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Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

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Page 1: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Changing Argument Structure in the History of English:

Filling up the vP

Elly van GelderenICHL 22, 31 July 2015

Naples

Page 2: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

OutlineRelevance of Argument structure beyond UG

Verb-classes in OE and their loss(es).

Unaccusative verbs > light verbs + labileand unergatives > transitive + particle verbs

Unaccusatives > copulas Unaccusatives > unergatives ̸̸��Unergatives > unaccusatives ̸̸��

Morphological changes

Psych-verbs: ObjExp > SuExp; but not the other way round.

Page 3: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Broader relevanceArgument structure forms the basis of our propositions and, without it, there is no meaning. It is likely that AS is part of our larger cognitive system and not restricted to the language faculty. For instance, it could play into, for instance, our moral grammar where agents are assigned more responsibility than causers. If AS is outside the linguistic system, humans without language could have had it and so can other species. Since argument structure is often seen as the least variable part of language, it makes sense to see if this holds in language change and what we can learn from change.

Page 4: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Bickerton (1990: 67) puts it, “[a]rgument structure ... is universal.” All languages have verbs for eating and drinking and those verbs would have an Agent and a Theme connected with them. Arguments are also represented in the syntax in predictable ways. An Agent will be higher in the hierarchical structure than a Theme, unless they are clearly marked as not following the Thematic Hierarchy.

Bickerton (1990: 185) suggests that the “universality of thematic structure suggests a deep-rooted ancestry, perhaps one lying outside language altogether.”

Page 5: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

If argument/thematic structure predates the emergence of language, an understanding of causation, intentionality, volition - all relevant to determining theta-structure - may be part of our larger cognitive system and not restricted to the language faculty. It then fits that argument structure is relevant to other parts of our cognitive make-up, e.g. the moral grammar. Gray et al. (2007), for instance, argue that moral judgment depends on mind perception, ascribing agency and experience to other entities. De Waal (e.g. 2006) has shown that chimps and bonobos show empathy, planning, and attribute minds to others. Pre-linguistic children also know causality.Hauser et al (2007) have shown that moral judgments are not the same as justifications and that the former are likely part of a moral grammar.

Page 6: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Arguments Structure in Old English

(1) & hit rine & sniwe & styrme ute.and it rain and snow and storm out`and it rains, snows, and storms outside.’ (OED, Bede ii. x. 134)

(2) Ða geseah he swymman scealfran on flode. Then saw he swim (diver) birds in the flow (of water)‘Then he saw birds swim in the water.’ (OED, Ælfric Homilies II. 516)

(3) Se hæfð ece lif þe ytt min flæsc. he has eternal life that eats my flesh(OED, West Saxon Gospels, John, Corpus Cambr. vi. 54)

(4) Him scippend gaf wuldorlicne wlite.him lord gave wonderful appearance`The lord gave him a wonderful appearance.’ (OED, Solomon & Saturn 56)

Page 7: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Unergative and unaccusative in OE(1) Heo on wrace syððan seomodon swearte siðe,

ne þorfton hlude hlihhan They in exile since continued black occasion, not needed loudly laugh

`From then on, those spirits dwelt in exile; they had no need to laugh loudly.’ (Genesis 71)(2) Næfre on ore læg widcuþes wig,

ðonne walu feollon.never on front lay.down famous fight, then slaughtered.ones fell.

`He was always in front when others fell around him.’ (Beowulf 1041-2)

Page 8: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Unaccusative has passive participle(3) Fyr, forst, hægel and gefeallen snaw, is and yste,

fire, frost, and fallen snow, ice and storm(Paris Psalter 148.8)

and be/have is sometimes telling:(4) Þa hie ða hæfdon feorðan dæl þære ea geswummen,

then they then had fourth part that river swum`When they had swum a quarter of that river, ...’.

(Alexander's Letter to Aristotle: Orchard, 1995 224-52, 15.12)(5) Ða ic ða gemunde hu sio lar Lædengeðiodes ær ðissum Then I then remembered how that knowledge of.Latin before this

afeallen wæs giond Angelcynn, ...fallen was throughout England`When I remembered how the knowledge of Latin had decayed

throughout England.’ (Alfred, Pastoral Care, 7.15-6).

