CHAPTER 5

SOCIAL STATUS OF PALESTINIANS IN LEBANON

SOCIAL STATUS OF PALESTINIANS IN LEBANON

Attainm~.:nt of social status attainment IS the process by which individuals or

community attain a position in the system of social stratification in a society. Social

stratification regulates the differential distribution of social position, resources and the

access to them by the community within a society. On the basis of social stratification

any community acquires key positions in the social institutions in the country. The

education and occupational status of any community determines its participation and

influence, vis-a-vis others in the country. 1

Since the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are the residents under the UNRWA

programme Article l of 1951 Convention of the United Nations relating to refugees'

status stipulates that the Convention should not apply to those persons who, at that

time, were receiving assistance from the UNRWA other than UNHCR. As a result,

the Palestinians are excluded from the special protection provided for in the

Convention and also from the international Convention provided by the UNHCR

International Covenant on social, cultural and economic rights of 1966. The

International Covenant clearly stipulates that refugees may get benefit of the social

and cultural rights from the member countries Lebanon officially accepted this

Covenant but failed to ahide by it and to integrate its provisions in their national laws.

The Casablanca Protocol of 1965, relating to Palestinian identity, was included by the

League of Arab States in their respective constitutions in 1966, including Lebanon.

Edgar F. Borgatta, "Status Attainment", Encyclopedia of Sociology (New York, 1992). pp.2090-93.

164

165

The Casablanca Protocol clearly stipulates that the Palestinian identity should be

endorsed by each member of League of Arab States in their own country. However,

Lebanon did not adopt the Casablanca Protocol in its own national laws. 2

Article 9 of the Constitution of Lebanon guarantees full rights to individuals

and community. But, since the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon were not considered

as a Community they could not enjoy the rights. The Lebanon Government provides

social and cultural rights to their citizens. Again since the Palestinian refugees are not

considered as citizen of the country, they could not even avail of the social and

cultural rights . either. As such they could not even establish their own social

institutions in the country. 3

The Palestinians migrated to Lebanon in 1948. Initially they settled in southern

Lebanon and the capital Beirut and, subsequently, they spread throughout the country.

Lebanon was a country tamous for its ethnicity and Catholic Christian-dominated

culture. About 80 per cent Palestinians coming to Lebanon were Sunni Muslims,

while 20 per cent were others including Christians. The Palestinian had a pluralistic

character of Arab society, but in theory they projected an image of a homogenous

society. They emphasized on oneness of linguistic and cultural values, and the Arab

identity. However, the Palestinians were the inseparable part of the homogenous Arab

socit:ty. The rural Palt:stinians. both Muslims and Christians, had been facing

------··-------

3

Abbas Shiblak. "Residency Status and Civil Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries". Journal of Palestine Studies, vol. XXV, n. 3, Spring 1996, pp.37-38.

A. H. Hourani. Minorities in the Arab World (New York, 1947), p.64.

166

problems of language, culture and identity. On the other hand, the urban wealthy and

educated Palestinians both Christians and Muslims adjusted well in Lebanon.4 Here

we will discuss the social status of Palestinians in Lebanon in the light of various

aspects associated with it.

Ethnicity

Lebanon has a multi-ethnic society consisting of sectarian as well as

contcssi' lila I communities such as Christians, Muslims and Druze. Among these no

single community can claim to constitute a majority. Lebanon was predominantly a

Christian state .before the creation of Greater Lebanon in 1920. After 1920, the

Muslim population greatly increased numerically; today the Muslim Shiites, probably,

constitute the largest sect. 5 Fertility rates have been generally higher among

Muslims than among Christians, even though Islam allows for contraception while

Catholic Christianity does not. Officially, the census of 1932 remained the basis for

the distribution of public and political power, and authority in Lebanon. Accordingly

tht: largest confessional group was Maronite Christians, the second largest that of

Sunni Muslims, while the third largest group was Shia Muslims. No survey took

place after 1932 because the Christians feared domination of Muslims regarding

confessional equation. 6

4 El ia Zureik. "Toward a Sociology of the Palestinians", Journal of Palestine Studies, voi.VI, no.4, Summer 1979, p.15 .

.'i David C. Gordon. 71ze Republic of Lebanon: Nation in Jeopardy (London, I '>83). p.4.

