factors coerce them into focusing energies on to service

    delivery, which admittedly should only form a fraction of

    their mandate.

    The focus of this study has been principally to examine the

    models of education practiced in non-governmental/civil

    society setups for the marginalized/excluded children

    Documenting Educational Innovation

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    with the intention of distinguishing innovative practices

    that can be replicated at the national level in the public

    schooling system. The CSO component of the private sector

    has moved for innovation and adaptation along 4

    dimensions- i.e. sustainability/financing, access, retention

    and relevance -cognizant of a heterogeneous composition

    of the student population along socio-economic

    backgrounds.

    Sustainability/Financing: Public private partnerships are

    generally considered to be an advance made towards

    sustainability of privately initiated projects. After initial

    trials, PPP is now regarded with mixed views mostly because

    although it draws a considerable greater space for CSOs to

    work with the state on service delivery, the contracts drawn

    between the state and the CSOs are ambiguous at best

    without delineating the specific role of each party and how

    it is to be made sustainable. CSOs have made a move

    towards ensuring that strategies and programs be devised

    through a public-private partnership based on clearlydefined areas of jurisdiction and rules of conduct through

    legal processes such as MoUs. Admittedly CSOs in isolation

    cannot sustain projects without linking up with the public

    sector that can learn and build on innovations made

    through CSO pilot programs.

    Access: Issues of access have multiple definitions ranging

    from physical remoteness of school; timing inflexibility to

    high direct and indirect costs of schooling. The main thrust

    of CSOs working towards improvement of education service

    delivery for girls and working children is the establishment

    of a physical infrastructure that meets the particular needs

    of the community in which the children live (in terms

    of adaptable timings and physical structure that is

    geared to suit community needs of safety or migration)

    and

    a substantially self-sustainable delivery mechanism

    through better coordination between the direct

    providers of education and outside school stakeholders

    ensuring both school administrators and community

    members share equal responsibility in the sustainability

    of the system

    Typically the pressure on the public sector is to move away

    from generic models of schoolings towards systems that

    cater to the demand of the heterogeneous population of

    school going children.

    Retention: Schools for marginalized groups of children

    need to move away from the generic pattern of schooling

    along a number of dimensions including timing; curriculum

    feasibility. Most importantly CSO experience shows that

    public sector needs to move from concentrating on brick

    and mortar operations alone to not only people-centered

    but also people-intensive measures e.g. counseling and

    interacting with employers and parents of working and

    female children.

    Relevance: For working children and girl children, from a

    disadvantaged economic background, the question of

    quality does not revolve around conventional

    interventions of textbooks, teacher training, or classroom

    materials. The matter of concern lies in the consequenceof the material taught at school to the life of the child at

    home, at work and to his/her future economic perspectives.

    There needs to be a recognition of the immunity

    characterizing formal schooling in adapting to the needs

    of marginalized children and corresponding movement

    towards introduct ion of vocat ional t raining

    centers/technical studies in accompaniment with traditional

    schooling.

    1

    Sharing Practices for Educational Change

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    A historical overview of the governments majoreducation plans since 1947 reflect appropriate targetswithout much substantial attention to the operationaland administrative facet of the policies.

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    akistan is among the signatories of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as well as the Dakar Framework

    of Action (2000). Policy initiatives aimed at the achievement of these goals have ranged from the National

    Plan of Action for Education for All (EFA); the Education Reform Action Plan derived from the National Education

    Policy 1998-2010 to the National Commission of Human Developments (NCHD) Universal Primary Education (UPE)

    program. The objectives of these programs focus on three goals, namely the universal access to primary education

    by increasing the net enrolment and higher rate of survival of children till grade 5, increase in the adult literacy rate

    and to attain gender equality at all levels.(GoP, 2006: pg 159)

    The target goals of the programs are indicative of the deficiencies afflicting the public sector provision of education

    which quality to efficiency. Constitutionally the provision of education is viewed as the responsibility of the state 4,

    and institutionally the actual provision is the responsibility of each province while the execution of the matter rests

    with the local government. A historical overview of the governments major education plans since 1947 reflect

    appropriate targets without much substantial attention to the operational and administrative facet of the policies.

    At one end, the public sector system is mindful of the need for re-invention while at the other end of the spectrum

    the civil sector and private sector are experiencing explosive growth in promulgation of educational models. However

    there is little or not attention paid to the bridges that can be built across sectors to transfer learnings and innovations.

    The strategic focus of this report is to promote mechanisms and practices that can be shared across the spectrum of

    public, private and civil society systems of education provision. The purpose of this report is to identify practices in

    the civil society that improve the supply of education to marginalized groups of children in Pakistan, particularly,

    working children and the girl child. The report highlights the major practices in education in the civil society sphere

    with the aim of showcasing them for adoption in the public sector.

    The first section of the report presents a brief indicator profile of the education provision emerging from three tiers

    in Pakistan, namely, the state, the private sector and the civil society with an acknowledgement of the need to examine

    the deepening role of NGOs/civil society in education in the contemporary focus on decentralization and public-

    private partnership in service delivery. The second section centers on the research component of the study, outlining

    the research questions and research methodology. The third section presents and discusses the universal research

    findings of the study. The fourth section outlines case studies showcasing best practices that counter the factors

    distancing disadvantaged children from education. Following that, the fifth section of the report critically examines

    the role of civil society in general and in Pakistan. The sixth section of the report outlines policy action points extracted

    from best practices emerging from this study with the understanding that their application is extendable beyond thefocus group of this study to the larger public schooling system. Finally, the seventh section of report presents the

    conclusion to the study.

    Innovation in the framework of this study carries a more liberal interpretation that the advantageous introduction

    of practices previously untested in the public sector. While a distinction has been drawn in the introduction between

    the private sector (referring strictly to the profit making sector) and CSOs (the non-profit making sector); the policy

    component of the paper uses the two terms interchangeable to mean non-profit making, CSOs. More specifically here,

    CSOs refer to a narrow group of actors i.e. non governmental organizations working in the field of education. While

    all organizations included in the final sample showed innovation in the contexts studied, the size of this report

    necessarily limited the number of case studies that could be included. However briefs, documenting the innovation

    in the work of each individual organization, are available separately on request.

    introduction

    1

    P

    4 Article 37

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    Accessibility is not only a geographical issue but also oneof discrepancy between the numbers of primary andsecondary schools available...