Page 9: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

From OE: Loss of Intransitivesa) a complete loss of the verb, e.g. bifian `to

shake’, b) the loss of prefixes and addition of resultative

particles, e.g. aberstan `burst out, escape’, c) the replacement by light verbs and adjective

or noun, e.g. emtian `become empty’, and d) a change to labile verbs, e.g. dropian `drop’,

i.e. alternating between causative and unaccusative

e) increase in (manner of) motion (Fanego 2012)

Page 10: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

I looked at 81 intransitives from Visser• aberstan `burst out, escape’ Th particle verb• ablican `shine’ Th obsolete• ablinan `cease, desist’ Th obsolete• æfnian `become evening’ 0 light v• æmtian/emtian `become empty’ Th light v• ærnan `run’ A labile (caus, unerg, unacc)• ætfellan `fall away’ Th particle verb• ætglidan `disappear, glide away’ Th particle verb• ætslidan `slip, slide’ Th labile• ætspringan `rush forth’ Th obsolete• aferscan `become fresh’, Th light v• afulian `become fowl, rot’ Th light v• alatian `to grow sluggish’ Th obsolete• aleoran `to depart/flee’ (only in glosses in DOE) obsolete• ascortian `become short/pass away’ Th light v• aslapan `slumber, fall asleep’ Th obsolete

Page 11: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

• berstan `burst’ Th burst labile (causative rare)• bifian `tremble/shake’ Th obsolete• blinnan `cease’ Th obsolete• brogdian, brogdettan `tremble’ Th obsolete• bugan `bow down/bend’ Th obsolete• cidan `quarrel, chide’ (was transitive)• cirman `cry (out)’ Th obsolete• climban (upp) `climb’ A (same and) transitive• cloccian `cluck, make noise’A transitive (archaic)• clum(m)ian `mumble, mutter’ A obsolete• clymmian `climb’ A (particle verb and) transitive• cneatian `argue’ A obsolete• cneowian `kneel down’ A obsolete• cnitian `dispute’ A obsolete• creopan `crawl’ A same: creep• cuman `come, approach, arrive’ Th same: come (to)

Page 12: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Results

• Obsolete 42• Unchanged 10 (2 unerg, 8 unacc)• Light v 8• Particle 6• Labile 6• Transitive 3• Total 75

(6 of the 81 were not intransitive)

Page 13: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Conclusions from the 75 verbsThe verbs that are replaced by light verbs are deadjectival and denominal verbs, namely æfnian, æmtian, aferscan, afulian, ascortian, dimmian, fordragan, and gegyltan: all unaccusative verbs in Old English but the new light verb determines whether it is unaccusative or causative.

The change to labile verb affects ærnan, ætslidan, berstan, droppian, droppetan, and growan. Apart from ærnan, these are all unaccusative and end up with an optional causative. The case of ærnan is complex; it is an unergative in Old English but acquires causative and unaccusative meanings.

Page 14: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

ctdThe three unergative verbs that become transitive are climban, cloccian, and clymmian. One of these is archaic and two involve the same Modern English verb climb.So: increase in light verbs, labile, and transitive verbs

21/75 are motion verbs: aberstan, ærnan, ætfellan, ætglidan, ætslidan, ætspringan, aleoran, clymmian, cneowian, creopan `crawl’, dufan ‘to dive’, dwelsian, dwolian, fleotan, fordwinan, forþfaran, forþgangan, forþræsan, forþweaxan, and glidan; cuman is unspecified. Many are manner of motion; 10/21 are particle verbs because the particle provides the path (cf Fanego 2012). Of these 21, 7 become obsolete so, compared to all intransitives, these are relatively resilient.

Page 15: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Morphological changesloss of affixes

-i causativege-participleprefixes (path/result)

development of articles and loss of object Case

increase in particlesincrease in light verbs

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Causative still productive in OE?

drēopan 'drop' drīepan 'moisten', belgan 'be/become angry‚ ābielgan 'irritate', hweorfan 'turn/go/die‚ hwierfan 'turn/destroy ',meltan 'melt, burn up, be digested‘ mieltan 'melt/purge', sincan 'sink’ sencan 'sink, submerge/drown', springan 'jump/burst forth/spread' sprengan 'scatter/burst', nesan 'escape from/be saved‚ nerian 'save/protect', sīgan 'sink/fall/move' sægan 'cause to sink/fell/destroy', scrincan 'shrink/wither‚ screncan 'cause to shrink', feallan 'fall/flow/die‚ fiellan 'fell/defeat/destroy'

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ME causatives: make, -en and zeroblacken, brighten, broaden, cheapen, coarsen, dampen, darken, deafen, deepen, fasten, fatten, flatten, freshen, frighten, gladden, harden, hasten, hearten, heighten, lengthen, lessen, lighten, loosen, madden, moisten, neaten, quicken, quieten, redden, ripen, roughen, sadden, sharpen, shorten, sicken, slacken, smarten, soften, stiffen, straighten, strengthen, sweeten, tauten, tighten, toughen, waken, weaken, whiten, widen, worsen

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brown, clean, clear, cool, crisp, dim, dirty, dry, dull, empty, even, firm, level, loose, mellow, muddy, narrow, open, pale, quiet, round, shut, slack, slim, slow, smooth, sober, sour, steady, tame, tan, tense, thin, warm, yellow

and –ate, -ify, -ize, etc...