(, I hid., p.4.

167

District-wise Lehanese religious confessions population in Lebanon, as on 31

Decemher 1944, is given in Tahk-5.1.

Table 5.1: Population of Lchanon according to religious composition in 1944

Sect Muhafil7..at Muhafazat Muhafazat Muhafazat Muhafazat Total

of of Mount of North of South of the

Beyrouth Lebanon Lebanon Lebanon Beqaa

Sunnis 5lJ,593 20,369 102,462 23,418 29,753 235,595

Shiis 10,979 18,948 1,017 126,701 51,693 209,338

Druzcs 1,926 59,303 34 6,167 6,881 74,311

Maronitl'S l~U04 176.248 86,476 27,992 21.726 327,846

Greek ~.H40 15.470 1,841 17,1 18 24.011 64,280

Catholtcs

Greek 20.075 22,373 4 7,522 6,911 13,002 109,883

Orthodox

Protestants 3,760 3,025 750 1,895 1,110 10,440

Latins 2,191 540 63 179 144 3,117

Armenian 36,264 15,379 1,025 1,695 5,386 59,749

Orthodox

Armenian 5,362 3,091 194 273 1,128 10,048

Catholics

Syrian 4,089 275 169 9 442 4,984

Catholics

Syrian ~.070 209 100 22 1,352 3,753

On hod ox

Jews ~.022 65 3 I 506 42 5,666

Chaldaca11s !)74 120 10 225 1,330

Others 452 339 5,279 52 119 6,261

Total 174.001 335,774 246,964 212,848 157,014 1,126,601

Sourcl': A.H. Hourani~ Minori1ies in !he Arab WJrld (New York, 1947), p.63.

168

The above table shows that as in 1944, 53 per cent of Lebanese population

was Christian and 46 per cent was Muslim. The largest single community was that

of the Maronite Christians which constituted 29 per cent of the total population of

Lebanon.

Each confession had its own sense of community in a particular district but

none was monolithic. Within each community there were extended family rivalries

and competing interests. But on the same levels these ethnic communities cooperated

with each other on social and political discourse.

There were six major groups of ethnic communities in Lebanon. The Maronite

Christians were the largest and mainly an agricultural community. As a whole, their

standard of living was higher as compared to other communities. They were holding

large estates, and were prosperous bourgeoisie in Beirut. They were highly educated

and kept independent churches; their heads of the Churches were socially high. They

were a highly organized community.

The second largest in number were Sunni Muslims, and they were mostly an

urban community. They were concentrated in Tripoli, Beirut and Saida. They were

mainly proletariat, hut there were also some commercial and professional bourgeoisie

and large land-owning families among them. They were not religiously organized like

the Maronites.

169

Tile third largest were Shia Muslims who were mainly a peasant class living

m southern district and in Beqaa. They were also engaged in lower grade jobs in

Beirut. They were, however, a much organized community.

Fourth in the line were the Druze who were also mainly an agricultural

community and relatively prosperous; socially they were the most· solidly organized

of all the communities: religiously with its hierarchy and as feudal with its gradation

of ranks. The fifth, Greek orthodox and Greek catholics were also partly peasant

communi I ies. They formed a commercial class in Beirut and other parts of the

country. The sixth community were the Armenians who were non-Arabic speaking

people and mainly craftsmen, small traders and office workers and were mainly town

dwellers. Socially they were half semi-isolated community. 7

Communal separatism was strong, but living together was a practical necessity

as long as the sectarian balance of power remained stable at the national level.

Besides, each ethnic group also maintained its own communal identity at the national

However, in the 1950s, Muslim population increased considerably because

their fertility rate was higher than the Christians in Lebanon. Table 5. 2 shows the

rapid increase in Muslim population.

7 1-lourani, n.3. pp.65-67.

R Michael C. Hudson, The Precarious Republic: Modemizarion 111 Lebanon (New York. 196H), pp.24-25.

170

Table 5.2: Confessional Distribution in Lebanon

Sects Mountain Lebanon Beirut

1865 1932 1956 1977 1956

Maronitcs 172,000 226,378 424,000 23%

18,000

Druzcs 29,000 53,047 88,000 7%

Greek Orthodox 30,000 76,522 149,000 7% 25,000

Greek Catholics 19,000 45,999 91,000 5% 4,000

Sunni Muslims 8,000 175,925 286,000 26% 76,000

Shia Muslims 10,000 154,208 250,000 27% 17,000

Armenians 31,156 79,000

Others (including Jew~. 44,000

Protcstanls, Syrian

Orthodox. Latins.