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    backgroundPublic Sector EducationIndicators emerging from practices at the public sector

    level present a multitude of concerns in public sector

    education. The budget for education in Pakistan is

    comparatively low as compared to other South Asiancountries and stands at a meager 2.1% of the GDP.

    Enrolment rates are low while drop out rates are

    considerably high, reaching 50% in some districts at the

    elementary level (Nayyar-Stone et. al., 2006). The low

    public expenditure on education reflects the poor quality

    of education, poor coverage of the nation (as a result of

    poor planning based on unreliable statistics emerging

    from badly organized surveys) and weak schooling

    infrastructure. Given that almost 33% of the Pakistani

    population lies below the poverty line, the low

    expenditure pinpoints to a failure on part of the state to

    subsidize the education of the poor thus leading to anabysmal national performance.

    i) Enrolment and Drop out ratesAs of 2005, the GoP has estimated the net enrolment at

    the primary level to be 52%. Enrollment at the primary

    level increased from 19.92 million in 2001-02 to 21.33

    million in 2004-05, 4.28 million to 4.55 million at the

    middle level and 1.79 million to 1.88 million at the

    secondary level during 2001-02 to 2004-05. (GoP, 2006:

    pg 162). Appendix 1 presents a comprehensive look at

    enrolment statistics for 2004-05. The drop out rate is

    estimated at a high 45% at the primary level andattributed to inaccessibility of schools and the poor

    infrastructure of the government schools. (Ministry of

    Education, 2006) Accessibility is not only a geographical

    issue but also one of discrepancy between the numbers

    of primary and secondary schools available e.g. Sindh

    has 41, 215 primary schools and 1568 secondary schools

    while Punjab has 44, 176 primary schools and 4482

    secondary schools. (Ministry of Education, 2004-05)

    Combined with a low net participation rate of

    57%(Ministry of Education, 2006) at the primary level,

    drop outs have formed the basis of a low national literacy

    rate standing at 53% (without accounting for gender

    variation) according to the Economic Survey of Pakistan

    (2005-2006).

    ii) Gender disparityIn all indicators, gender disparity is a cross-cutting theme.

    Gender disparity in literacy in urban areas stand at 14-

    16% while rural areas register a rate of 23-30% in the

    period 2005-2006. Conventionally cultural reservations,

    lack of economic power with females and social

    restrictions on movement are considered to hinder female

    access to schools particularly in the rural areas. The gap

    persists mostly due to issues of access ranging from the

    distance from school to the physical costs of attending

    school thus impacting their enrolment and retention.

    Only 46% of villages sampled in Sindh and Punjab had

    a girls elementary school within the village, while 87%

    had a boys elementary school within the village. (World

    Bank, 2005) Appendix 1 presents the gender gap in over

    all literacy and enrolment statistics.

    iii) Teacher AbsenteeismTeacher absenteeism plays a large role in contributing to

    a low retention and a high drop out rate as it directly

    affects the quality and participation in education. The

    fact that government teachers are accountable to only

    the provincial departments and cannot be hired or fired

    by local authorities or parents of students allows

    absenteeism to grow largely unchecked. The teacher to

    student ratio is highly disproportionate with an estimated40.6 students per primary school teacher in 2001. The

    highest student-teacher ratios are for Balochistan where

    there were 62 students per teacher. (Shah et.al., 2005)

    iv) InfrastructureA study by the SPDC in 2002-2003 states that a review

    of the physical conditions of public schools shows that

    16% of them are without a building, 55% without a

    boundary wall, 79% without electricity, 44% without

    water and 60% without a latrine. (SPDC, 2003: pg 16) The

    Punjab EMIS database reports that 1 in 40 government

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    schools have no building, 1 in 5 has no electricity or water,

    1 in 4 has no furniture and 1 in 7 has no toilet. (GoP, 2006)

    Although the government has made primary education

    free, compulsory and in some cases also provided stipends,

    scholarships, subsidized textbooks; such measures have

    met with only fractional success. The vast majority of state

    schools are felt to be lacking in teaching and curriculum

    quality thus failing to provide meaning or relevance to

    contemporary circumstances. Field coordinators

    interviewed in the course of the study claimed that

    community surveys indicate that poor parents see

    education as a dead end, particularly parents of girl

    children. The quality of education is poorer in rural than

    urban areas. Comparatively, public sector students perform

    poorly in standardized tests even in state conducted

    examinations. Judging by standard test performance even

    non-elite private school students tend to perform better

    than public sector students. (Shah et.al., 2005)

    Private Sector Education The role of the private sector tends to be streamlined

    towards filling the gaps in education provision noted in

    the public sector. After partition the government assumed

    the largest role in the provision of education particularly

    in primary and middle education. Nationalization of all

    institutions -barring missionary schools-in 1972 buttressed

    state role, however by the time the policy petered out; the

    private sector had emerged as a strong stakeholder in the

    education sector. Andrabi, Das and Khawaja (2002) note

    that there are more than 36,000 private institutions in

    Pakistan catering to the education needs of 6.3 millionchildren. Of the total number of private institutions, 66.4%

    lie in the Punjab, 17.9% in Sindh, 12.3% in NWFP, 1.5% in

    Balochistan, 0.9% in FATA and 1% in Islamabad capital.

    (Federal Bureau of Statistics, 2005)

    39% of the private institutions are in rural areas and 61%

    in the urban (Federal Bureau of Statistics, 2005) reflecting

    an inversion of supply and demand brought about by the

    entrance of education into the market sector. Accountability

    to market forces alone is one facet of the private schooling

    system; another is the quality of the curriculum which,

    although, of a better standard (particularly in English) than

    the public sector is relevant and accessible to a small

    segment of the population. Variability in quality remains a

    leitmotif in both mediums given the lack of monitoring,

    however a better examination result as compared to

    government schoolchildren is often seen as a quality

    indicator (a touchstone that is controversial in its emphasis

    on the quantitative element alone).

    A more definitive indicator is the low teacher: student ratio

    with an estimated range of 1:20 to 1:40 (Baqir, 2001) as

    compared to that of government schools (statistics provided

    above). The nature of provision of education by this sector

    generates a widespread discrimination in access and

    opportunity limiting it to a small subpopulation of the

    urban populace which can afford to send their children to

    private schools. Though the curriculum and environment

    of private schools generally has lesser gender bias than the

    public education system, the fee structure limits access for

    girls even at middle income levels.