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Labile, 55 acc. to Visserabrecan ‘break’, abreoðan ‘unsettle/ruin’, acirran ‘turn’, acumen ‘come’, acweccan ‘shake’, acwician ‘quicken/revive’, ætiewan ‘show’, ætstandan ‘stand/remain’, aslacian ‘become/make slack’, baðian ‘bathe’, blawan ‘blow’, blissian ‘be glad/make glad’, brecan ‘break’, bregdan ‘move quickly/shake’, buan ‘live’, byrnan ‘burn’, cierran ‘turn’, clipian ‘speak, cry out’, cwanian ‘lament/mourn’, dragan ‘drag’, dwelian ‘go/lead astray’, dwellan ‘wander/lead astray’, eardian ‘live/inhabit’, fleon ‘fly/flee’, fon ‘take’, geotan ‘pour’, gladian ‘be glad/rejoice’, healdan ‘hold/procede’, hefigan ‘become/make heavy’, hildan ‘lean/hold’, hlænan ‘lean/cause to lean’, hweorfan/hwierfan ‘turn/change’, lacan ‘jump/play’, læstan ‘follow/endure’, langian ‘long for/lengthen’, mieran ‘scatter/disturb’, miswendan ‘err/abuse’, ofergan ‘traverse’, oferfaran ‘traverse’, openian ‘open’, plegan ‘move’, sadian ‘weary’, samnian ‘assemble/meet’, sargian ‘suffer/cause pain’, sarian ‘become painful/feel sorry for’, scotian ‘move rapidly’, spyrian ‘go/pursue’, tolicgan ‘lie/separate’, tostregdan ‘scatter’, tostencan ‘scatter’, tydran ‘produce’, þeostrian ‘darken’, þringan ‘press (on)’, wanian ‘diminish’, wlitigian ‘become/make beautiful’

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And few (27) more > Mod E 800

āðīestrian 'darken', ahnescian 'become soft/make soft', brædan 'broaden/grow', dælan ‘divide’, gedieglan ‘hide’, drygan 'become dry/dry', hlīewan 'become warm/warm', stillan 'be still/quiet', ābiterian 'become bitter/make bitter', cwician 'come to life/enliven', gōdian 'be better/make better', heardian 'harden/make hard', hefegian 'become heavy/make heavy', hlænian 'become lean/make lean', hluttrian 'become clean/clean', lytlian 'lessen/decrease', gemetgian 'moderate oneself/moderate', micelian 'become great/increase', minsian 'diminish', nearwian 'become smaller/make smaller', openian 'open', swīðian 'become strong/strengthen', swutulian/sweotolian 'become manifest/make clear', ðiccian 'thicken', ðynnian 'become thin/make thin', yfelian 'become bad/make bad', wendan ‘change’.

Page 21: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Around 1200: a reanalysis(1) & gaddresst swa þe clene corn

`and so you gather the clear wheat.’ (Ormulum 1484-5, Holt edition)

(2) 3ho wass … Elysabæþ 3ehatenn `She was called Elisabeth.’ (Ormulum 115)

(3) & swa þe33 leddenn heore lif Till þatt te33 wærenn alde `and so they led their lives until they were old.’ (Ormulum 125-6)

(4) þin forrme win iss swiþe god, þin lattre win iss bettre. `Your earlier wine is very good, your later wine is better.’ (Ormulum 15409)

Page 22: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

ASP > DLoss of object Case (Allen 1995)(1) þe cyng …. gyrnde heora fultumes

the king … desired their support-GEN‘The king wanted some of their support.’(Peterborough Chronicle 1087.37-39)

Loss of transitivizing prefixes(2) ærnan ‘to run’ > geærnan ‘to reach’

feran ‘to go’ > geferan ‘to reach’gan ‘to go' > gegan ‘to overrun, subdue'hyran ‘to hear’ > gehyran ‘to learn about’restan ‘to rest' > gerestan ‘to give rest'winnan ‘to labor, toil' > gewinnan ‘to gain, conquer'wadan ‘to go’ > gewadan ‘to traverse’