Nestori uu Chaldeans) --

Total 266,661 785,543 1,431,000

Source: Michael Hudson, The Precarious Republic: Modernization in Lebanon (New York,

1968), pp.22, 58.

The Table 5.2 shows that the rate of increase of non-Christians was higher

than thai of the Christians. Therefore, the proportion of sectarian balance in the

country was changing. In most states such demographic shift might have sufficed for

changinl:! lhe political equations, hut in Lebanon it has hardly had any impact over the

govt:rlliiiL'tHal functioning. In Lebanon, myth of Christian dominance was the deciding

factor. According to this myth, this structure was legitimate because it allocated

political positions by sect in accordance to their total population. The 1932 Census

shows that Christians exceeded non-Christians in a ratio of six to five and the political

positions were allocated accordingly.

171

However, the provision adopted was that the President of the Republic would

he a Maronite, the Prime Minister a Sunni, the speaker of the Chamber of Deputies

Shias, and the Deputy Speaker and Deputy Prime Minister Greek Orthodox. Cabinet

portl()lios were also carefully distributed among Christians and non-Christians and the

key ministries were reserved for particular sects. The Foreign Minister was always

a Christian and usually a Maronile. The Interior Minister was usually a Sunni and the

Defence Minister was usually a Druze. The political and social sectarianism in

Lebanon existed somewhat deeper than in the United States and ethnic security issue

received higher. priority. 9

The formula of six Christians and five Muslims in Parliament was the outcome

of Lebanon's last official census in 1932. At that time the total population of the

country was 793,000. The Maronite Christians alone constituted 29 per cent of the

populal ion. the second largest religious group was the Sunni Muslims and they

constituted 21 per cent of the population and the Shia Muslims were 18 per cent. It

was clear to everyone that the natural rate of increase of the Muslims population was

more rapid than that of the Christians. Moreover, the rate of long-term migration

outside Lebanon was higher among Christians than the Muslims. The post-1950s

showed that the Christian had become a minority in Lebanon. Following the

contessional system of apportionment, the Maronite had lost the presidency as also

a majority of the scats in parliament. Shias had become single largest religious group

in LcharH1n, as shown in ·1;1hle 5.3.

9 !hid., pp.22-23.

172

'liahlt· 5 . .\ Lebanon's 1-.stimated Population, by Sect, 1932-1983

Sect IYJ2 1983 1983

Population % Population % Population %

'lillal Christians 410,246 51.7 I ,525,000 42.6 965,000 36.6

Maron it,· 22ti.37!l 28.6 900.000 25.0 580,000 21.0

G red < l11hodox 76.522 9.6 250.000 7.0 185,000 6.8

Grcd ( 'iltlwlic 45.99Y 5.8 150.000 4.2 115,000 4.2

t\nnen1ans .11.156 3.9 175.000 4.9 70,000 2.6

<llhn,•· .111.191 3.8 50.000 1.4 40.000 1.5

li1t;d Mu•,lllll' a11d WI.IXO 4X.3 2.050.000 57.3 1.435,000 60.2

Drut.L'

SUI Ill I' 175.Y25 22.2 750.000 21.0 600,000 25.0

Shi'ites 154,208 19.4 1.100.000 31.0 665,000 27.0

Druze 53.047 6.7 200.000 5.6 180,000 7.7

'Iilia I 793.426 100.0 3,575,000 100.0 2,400,000 100.0

*Includes .ll'ws

Sourec: The first and last columns arc from Arnon Soffer, "Lebanon--Where Demography is the Core of Politics

a11d Lit<:". Mitltf/,• J:ustnn Studil'.l, vol.22. no.2, April 1980, p.l99. The middle column is from

/.l'i•(llt/111: A CPII/Iif'! uf l\1i11Pritil·.l'. l.ondon. Minority Rights Group. November 1983, as cited in Middle

/·,,f. March I 'IHIJ. p.·ll.