    Civil Society Provision ofEducationThe third tier to rise in response to the gaps in service

    delivery sustained by the public sector and private sector

    comprises the community schools set up by Non

    Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Civil Society

    Organizations (CSOs). In the current scenario the pressure

    on public-private partnership from international donors

    such as the World Bank and the need for a more intensive

    grassroots approach particularly in the context ofdecentralization has led the government to mobilize CSO

    in the financing, management and delivery of education

    services in Pakistan. (GoP, 2005: pg 167)

    The National Education Foundation was created in 1994 to

    supervise public-private partnerships in education all across

    the country, particularly those catering to disadvantaged

    groups. One of its major interventions is the Community

    Support Rural Schools Program (CRSP) that encourages

    pilot innovation in rural areas particularly for working

    children. (GoP, 2005)

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    The assumption is that public-private partnerships would

    be better attuned to handling issues of access, equity and

    relevance because they possess resources at the grassroots

    level that the government lacks. While mainstream

    educational functions remain shrouded in vicious cycles

    of access, enrollment, retention and quality5 , there has

    been a parallel emergence of many innovative models

    within public and private education sectors6. To explore

    the different innovations currently underway in education

    at the national, provincial and grassroots levels, this research

    study focuses on the translation of innovative ideas into

    educational practices. Innovative models have included

    both indigenous as well as adaptable/replicable models

    that have been customized to suit local needs. Within the

    parameter of this sturdy, innovative models have been

    defined to constitute the following features:

    Models that cater to that part of the population which

    has been marginalized or excluded from the

    mainstream education system .

    Those models which respond to the particular needsor circumstances of marginalized/excluded

    communities.

    Moreover, innovation at any level of educational context7

    have been considered in the scope of this study. However,

    preference has been given to those models which have

    been developed primarily to cater to the needs of the

    marginalized/excluded children and youth (e.g. girls and

    working children). The innovation may be in the model

    itself or in a component of the model such as the curriculum,

    assessment methods or teaching methods.

    This study is one such attempt to note and document how

    gaps of service delivery evinced in educational indicators

    are addressed by one of the sectors above, namely, the civil

    society sector. The intention is not to posit one specific civil

    society model as the universal remedy to problems seen

    in the education sector. The objective, instead, is to identify

    practical dimensions of practice along which the different

    sectors can collaborate and move forward along.

    5 As success in achieving one indicator results in the failure of another,e.g. increase in enrollment is inextricably entwined with the decline ofthe quality of education

    6 Not necessarily profit oriented entities but outside the sphere of publiceducation

    7 This includes the ownership of the school, relevance of education withcommunity and the lives of the learners, policies, content, methodologyand assessment of learnings, institutional norms and practices,administration etc.

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    The study focused on exploring... innovative models ofeducation being practiced (in non-governmental/civilsociety setups) for marginalized/excluded children?

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    research methodologyResearch QuestionsThe study focused on exploring the following research

    questions and sub-questions:

    Main Research Question What innovative models of education were being

    practiced (in non-governmental/civil society setups)

    for marginalized/excluded children?

    Subsidiary Questions Did these models reflect innovation ensuring

    relevance and meaning for the beneficiaries?

    Were these models linked with formal education?

    What were the learning innovations that have been

    introduced into the models?

    Were these models more effective in terms of quality,

    equality, relevance and manageability as compared

    to mainstream educational system?

    Project research was carried out in 4 phases:

    documentation research; interviews with 1-2 key

    organization personnel (depending on the CSO); field

    trips to schools operated by the organization and the

    collection of quantitative information followed by a

    discriminating data analysis adhering to the research

    template. Since the report essentially aimed at collating

    data from case studies the first task was the identification

    of CSOs concentrating on providing education to working

    children and the girl child.

    The criteria centered notably on compiling an inventory

    of organizations whose outreach encompassed both rural

    and urban areas in the provinces identified and

    organizations that had been plying the education sector

    for a considerable period of time. However, organizations

    with a shorter functioning time span were not

    automatically excluded; the methods they employed in

    terms of model establishment, teacher training of

    curriculum development were whetted before their

    inclusion/exclusion was confirmed. Identification of

    organizations in the provinces of Sindh and the Punjab

    were carried out by the Sindh Education Foundation (SEF)

    through a desktop mapping activity following a desktop

    information research activity. Table 1 below presents the

    initial sample while Table 2 shows details of the final

    sample. A list of the key personnel interviewed are

    presented in Appendix 2.

    The sample was finalized in accordance with the key

    features of the sample population set out in the research

    proposal, notably; the organization caters to the

    education of working children and the girl child and that

    SINDH PUNJAB

    Behbud Association

    Indus Resource Center

    Pakistan Institute for Labor Education and Research

    Zindagi Trust

    Catco Kids International

    Shirkat Gah

    The Citizens Foundation

    Friends of Literacy and Mass Education

    Social Sector Support Service

    Idara-e-Taleem-o-Agahi

    Sanjan Nagar-Public Education Trust

    Sudhaar

    Pahchaan

    Insan Foundation

    Godh

    Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere

    Association of Networks for Community Empowerment

    Society for the Advancement of Education

    Bunyad Foundation

    Teach-A-Child School System

    Table 1. Initial Sample

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    it must rely on donors other than the state. As such, after

    the first two phases the Pakistan Institute for Labor,

    Education and Research (PILER), Shirkat Gah and Catco Kids

    International were dropped from the Sindh sample while

    Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE)

    and Teach-A-Child School (TAC) systems were excluded

    from the Punjab sample.