Page 23: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Loss of ge-:The Peterborough Chronicle divided in 10 equal parts with numbers of ge-

Page 24: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

and aspectual prefix loss (Brinton 1988)

adruwian ‘dry up’ aswapan ‘sweep off, clean’bedrincan ‘absorb’ belucan ‘enclose’forswelgan ‘swallow up’ formeltan ‘melt away’forðbringan ‘produce’ forðsiþian ‘go forth, die’fulfremman ‘fulfill’ fullbetan ‘satisfy’oflætan ‘give up’ oftredan ‘tread down’oferhelian ‘conceal’ ofergan ‘overrun’tobeatan ‘beat apart’ tosyndrian ‘separate’þurhtrymman ‘corroborate’ þurhdreogan ‘carry through’ymbhringan ‘surround’ ymbhycgan ‘consider’

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Perfective and object affectedness:v and D take over from ASP

vP > vPv’ v’

v ASPP v VPcause DP ASP’ [i-asp]V DP

-i GEN ASP VP D NP

ge- V’ [u-asp][i-pf] V DP

Page 26: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Change to copulas etc...Curme (1935: 66-8): 60 copulas in English; “no other language shows such a vigorous growth of copulas” (67). Visser (1963: 213-9) lists over a 100 for the various stages.Unaccusative > copulaappear, become, fall, go, grow, turn, wane, break, last, remain, rest, stay, continue

Page 27: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples
Page 28: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples
Page 29: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Interim conclusionUnaccusative > labileUnaccusative > copula Theme is stable

Old > Modern English: a reanalysis of the aspect features. Although the basic syntactic tree remains the same, there are minor changes in the v and ASP and which lexical elements occupy them.

Now: instability of Theme

Page 30: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

ObjExp SuExpfæran/fear OE-1480 1400-nowlician/like OE-1800 1200-nowloathe OE-1600 1200-nowmarvel 1380-1500 1380-nowrelish 1567-1794 1580-now

Loss of causative –i-: many Exp verbs are causative and therefore reanalyzed fǽran < *f rjan æ̂� `frighten’

Page 31: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

`Last’ ObjExp(1) Þe fend moveþ þes debletis to fere Cristene

[men] fro treuþe. `The enemy moves these devils to frighten Christian men from the truth.’(MED, a1425 Wycl.Serm. Bod 788 2.328)

(2) Thus he shal yow with his wordes fere. `Thus, he’ll frighten you with his words.’ (MED, Chaucer TC 4.1483)

The addition of result/instrument in ObjExp emphasizes Change of State in the later stages.

Page 32: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

First SuExp(1) Fele ferde for þe freke(z), lest felle hym þe worre.

`Many feared for the man lest the worst happened to him.’

(MED, c1390 Gawain Nero A.10 1588)(2) I fere me þat I shuld stond in drede.

`I fear that I shall stand in dread.’(MED, a1500 Play Sacr. Dub 652 218)

The ambiguity depends on whether the postverbal pronoun is seen as a reflexive or not. Thus, it is not clear whether (2) means `I frighten myself that ...’ or `I fear that ...’

Page 33: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

ChangesMany of the OE ObjExp are productive causatives:a-hwænan `vex, afflict’, gremman `enrage’, a-bylgan `anger’, swencan `harrass’, a-þrytan `weary’, wægan `vex’, and wyrdan `annoy’.

So, loss of causative in ferian causes reanalysis.

Page 34: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Many reflexives with SuExp!

(1) Hwæs ondrætst ðu ðe? Of.what fear you REFL`What do you fear?’ (Hom II 342, 28)

(2) Forþan gif þu þe ofsceamian wilt þines gedwolan (Boethius 6.16)

Visser calls verbs with genitive objects intransitive and glosses this `as to what, do you fear’

Page 35: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Delight: reflexive and oblique object(1) Eue sech hine feier & feng to ‥ deliten

hire iþe bi haldunge. `started to rejoice in’ (c1225 Ancrene Riwle Cleo. C.vi 43)

(2) Ȝyf þou delyte þe oftyn stoundes, Yn horsys, haukys, or yn houndes. 1303 R. Mannyng Handlyng Synne 3086

(3) So hy ben delited in that art That wery ne ben hy neuere cert. c1300 K. Alis. 5802