·n,hle 5.3 shows that the two columns cited under the year 1983 reveal a

discrepancy of over I million people. Almost 80,000 people died during the civil war

of I 975-76 and 400,000 Lebanese migrated, half of whom were Maronite. It also

included 220,000 Palestinians and 80,000 others. The Shia Muslims were the poorest

of all IIIL· religious and ethnic sects. They were concentrated in the impoverished

173

southern agricultural area whereas Palestinians refugees numbering about 50,000 lived

in the camps. 10

Since the majority of camp resident Palestinians were Sunni Muslims with a

rural background, < •nly the non-camp residents from both Christians and Muslims

were integrated into urban areas of Lebanon in 1990s. They were highly educated and

urban people. The Maronite Christians were both urban as well as rural bourgeoisie.

The Sunni Muslims of Lebanon were predominantly urban. The peasant class was

predominantly Shia Muslims, Druze and Christians. The majority of Camp residents

were Sunni Muslims and rural people and therefore, did not integrate into local

population; the Shias of Lchanon were urban, and, therefore, they easily got mixed

with tltl'lll. II

Thus, during the last tifty years, each ethnic group had its own distinct

category of the population in their own areas. The members of each ethnic group felt

themselws bound together by common ties of sect.

Education

Education serves as most useful index of the socio-economic position of

imlividtt;lls and of 11tc cla.-;s wmposition in the ethnic society. In Lebanon, Education

10 J\ ian Richards, A ltJ!itical Economy of the Middle East (Santa Cruz, University of Calit(lrnia, 1990), pp.96-97.

11 Rosemary Sayigh, "The Palestinian Identity Among Residents", Journal of llllestine Studies, vol. VI, no. 3, Spring 1977, p. 7.

174

had been mainly in the hands of confessional and foreign missionary societies. The

secondary and higher education was controlled by the Maronites, Greek Orthodox and

Greek Catholic Christians. The majority of foreign schools were. owned by French

Catholic missions. t2

The United Nations ·Refugees Works Agency (UNRWA) had assigned itself

the task of providiug education to the Palestinian camp residents in Lebanon. The

Agency had been providing education to refugees in Lebanon since 1956. However,

the liNHWA schools were limited only to the primary and intermediate levels. Most

of these schools operated in double shifts each day -- one in the morning and the

other in the evening. This was because there was a limited number of schools and

number of students was higher. Generally only the camp residents taught in the

UNRWA schools. Their method of teaching was old and they used vernacular

language .. The UNRWA schools stood nowhere in comparison with missionary and

private schools. Only a tl;w wealthy and urban Palestinians of both the communities

managed to get admitted their children to missionary and private schools. The

medium of teaching in these schools was English. 13

There is no authentic data available showing educational level for both camp

and non- camp residents in Lebanon. Bassem Sirhan surveyed the Palestinian camps

in Lebanon in 197 I- According to him, the estimated illiteracy among camp residents

I J ;\ Rc.:port ol Majed al Zcer, Chairman of Fact-finding Mission to Lebanon on l'alestinian Camps. Palestine Return Centre, 1997, p.6.

175

was as high as 58.-t per cent. Children between 6 to 9 had 48.4 per cent illiteracy.

As the IINRWA pr11vided no scholarship for children up to the age of 5, illiteracy

was almwa Lotal in this age group. Another fact to be noted from Sirhan's statistics

is the high percentuge of illiteracy among the older age group.

The level of education among the camp population is thus very low. The

overwhelming majority of refugee children of the camps never got beyond the

elementary state: ahout 76,020 persons above the age of 5 received one to six years

of schooling. In comparison only 2,310 completed preparatory and 1,020 secondary

school level. Only about :wo residents got university education. The male and female

illitcraL·y was 48.7 per cent and 68.7 per cent respectively. 14 (See Tables 5.4 and

5.5).

14 Bassem Sirllan. "Palestinian Refugee Camp Life in Lebanon", Journal of lttlestine Studies. voi.IV, no.2, Winter 1975, pp.95-96.