    Since the report essentially aimed at collating data from

    case studies the first task was the identification of CSOs

    concentrating on providing education to working children

    and the girl child. The criteria centered notably on compiling

    an inventory of organizations whose outreach encompassed

    both rural and urban areas in the provinces identified and

    organizations that had been plying the education sector

    for a considerable period of time. However, organizations

    with a shorter functioning time span were not automatically

    excluded; the methods they employed in terms of model

    establishment, teacher training of curriculum development

    were whetted before their inclusion/exclusion was

    confirmed.

    i) Documentation review & keypersonnel interviewIn most cases the documentation review occurred

    simultaneously with the interviews. The documents under

    perusal nominally included organizational promotional

    material with reference to education and in some cases

    annual reports, curriculum material, teacher training

    material and school development plans/outlines. The

    Organization Area[s] of Focus Geographical Area

    IDARA-E-TALEEM-O-AAGAHI

    SUDHAAR

    SANJAN NAGAR

    PAHCHAAN

    ASSOCIATION OF NETWORKS FORCOMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT

    INSAN FOUNDATION

    SOCIETY FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OFEDUCATION

    GODH

    BUNYAD FOUNDATION

    BEHBUD ASSOCIATION

    INDUS RESOURCE CENTER

    ZINDAGI TRUST

    SOCIAL SECTOR SUPPORT SERVICE

    THE CITIZENS FOUNDATION

    FRIENDS OF LITERACY AND MASSEDUCATION

    Girl child and working children (girlsand boys)

    Working children (girls and boys)

    Girl child

    Street children

    Working children (girls and boys)

    Working children (boys)

    Girl child (particularly in areaswithout schools)

    Working gypsy children (usually ragpickers)

    Working children and girl child

    Girl child

    Girl children

    Working children (girls and boys)

    Working children (girls and boys)

    Girl and Boy children

    Working children (girls and boys) &areas without schools

    Islamabad, Sheikhupura, Lahore:Dharum Pura and the Walled City

    Sheikhupura, Kasur, Sialkot

    Lahore: Ferozepur Road

    Lahore: Gulshan-e-Ravi

    Lahore: Saddar, Kot Lakpat, BaghbanPura, Gulshan-e-Ravi

    Lahore: Johar Town

    Pakpattan, Lodhran, Vehari

    Lahore (7): Abhad colony, Chacowali, Ferozepur Road, Johar Town,Sabzazar, Shayran Kot, babusabu

    Punjab

    Karachi (9): mostly located in KachiAbadis.

    Khairpur, Dadu, Mithi

    Karachi (17): South Region

    Karachi: Banaras, Baloch Colony,Khadda, Lyaari

    311 school units in Karachi andinterior Sindh

    Karachi (71): Bhains Colony, Landhi,Baldia Town, Neelum Colony. 30 in

    interior Sindh.

    Table 2. Final Research Sample

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    interview format was semi-structured and flexible in

    allowing the interviewee to build on the focal point of their

    organization. The interviews were conducted with either

    the CEO of the organizations and/or key education/field

    coordinators and aimed to flesh out the process of initiation

    and establishment of alternative education systems.

    ii) Field visitsThe field visits occurred over the period from August 2006-

    September 2006. The conduction of field visits was

    hampered by the timing of the study which extended over

    the vacation period in most schools thus slowing down

    data collection. Additionally the high incidence of rainfall

    made a number of schools inaccessible either due to direct

    damage to the school infrastructure (thus closing the school

    down) and also by blocking access due to flooding in certain

    sample areas. Minimally the field team visited one school

    operated by the organization in question and at the most

    up to 3 schools per organization. A field tool was developed

    for observation and outlined the key areas in schoolinfrastructure and teaching methods to be noted. All

    organization schools, with the exception of one where

    entry was disallowed, received the field team for a period

    ranging from 2- 5 hours during which the team observed

    the school infrastructure and carried out class observations

    in classes being conducted at the time. Often the field

    coordinator of the organization in the area would

    accompany the field team.

    Normatively the field visits should have included extended

    interviews with the social actors in the education process

    such as the school children, the teachers and the parents,

    the school committees and the surrounding community.

    However the expanse of the study limited the depth it

    could delve into particularly in light of the time constraint.

    Therefore the study is constrained to examine the innovative

    models from the light of brick and mortar alone and bars

    anything beyond a superficial analysis of implementation

    and outcomes.

    The sample leans towards an urban bias as an outcome of

    an overweening concentration of NGO centers in urban

    areas; Organizations with relatively higher shares of rural

    a r e a s i n c l u d e : R e l i g i o u s E d u c a t i o n ( 3 1 % ) ,

    Vocational/Technical Education (37%), and Community and

    Neighborhood Improvement (33%). (Pasha et al., 2002: pg

    14)A few work in both urban and rural areas while in some

    instances although the head office may be located in an

    urban center, the outreach is exclusively rural.

    iii) Quantitative dataThe quantitative form essentially seeks to elicit quantitative

    indicators relevant to the educational initiatives regarding

    school beneficiaries (ranging from the gender ratio of the

    student population to the teacher: student ratio and teacher

    qualifications). While the proforma does not form an intrinsic

    part of the study, it provides an overview of the outcomes

    achieved by the specific models set up. The form was left

    with the organization to be completed and returned. While

    some organizations have returned the completed form,

    the full sample has not been returned.

    iv) Interviews with field coordinatorsand community membersField coordinators were interviewed formally with additional

    informal discussions occurring during field visits and

    community interviews. The field coordinators were the key

    people who gathered a community sample for the field

    team at one point to gather their feedback on the education

    system. The biases natural to such a selection will obviously

    form one limitation to this study.

    Limitations of the studyPakistan carries a strong tradition of indigenous and

    community education (SAHE, 2003) with a widespreadoutreach. This report recognizes the immense work carried

    out by non-formal CSOs that operate on the true spirit of

    volunteerism but have not been captured in the profile of

    this study. The time constraints surrounding the study

    limited sampling to institutionalized CSOs working in the

    education sector thus leaving out other effective initiatives

    by definition or circumstance. In the light of the nature of

    sampling in the report, it is important to certify that the

    findings of this study cannot be generalized to the entire

    spectrum of CSOs working in the education sector.

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    The households poverty status is one of the maindeterminants of child labor and child schooling. A poorhousehold is more likely to be dependent on the incomeof a child earner and hence perceive a trade off betweeneducating a child and receiving his/her earnings.

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    marginalized childrenresearch findings & discussion

    n replicating the blueprint of the education system

    conceived under British rule (ICG, 2005), Pakistan has

    sustained an institutional heritage that continues to

    be largely geared towards the education of an urban

    skilled workforce excluding, through distribution and

    curriculum, rural and sub-urban children (especially the

    girl child) and working children in both urban and rural

    areas. Interaction with the beneficiaries of CSO initiatives

    have shown that efforts to transform the education system

    in order to make it accessible and relevant to the majority

    of Pakistans children have been limited at the state level,

    particularly in terms of outcome.