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To Full Object SuExp:

(4) But for I was so besy you to ‥ delyte. c1374 Chaucer Anelida & Arcite 266

(5) Braue-minded Mars Delighting nought but ‥Battailes, blood, and murder. (1605 J. Sylvester tr. G. de S. Du Bartas Deuine Weekes & Wks.i. iv. 128)

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Reanalysis

Page 38: Changing Argument Structure in the History of English: Filling up the vP Elly van Gelderen ICHL 22, 31 July 2015 Naples

Renewal of Object Experiencers

anger, scare 1200 Old Norseastonish 1375 uncleargrieve 1330 Frenchplease 1350 Anglo-Normanirritate 1531 Latinstun 1700 internal change worry 1807 internal change

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New ObjExp: new v-Cause(1) Suche daunsis, whiche‥dyd with vnclene

motions or countinances irritate the myndes of the dauncers to venereall lustes. (1531 Elyot Bk. named Gouernouri. xix. sig. Kijv)

(2) Impiety‥doth embitter all the conveniencies and comforts of life. (a1677 I. Barrow Serm. Several Occasions 1678: 52)

(3) Which at first did frighten people more than any-thing. (1666 S. Pepys Diary 4 Sept VII 275)

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Agent and Th > Th/Cause and Exp:reintroduction of cause-v

(1) a. They kill it [a fish] by first stunning it with a knock with a mallet. (OED 1662 J. Davies tr. A. Olearius Voy & Trav. Ambassadors 165)b. The ball, which had been nearly spent before it struck him, had stunned instead of killing him. (OED, 1837 Irving Capt. Bonneville I. 271)

(2) Why doe Witches and old women, fascinate and bewitch children? (OED 1621 R. Burton Anat Melancholy i. ii. iii. ii. 127)

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Current changes: ExpSu>Agent?(1) I am liking/loving/hating it.E.g. in COCA:(2) how I got guard duty and how I'm going to be

hating that and totally tired. (3) and I am liking what I see in the classrooms(4) lately we've been loving broccoli rabe, which (5) And so everybody in town was knowing that

this was happening (6) I've been fearing the answers.

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Another v-change:

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AcquisitionEve (Brown 1973) has SuExp like, love, want but not ObjExp anger, scare; her hurt is SuExp initially. Eve love crayon (1;9), want mommy letter (1;6),want watch (1;6), want mommy out (1;6), want lunch, want down, want mommy read (1;6) ... but: hurt xxx self (1;7), hurt knee (1;9), I hurt my finger (1;11)Sarah has early want (2;3), love (2;5), and hurt as in: I hurt again (2;9.6). Her scare is late at 3;7:to scare me on the dark (3;7.16)

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So is cause-v late? Probably not:Weezer break my mirror (Tomasello 1992: 337,

T. 1;8.19)How come you had a little trouble going it?

(Bowerman 1974, C. 3:5)

Ryan (2008; 2012) shows how the Theme emerges first, e.g. drop, fall, up etc. are the first predicates.

That may be why the ObjExp is reanalyzed as SuExp.

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Cyclical change in psych-verbs

ObjExp

stun fear `frighten’

SuAg SubExpseeing/liking it

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ConclusionsLoss of causative –i-, genitive Case, and

perfective/transitivizing ge-.Increase in light verbs and particlesIncrease in lability: 80 > 800Intransitive > transitive: 223 > 30 in Visser but

much more complex (see Fanego 2012)Changes in the light v inventoryPsych-verb changes: Theme is crucial for one

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(Some) References

Allen, Cynthia. 1995. Case marking and reanalysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Brinton, Laurel. 1988. The Development of English Aspectual Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Gelderen, Elly van 2011. Valency Changes. JHL 1.1: 106-143.Gelderen, Elly van 2014. Changes in Psych-Verbs. CJL 13: 99-122.Hale, Ken & Keyser, Samuel Jay. 2002. Prolegomenon to a Theory of Argument Structure. MIT Press.Lavidas, Nikolaos 2013. Null and cognate objects and changes in (in)transitivity: Evidence from the history of English. Acta Linguistica Hungarica 60.1: 69-106.Leiss, Elisabeth. 2000. Artikel und Aspekt. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.Levin, Beth & Malka Rappaport Hovav. 1995. Unaccusativity. Cambridge: MIT Press.McMillion, Allan. 2006. Labile Verbs in English. Stockholm PhD.Ryan, John 2012. The Genesis of Argument Structure. Lambert AP.