176

Table 5.4: Age-wise Educational level of Male camp residents m Lebanon, 1971

Age Received no Below Elementary Preparatory Secondary Uni-.:rsity Total %of

gmup education Elementary illiteracy

0-5 14.085 75 14,160 99.5

6-9 3.390 4,515 30 7,93 42.7

10-14 465 4,650 2,190 120 7.42 6.3

15-19 555 I ,935 2.340 1,065 135 6.03 9.2

0

20-24 450 1.560 735 480 495 30 3,750 12.0

25-29 690 1,140 420 !50 225 120 2,745 25.1

30-34 1.065 1.200 165 30 45 105 2,610 40.8

35-39 690 1,035 75 45 30 15 1,890 36.5

40-44 885 960 90 1.935 45.7

45-49 870 720 60 35 1,665 52.3

50-54 690 335 15 15 1,035 66.7

55-59 465 225 15 705 66.0

60-64 570 195 765 74.5

65-70 480 135 615 78.0

70 and 1,290 !95 1.485 86.9

ab<Nc

Unspc- 45 45 100.0

cificd

Total 26.685 18,855 6,135 1,905 945 270 54,79

48.7

Source: Statistics Department of the Lebanese Ministry of Planning, 1971.

177

Table 5.5: Number of Female Residents According to Age and Educational Level of Refugees m Lebanon. 1971

A~c Rc:~ivc:d Below Elementary Prt:pilfatory Seamdary Umvcrsny Total %of

group No Edn. Elementary illiteracy

0.5 12.705 90 12.795 99.3

6-9 3.435 3.675 7.110 48.3

10-14 1.485 4.575 1.680 7.74D 19.2

15·1~ 1.620 1.995 1.350 240 5.205 31.1

20-24 2.040 960 24D 105 60 3.4D5 59.9

25-29 2.685 300 195 45 3.225 83.3

)().)4 ~.3::!5 2X5 30 15 15 2.260 87.1

35·3~ 2.0X5 75 2.160 96.5

-1()44 1.665 45 15 15 1,74D 95.7

4549 1.44D 45 15 15 1,515 95.0

5().54 765 30 795 96.2

55-59

61).64 630 15 64S 97.7

65-70 495 495 100.0

70 and 1.410 30 1,440 97.9

above

IJJL"ij>C IS IS 100.0

cllicd

"({)tal 35.475 12,135 3.525 405 75 30 51,646 68.7

Source: Lebanese Survey, 1971.

In the 1970s, wealthy and educated Palestinian urban elites got tremendous

support from the different strata of the society. About 50,000 Palestinians, mostly

Christians, acquired Lebanese citizenship few wealthy and urban elite Muslim who

had good relations with ruling elites also got Lebanese citizenship in 1973. These

178

educated Palestinians established their own schools but these schools were only

confined 10 Beirut area. The children of these people were highly educated and their

medium of education wds English. They contributed a lot to the Lebanese educational

system. Many of them served as a University Professors in Beirut. Some of them

were the members of the Executive Board of the University. There were also

journalists, engineers, doctors, architects and advocates. They served as members of

the Board of Education in Lebanon. Some of them were not only involved in

decision-making of the social institutions of the government, but were also holding

key positions in the government. 15

l·nllowing the Civil War of 1975-76, 16 schools were occupied by the

displan:d refugees. 16,714 refugee pupils, studied in these schools, 26,943 of whom

were in the elementary which 79,771 were in the preparatory levels, of those 74

schools, 47 schools were operated on double shift. 16 Refugee children generally

drop out from the schools because of regular violence. For example, in 1979 Israeli

forces allacked the refugee camps. Schools also closed down.

In 1985, intra-Palestinian conflict moved from the Beqaa valley to the Tripoli

area. TilL' displaced families forcefully occupied 16 agency schools. Only 44 schools

had opnatecl out 11f 8l1 schools at that time. The number of children enrolled

---------

15 Pamela Ann Smith, Palestine and the Palestinians 1876-1983 (London, 1984), p.l25.

16 Report of Commissioner General of UNRWA, Official Records of the General Assembly thirty Second Session Supplement No.13 (A/32/13), 1 July 1976, 30 June 1977. p.l3.

l

179

decreased because of violence. By the end of 1980s, only 16,504 students were

enrolled in UNRWA schools as compared to 32,826 in the 1970s. The number of

students in UNRWA schools decreased by 50 per cent. There was only one technical

institution meant for the refugee children at Siblin.

There was a regular improvement in the political and security situation m

Lchano11 111 I <J93. hJucational progress could be directly related to improvement in

· the security situation. Sec Table 6.67.