    One of the measures made for providing education to

    marginalized children was the formulation by the Prime

    Ministers Literacy Commission of a project that was titled

    Establishment of 82000 Non-formal Basic Education

    Schools (NFBES) with particular focus in those areaswhere separate schools for girls did not exist. The project

    commenced in 1995 under Benazir Bhuttos government

    and was based on the concept of the home-school to be

    run through NGOs and CSOs. To date only 10, 825 of the

    schools have been established and in September 2006

    the government considered shelving the project due to

    the Education Ministrys inability to execute the proposal.

    Resistance on part of the Education Ministry staked itself

    on the claim that Pakistans commitment to international

    forums demands a 100% literacy rate by 2015 and hence

    entailed a continuation of the plan. As of late, it was

    decided that an autonomous body, called the BasicEducation Literacy Authority (BELA), would be set up to

    implement the NFBES project. (Ghauri, 2006)

    Donor funded projects in the area have ranged from the

    World Food Program intervention that was based on food

    incentives; Asian Development Bank (ADB) funded Punjab

    Middle Schooling Project (PMSP); the ADBs Girls Primary

    education project to Tawnana Pakistan (the school

    nutrition programs initiated by the government of

    Pakistan). Commentators and articles pinpoint financial

    constraints and management issues as the main

    hampering factor in the food-for-school project. A

    diverging school of thought localizes the failure to the

    governments inability to permeate conceptually and

    practically at the grassroots level for such micro initiatives

    despite the decentralization reforms. (Cheema et. al.,

    2004) In the case of Kenya, the limitations noted by Oketch

    (1995) can be considered applicable to Pakistan as well

    in that strategies in education policy have been limited

    by an inadequate assessment of resources and the

    differing requirements of the target group. To that end

    it becomes imperative to examine the push factors that

    pave the exit route for working children and the girl

    children from schooling systems.

    Push Factors for Out-of-School Children

    i) Push factors operating uponworking childrenThe concept of an informal sector has gained currency

    in development literature recently, due to growing

    cognizance of the vast amounts of unskilled and

    unregulated labor that is absorbed by this sector. In

    Pakistan the informal sector extracts up to 3.3 million

    children from 40 million children in the age group of 5-

    14 years. (Child Labor Survey in Pakistan, 1996)

    The households poverty status is one of the main

    determinants of child labor and child schooling. A poor

    household is more likely to be dependent on the income

    of a child earner and hence perceive a trade off between

    educating a child and receiving his/her earnings. Public

    sector schools are typically inflexible in curriculum, and

    typically school timings clash with the timings of

    availability and the needs of a working child. The decision

    to send a child to school also gives tremendous weightage

    to the quality of education which is balanced against the

    direct cost (loss of child earnings, fee, books, papers,

    uniforms, clothing) and indirect costs (loss of assistance

    to parents, household and extended family) which

    particularly apply to girls working at home. Issues

    I

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    regarding the quality of schooling are based on the

    relevance of the curriculum to the childs future employment

    skills and/or to a working child who by dint of early exposure

    to a vocational environment possesses different skills and

    mental capacity as compared to a regular school going

    child. Moreover the location of the school plays a significant

    role in determining the attendance of working children,

    the farther it is from home or place of employment andthe more inflexible the timing, the less likely the attendance.

    The case particularly holds for children who work on

    agricultural lands, and need to be taken away from school

    during planting and harvesting seasons.

    ii) Push factors for the girl childCross-cutting themes such as the urban/rural discrimination

    (in education access and relevance) and poverty determined

    education status contribute to the constriction of education

    for the girl child. In addition to the direct cost and indirect

    costs (domestic household labor and unpaid help at home

    respectively) girls face in entering the education system, amajor prohibitive factor tends to be the distance of the

    school from the house and the availability of female

    teachers. The distance is directly proportional to the safety

    of sending a girl child to school. In Pakistan the distribution

    of secondary schools (numerically far below the provision

    of primary schools) in particular has severe implications for

    the girl child. As an investment, parental attitude favor male

    over female children in the arena of education and in areas

    where poor quality of education is a cause for concern, girls

    are more likely to be withdrawn from school than boys.

    (Brock et. al., 1997) The peripheral nature of the curriculum

    to the life of a girl child in such socioeconomic settings

    plays a large role in the decision to send a girl child to

    school.

    Civil Society ResponseProgressively, CSOs have provided innovations that are

    being captured in mainstream education often through

    the vehicle of public-private partnerships. For children

    existing at the periphery of mainstream schooling the

    experience of education is intrinsically linked with non-

    formal systems of education. Non-formal programs of

    education are divorced from formal programs along a

    number of dimensions (Carr et. al., 1991) namely

    Aims and objectives

    Target clientele

    Organizing agency

    Relationship with the formal education system

    The selection determinant for these organizations was kept

    as the clientele CSOs serve i.e. working children and the

    girl child; however along the residual two dimensions the

    organizat ions show considerable var iabi l i ty .

    i) VisionWhile the expressed vision and mission statements of most

    organizations center on the empowerment of poor

    children/working children/girl child (depending on the

    organizations focus) through education, the strategies to

    that end vary from institution to institution subject to the

    following factors

    the resources (personnel and financial) that the

    organization can garner

    the political space the organization can maneuver inwith relation to grants of funds, buildings and schools

    for implementation of programs

    the space available for organization based innovation

    within donor agency mandates

    organizational relationship with the government

    The leitmotif governing the actual direction on these

    frontiers is the founding agency of the organization, which

    can be a single person or a group of people. The strategies

    thus are colored by a personalized paradigm that is the

    expected natural outcome of an institution whose

    establishment owes itself to a voluntary mechanism. Some

    organizations have evolved over time to produce

    streamlined processes of functioning such as Behbud

    Association, which provides one rare case of a CSO where

    the governing body is democratically elected and regularly

    rotated. However Behbud Association presents a model

    case in the study sample and the contrast it provides has

    implications of organizational sustainability that reach

    beyond mere funding concerns.

    ii) FundingOn the theme of education most of the surveyed

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    organizations had a few common funding agencies notably,

    Save the Children UK, Save the Children Sweden, ILO and

    ActionAid. In addition to these donors, organizations also

    received funding from sources such as Oxfam, Pakistan

    Poverty Alleviation Fund, Gender Equality Project,

    Developments in Literacy, UNICEF, Agha Khan University

    Institute of Educational Development, Unilever, Right to

    Play (Canada), US Dol.

    Organizations such as FLAME and Behbud Association rely

    extensively on philanthropic contributions for maintenance

    while Zindagi Trust raises funds through concerts held by

    the President of the organization at home and abroad.

    Financial sustainability of projects is a chief area of concern

    as most donor driven projects are handed with timelines

    (maximum 2-4 years) and renewal of funding is uncertain.

    Donor fatigue, in both organizations and individuals, is also

    a common phenomenon. Respondents from organizations

    felt that though donor funding came with limitations, it

    could still be functionally employed to test out new ideas,an area in which government funding was felt to be scant.

    It is felt that at best, donor money and the circumscribed

    project period suffices for experimentation in models of

    education, as opposed to their creation and maintenance.

    The formation of an endowment fund is a recent concept

    some organizations have taken up or are in the process of

    considering (ITA and Zindagi Trust) but in its incipient stage

    it is difficult to remark on its viability.

    iii)Operation of formal/non-formalschools

    With the exception of The Citizen Foundation and partlyITA, the remaining organizations operate non-formal

    schools, minimally till the primary level. While some follow

    the state curriculum throughout their program (Zindagi

    Trust, ANCE, Godh, TCF, SSSS, FLAME) others innovate on

    the syllabus at the primary level. Textbooks are drawn from

    the Oxford University Press (Sajanagar) or internally

    developed material is applied in class (SAHE, IRC and Sanjan

    Nagar). In such cases, adherence to the government

    curriculum begins around grade 5 where mainstreaming

    becomes an option. Literacy centers operated by the

    organizations typically employ the Jugnu curriculum (SSSS,

    Sudhaar, ANCE) to impart functional literacy. Pahchaan and

    Insan Foundation have developed their own material, which

    is used in customized programs targeting street children

    and working children respectively. The non-formal schools

    are often run concurrently with vocational centers for the

    children (SSSS, Sudhaar, ANCE, Behbud Association and

    Zindagi Trust) and operate regular summer camps with a

    particular concentration on ICT (Sudhaar and ITA).

    Mainstreaming as a process is implemented in ITA, Sudhaar,

    ANCE, FLAME and Godh. The switch to the public system

    of education is usually made at the end of class 5, however

    if children are deemed to be ready before that they are

    allowed the option of making an earlier switch to formal

    schooling. An annual/quarterly assessment program tests

    the academic aptitude considered necessary for the switch,

    and in some rare cases the potential government school

    itself conducts an entrance test. Above class 5,

    representatives of CSOs indicated that mainstreaming is

    rare, as older children (13-17 years) enrolled in the non-

    formal education system have often passed the age of

    entrance to a higher class. An equal, if not of more concern

    is the tradeoff made of the earning potential of an older

    child with the time spent in school, (if he/she is enrolled in

    a regular public school). The schools that operate for

    working children in nearly all organizations are extremely

    flexible with their timings, customarily operating in the

    second half of the day for 2-4 hours. The object is to allow

    the working child or the girl child to finish their tasks at the

    place of work and then come to school. Curriculum

    The curriculum in some schools is infused with CSO material

    or supplementary activities concentrating on educatingchildren on civic sense, health, workers rights and often to

    facilitate the regular activities. However during the field

    visits, the implementation of the techniques imparted at

    teacher training workshops (as reported by the training

    staff at the head offices of the CSOs) was seen to be irregular

    at best, if, applied at all. The substitution of depth for

    expanse in this study unfortunately precluded a deeper

    examination of outcomes of education, however is almost

    all cases the community members response was

    enthusiastic about the improvement in the quality of

    education as compared to previous efforts (state schools).

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    iv) Fee and stipendCSOs either waived any charge of fee for their program or

    charged minimally up to Rs. 20/month. Books and materials

    in some cases were provided for free and in others for half

    their original price. Some schools did not require uniforms

    to be worn; most children interviewed across the spectrum

    said that they identified more with the school if it had a

    uniform and felt it was an imperative gauge of the

    equivalence of their school with a state or private school.

    On an average the cost per child was estimated to be Rs.

    1500/month for elementary classes and Rs. 2500/month

    for higher classes.

    v) CommunityThe horizontal expanse of the study was covered at the

    expense of any depth in any one case study thus excluding

    analyses of long-term effects apart from those in terms of

    statistics stated in each CSOs organizational profile in the

    case studies below. One of the segments studied only

    peripherally is the nature and development of the

    community end of the CSO relationship. Most CSOs

    examined, worked in varying districts with varying

    community support and practices, the only uniformity in

    a CSO was the sector of children it chose to cater to.

    The time horizon of the study necessitated that data

    collectors met with stakeholders from the community at

    the school itself. Largely the responses were positive and

    people clearly enunciated their lack of faith in an education

    system run by the state. While some often did not know

    the name of the organization running the school (which

    they referred in generic terms as the falahi idara) mostcould pin point the time at which they felt the management

    and content of the school became better. In some cases

    community knowledge extended to the degree to which

    local officials, such as the Nazim, helped the CSO in

    upgrading and facilitating school operations. Parents of

    children in one school confessed that though the teachers

    asked them to participate in regular meetings, family

    members did not always attend such meetings unless it

    was urgent and specific. Most parents actively supported

    the idea of upgrading CSO based schools to the secondary

    and higher levels, particularly parents of girls.

    The tenor of the conversations held with community

    members emphasized the fact that CSOs take a relatively

    top down approach to community participation. Initially,

    often the community role is limited to consent either by

    choice or by default. Instilling a sense of ownership and

    mobilizing the community enough to sustain the project

    is a hurdle that CSOs inevitably have to face in order to

    phase out their involvement in the project.

    vi) CSO-formal sector relationshipResponses concerning the civil society initiatives

    relationship with the formal sector are ambiguous even

    from school to school within the same organization. At the

    grassroots level, the experience is usually mixed but most

    actors acknowledge that initially mainstreamed children

    are discriminated against by public sector schoolteachers.