Table 5.6 Distribution of refugee pupils in UNRWA schools in 1993

Number of

UNHWA

Schools

77

Number of T!:achers

1.179

So urn·: II N HWA, I !)IJ I

Number of pupils in

elementary

classes

Boys Girls

1,745 1,169

Number of Number of

pupils in pupils in preparatory secondary

classes classes

Boys Girls Boys Girls

5,762 4,361 48 37

The table indicates that while the number of schools increased the number of

pupils decreased to 9261 at the elementary level and 10,123 at the preparatory level

in 1993 as compared to 1980s. The Agency opened its first secondary school in

Beirul area in view of the inaccessibility of the refugee students to public schools,

mainly because of high cost of private schools. 17

17 Hl'port of < ·,,mmissioner General of UNRWA; Official Records of General Assembly, h1rty-h1urth Session, supplement No.l3 (A/44/13) 1 July 1988-30 June 1989, pp.l7, 41.

l

180

Aller the OSLO Peace Accord in 1992, the UNRWA suddenly reduced its / .

hudgct ou educatiou. For instance, in 1992-93 Lebanon received a mere 11.8 per cent

of UNRWA expenditures as compared to 31.8 per cent for Gaza and 22.4 per cent

for the West Bank. The Agency also decided to cut funds for public school education

to refugees in I 992. IN fact, the UNRWA itself depended upon the United States

from where it got its maximum donation. The US idea behind cutting the budget was

to check refugee education level through dismantling its educational institutions. 18

Bassem Sirhan surveyed the Palestinian camps in 1994. He stipulated that

duriu~ arademi~ year 1 1>93-94, the camp- resident population was 332,000. Agency

schools had enrolled 34,000 pupils out of 81,000 between the age group of 6-17

years. At elementary level the enrolment was 55 per cent. In all schools 44 per cent

pupils were enrolled by age group between 6-11 years. The average class in Agency's

elementary schools accounted 40-50 students. In these schools there were 36.3 pupils

per class and one teacher for 36 students. The Agency schools in Lebanon had the ,

highest repeater rates 9.(l per cent of pupils in elementary schools and 15.5 per cent

of those attending the preparatory level. Student drop-out rates showed similar

dispuritirs hetwccn UNRWA schools in Lebanon and other Agency fields. 19

18 Report of Commissioner General of UNRWA; Official Records of General Assembly Forty-Eighty Session Supplement No.l3 (A/48/13) 1 July 1992-30 June 1993, pp.32, 54.

19 Rosemary Sayigh. "Palestinians in Lebanon: Harsh Present, Uncertain hlture". Journal l!rlulesrine Studies, voi.XXV, no. I. 1995. pp.38-39.

181

The UNRWA issLu:J a rule f(,r the University degree-holders in 1996 stating

that the Palestinian university degree-holders were not entitled for jobs in the

Lebanese Universities; only the Lebanese citizens could get these jobs. 20

The central Palestinian oflice for Statistics and Natural Resources, in

coordination with tltt.: UNHWA conducted a survey on Palestinian camps in Lebanon

in 1996.According to this survey, illiteracy and semi-illiteracy stood at 48 per cent

of the entire population with 51 per cent among women and 45 per cent among men.

At the same time the survt.:y confirmed that only 4.2 per cent of the camp residents

in Lebanon attained the University degrees. 21

;\ rticle 10 ,,f the l.chant.:se Constitution stated that education will be free,

provitkd 11 did not ronflict with public order or morals or touch the dignity of the

conlcssions, and that tht.:rt.: would be no infringement on the right of communities to

have their own schools under reserve of the general regulations on public education

issued by the State.

The camp resident's children could register m Lebanese colleges and

universities only in the field of Arts and humanities studies. The technical and

vocal ional trainin)! schools were covered under the Ministry of Vocational and

·kcllltiLal Training and were opened only for the Lebanese nationals. At the

~a,~~· ---· ·-····· 20 Strhan. "Education and the Palestinians m Lebanon" Journal of Refugee

Studies, vol.!O, no.3, 1997, pp.390-91.