    However, a session with the school head teacher on part

    of the facilitators from CSOs usually smoothes the situation

    but most teachers of non-formal schools note that

    mainstreamed children face difficulty in adapting to the

    public sector way of teaching mostly because their needs

    are no longer recognized as individual and special from

    the other student body.

    At the administrative level, the relationship of organizations

    with the Department of Education in the concerned

    province was characteristically distant except in the case

    of ITA, which entered into a MoU with the Department as

    its technical partner. At the level of the local government,

    the study discovered variegated responses that not only

    fluctuated from school to school but also from regime to

    regime of political parties/contesters. The school is usuallydirectly in touch with the Nazim. Official support usually

    ranges from rhetorical (SSSS) and material support to the

    utility of political influence in facilitating school functioning

    (ANCE).

    Establishment of Civil SocietySchoolsTypically organizations follow a uniform pattern for the

    establishment of schools, which revolves around the role

    of the field coordinator in both the setting up and

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    maintenance of the institution. Field coordinators can either

    be specifically hired or trained for their position (e.g. ITA),

    or they can be identified within the geographical area in

    which they are trained to work (e.g. IRC).

    The first step is to identify the geographical area of work,

    which is indicated either by the administration of the CSO

    or emerges from a field coordinators recommendation andby necessity has to rank low on education development

    indicators. The communities selected are verified by the

    field coordinator to be largely poor, illiterate, with a

    burgeoning population of children who lack access to

    public/private sector schooling. At the most basic level the

    entire education project tacks on to a foundation of

    community mobilization. Once the location is marked out

    as relevant, the role of the field coordinator extends beyond

    surveying and moves into social mobilization which is

    achieved either through directly contacting the perceived

    head of the community i.e. numberdar or by moving from

    house to house to call a general body meeting of interestedparents and community members. If the locus of the effort

    is an extant school, the consent and cooperation of the

    head teacher is sought before making inroads to the

    surrounding community members. The meetings are held

    and conducted by the field coordinator and his/her team.

    The period over which these meetings are held can range

    from 1 week to 2 months depending on the willingness of

    the community members and the degree of dissent within

    the attendant population.

    Persuasion takes considerable time and counseling on

    topics dealing with the importance of education and the

    sincerity of the CSO in the project. CSOs do not have the

    luxury of imposing interventions upon communities, in

    that they lack the authority of the state to promulgate and

    enforce practices. The lack of this crucial political resource

    is the central reason why communities have to rely heavily

    upon community mobilization. Once consent is obtained

    either directly (through MoU) or indirectly (by word of

    mouth), commitment is expressed on part of the

    community members by identifying a location for a new

    school and identifying community female members as

    teachers. The field coordinator, before the initiation of the

    project, has usually scoped the availability of the latters

    services. The formation of school councils and Village

    Education Committees (VECs) is a product of the meetings

    and membership occurs on a voluntary basis. The

    committees are bound to meet for a stipulated period over

    the year which can range from once a month to once every

    2-3 months.

    Subsequently, the field coordinator carries out a needs

    assessment survey (formally or informally) noting the basic

    infrastructure and quality needs of the community with

    regards to education. The field coordinator then mediates

    between the CSO and the community in getting the school

    off the ground. It is emphasized, throughout that the field

    coordinators role is merely that of an assistant in

    establishment and monitoring as opposed to a supervisor

    since the latter notion detracts from community ownership

    of the school. The field coordinator visits the schools under

    his/her jurisdiction regularly and is often installed in an

    administrative position at one of the schools.

    Feedback to the head office is constant and teacher training,

    teacher absenteeism, assessment tests etcetera are kept

    under his/her observation. As opposed to the monitoring

    and linkages system in public schools, whose execution is

    problematic because of the supervisors inability to reach

    schools particularly in far flung areas, the CSOs have

    succeeded in establishing a viable and efficient

    communication system with the field staff and hence have

    developed a strong interface with the community.

    Friction along the community-CSO; field coordinator-CSO

    nexus is expected with regards to school needs and

    requirements, however the field coordinator on average

    successfully negotiates on both fronts. Conflict along the

    field coordinator- community nexus is characteristic of the

    initial process however it is rare for a falling out to occur

    once establishment is underway as the CSO regards the

    field coordinator as their spokesman to higher authorities

    ranging from the local Nazim to the head of the CSO

    operating in the area.

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    An intensity of focus, a grassroots presence and skilledpersonnel have combined to make CSOs the ideal vehiclesof social experimentation in models that can be replicatedat a national level for a successful overhauling of thesystem.

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    documenting innovative practices

    3

    tate policies towards education for disadvantaged

    children are significantly impoverished due to the

    lack of structural or political will to innovate,

    essentially miring the process of social transformation

    for marginalized children in a catch-22 situation. An

    intensity of focus, a grassroots presence and skilled

    personnel have combined to make CSOs the ideal vehicles

    of social experimentation in models that can be replicated

    at a national level for a successful overhauling of the

    system.

    If issues of logistics are kept aside, CSO experience in

    education shows that the largest condition for success

    that cuts across all case studies of best practices is social

    mobilization. CSO personnel note that some form of

    community involvement is crucial to ensure sustainability

    of the effort and is indispensable in attaching credibility

    to the CSOs name and work. In cases where CSOs havetried to hand over functioning schools to the state, at

    times it has been the unwillingness of the community

    members that has forced a retreat from an exit strategy.

    The process of outreach, more than the content of

    schooling is a large determinant of ensuring accessibility

    and quality of education at the grassroots level.

    CSO initiatives in education have sought to circumvent

    the most prevalent setbacks faced by public sector

    education systems (i.e. spatial disparity, high drop out

    rate and an ossified curriculum), through grassroots

    initiatives in conjunction with the community. Issues ofquality and irrelevance often plague such initiatives

    themselves, a situation that is exacerbated by the general

    CSO environment that fails to be conducive to extensive

    networking for the sharing of knowledge systems. This

    report draws out case studies that examine some of the

    techniques that have been used to avoid and overcome

    issues that impede quality education availability for

    working children and the girl child. The case studies

    address practices that have been employed to remedy

    areas of concern in public sector education, underlined

    by all key personnel interviewed i.e. financial and good

    practice sustainability, spatial distribution of schools, the

    drop out phenomenon and curriculum development.

    1.Sustainability and

    FinancingThe shift in emphasis from advocacy to service delivery

    on part of CSOs has been noted severely in development

    literature where the critique underscores CSO role in

    absolving the state of its responsibility in service delivery.

    However, most of the CSOs included in the sample of this

    study acknowledged that the role of CSOs, merely from

    the resource point of view, should be limited to

    experimental models that the state can then replicate.

    Nevertheless, practically, in terms of effort, barter is often

    made between a pressure group status and a service

    delivery status.

    The practice necessarily carries implications for the

    financial sustainability of a project. The Insan Foundation

    took over a ghost school in Badian a venture that was

    successful in the short term but had to be terminated

    due to lack of funds for project maintenance, even though

    the area they were catering to did not possess a school.

    Appeals were made to the state and although the project

    was lauded, funds were not forthcoming. The

    administration of the CSO felt that petitioning the

    government for funds required presence and contacts in

    the political and bureaucracy circles beyond the presence

    of a successful pilot project. External donors typically

    fund a project for a period of 2-3 years while donor fatigue

    in philanthropic projects is also a common phenomenon.

    Public private partnerships are generally considered to

    be an advance made towards sustainability of privately

    initiated projects. The popularity of PPP in CSO sphere

    has comes from the recognition that CSOs in isolation

    do not possess the resources to sustain any program

    initiated, regardless of the level of innovation. To link up

    with the public sector, thus is a feasible method of

    ensuring sustainability of good practices, however the

    S

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    ITA was formed in 2000 and registered in 2001.

    ITAs core programs include the School Improvement

    Program; School Enrichment Program; School Improvement

    Network Pakistan (SINP); Child Labor Initiatives; Alliance

    Formation for Scaled Up & Inclusive Action: Forming

    alliances such as Alliance For Education Development

    (AFED) and Rethinking Education Systems.

    The Adopt-A-School-Program (AASP)The organization has taken over several public schools

    under the AASP scheme which is a step in public-private

    partnerships whereby the government seeks to hand over

    under utilized/ failed schools to CSOs for operation. ITA

    adopted schools are registered with the Education

    Directorate, Government of Punjab and provide free

    education to the enrolled students. The medium ofinstruction is primarily Urdu but there is special focus on

    spoken English. In curriculum ITAs true innovation is held

    to be its precedent in introducing computer skills as a

    necessary part of the curriculum in public sector schools.

    ITA formulates a school council as part of its needs

    assessment program, which is then held responsible for

    the direct monitoring and upkeep of the school facilities.

    ITA in public-private partnershipITA presents a rare case of an organization that is formally

    engaged with the public sector in the strict capacity of a

    technical partner as defined in the Memorandum of

    Understanding drawn up by ITA and signed by the

    Department of Education, Punjab. Head teachers, Associate

    District Officers (ADOs) and Executive District Officers (EDOs)are the key stakeholders in formulating the MoU (Annexure

    5). DCOs of some districts critically scrutinize the document

    once it has been developed.

    As such ITA views its role as a transient catalyst that

    transforms poorly performing government schools through

    trainings, exercises and infrastructure improvements. There

    is a clear understanding that the role of ITA is to transfer

    knowledge and skill systems to the government employees

    working in the adopted institutions and disqualifies any

    substitution of the latters role thus creating possibilities

    of empowerment through raising capabilities of teachers

    and students.

    Each school is handed over with a specific budget for the

    CSO to maneuver improvements within. ITAs human

    resource intensive improvements, as opposed to capital

    intensive development, have meant that the budget does

    not play a limiting role in school enrichment.

    As part of its initial needs assessment of the school and its

    specific budget, ITA noted the hindrance posed by assigning

    budgets under compartmentalized heads such as the tuck

    nuances of how the link should be achieved, have not been

    outlined clearly. After the initial trials, PPP is now regarded

    with mixed views mostly because although it draws a

    considerable greater space for CSOs to work with the state

    on service delivery, the contracts drawn between the state

    and the CSOs are ambiguous at best without delineating

    the specific role of each party and how it is to be made

    sustainable. There is a clear absence of a standardized legal

    framework that demarcates roles in such partnerships.

    In this scenario ITA has managed to strike a balance between

    advocacy and service in the education sector. The focus in

    this study is on ITAs administrative management of girls

    schools with reference to the crucial issue of funding

    sustainability in girls schools; an issue identified in literature

    and interviews as the main hindrance to any long term

    impact of a practice in education.

    Case Study:Idara-e-Taleem-o-Agahi

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    shop fund. A policy initiative was launched to have the

    budget allocated as one holistic fund so that each school

    could utilize it according to need rather than according to

    a blueprint. Once the change to allocate the budget in one

    single portion under the title of Farogh-e-Taleem (i.e.

    Promotion of Education) was made at the policy level,

    ITA started budget management seminars and tutorials for

    the head teachers, teachers and school councils in the

    adopted schools.

    At the end of the first year, an exit strategy (over 2-3 years)

    is defined collaboratively with the SMC and the Directorate

    focusing on enhanced resource mobilization from regular

    Directorate budgets, regularization of teachers from adopter

    to Directorate on contract basis and an evaluation of the

    income generation capability at the school. ITA put forward

    the vehicle of a school tuck shop and community computer

    classes in the school building an avenue for income

    generation in schools.

    The financial sustainability of the public-private partnership

    model is intrinsically linked with the role social actors play

    in the management of the school. The most significant

    conflict to date noted in CSO practices with adopted schools

    has been the removal of teachers and head teachers

    resulting in recurring discords between permanent staff

    and contracted staff. ITA has attempted to bypass the issue

    by ensuring as part of its policy, that no teacher or head

    teacher is changed, transferred or dismissed post-adoption.

    Additionally no ITA staff is appointed permanently or over

    the school management. In practice the process is carried

    out through the signing of an MoU between the school

    head teacher, teachers and the ITA field coordinator in

    his/her capacity as ITA representative. To date ITA has only

    encountered one voluntary resignation by a teacher.

    Community members and school committees have made

    requests for ITA selected teachers to be appointed to the

    school at times when enrollment exceeds teacher capacity.

    ITA has complied at times but removed the teachers once

    government appointed employees ta