21 Exclusive Report on the Palestinian Camps m Lebanon Majed al-Zeer, (I .ondon, I<J98), pp.6-7.

182

government higher secondary school level, 10 per cent seats were reserved for the

foreigners and Palestinians came under this 10 per cent quota. Very few of them

could manage to acquire professional degrees in Lebanon; but even those Palestinians

who had degrees could not practice their professions in Lebanon according to

Lcbam:sc law. The Lebanese Law prohibited appointment of Palestinians as teachers

in secondary schools Hnd in Universities. 22 The Lebanese authorities also

supervisnlthc school curriculum and teachers' behaviour. Authorities also maintained

traditional way of teaching. Hnd the Camp residents were specifically alienated from

the modern education. 23

Palestinian Identity

The Casablanca Protocol of 1965 clearly laid emphasis on maintaining

Palest iniun Identity. The League of Arab States included the Casablanca Protocol in

their rc:-.pect ive ct~nstitutions in 1966. The League of Arab States wanted the

Palestinian identity to he maintained in their own country. Since Lebanon was a

member of League of Arab States it endorsed the order, in practice did not follow the

League's directives. 24

22 s~,uheil AI Natour. "The Legal Status of Palestinians in Lebanon", Journal of Ht•/ilgee Stutli1'S, voi.IO. no.3. 1997, p.371.

24 :J'IIe State t!( the WJr/d's Refugees (New Delhi, 1997), p.249.

183

Identity as ;1 nexus of solidarity for groups that whatever their internal

dilh:rent iations and shared a situation in ethnic society. Sunni Muslims in Lebanon

have largely shared the situation of Palestinians in a society. The Palestinian identity

largely depended on the policies of the Maronite Christians in the country. Since the

Palestinian are the Arab minority in Lebanon. The Palestine Liberation Organization

(PU>) came into existence in 1964,. It was the legitimate representative of the whole

diaspora. Palestinian identity did not emerge until 1968. The Palestinians vehemently

opposed being called "refugees"; they insisted that were freedom fighters,

revohl11o11aries and strugglcrs. Their real identity came out through their rejection of

refugee identity. in lebanon.

Following the Cairo Accord in 1969, the Government of Lebanon recognized

the Palestinians as a minority group stating the following reasons:

(a) Palestinians had a common language, religion and culture with the people of Lebanon. The Palestinians had got tremendous support not only from Sunni Muslims of Lebanon but also deprived Christians and leftist political elites.

(In Individual Palestinian reached positions to influence to Lehancse people. The educated and urban middle class Pakslini~111s were the highly influential the name of Arab iden111y I• > I he masses on the common Arab culture and

.,~

language.··

The Palestinian middle class and urban elites were highly influential people

and in a way the master of the common Palestinians. Their country faced civil war

in I <J7:'i 76. Palestinians were in the forefront during the Civil War and the country

25 Hosemary Sayigh, "Sources of Palestinian Nationalism", Journal of Palestine ,\'tudies, vol VI, 1Hl.4, Summer 1977, pp.20-21. ·

184

had suffered very badly,. The Government of Lebanon unilaterally declared the Cairo

Accord null and void in 1987, and it even refused to consider the Palestinians as

minority group in Lebanon.

Rosemary Sayigh made a survey of Palestinian camps in Lebanon between

1973-75. According to Sayigh after the Civil War in 1975-76, the Camp residents

became more potent symbol of Palestinian identity. The Dispersion united them,

expulsion created the necessity for them to return and, attempts to destroy their

identity all the more strengthened it. The Palestinian identity took mass character

among the peasants,. the proletariat and the intellectuals in 1970s that it did not have

in 1948. The Camp residents were more keen and closer to their Palestinian identity

than the middle class. The middle class and urban elites defined themselves as Arabs

while the camp residents differentiated themselves from other Arabs. No particular

leader or group appeared to be symbolising the Palestinian group. the common

misery, common poverty, common traditions, culture and language, common people

and land was the symbol of camp resident Palestinian identity. 26

The Arab League has laid special stress on Arab independence and its political

integrity. But the PLO's association with Iraq's position during Kuwaiti crisis in 1991

proved a setback to the Palestinian identity. The Arab League adopted a resolution

in 1995 to delink the clause of Palestinian identity from the League States'

constitutions and immediately ordered all the members of the League to derecognize

26 !hid., pp.22-23.

185

the Palestinian identity in their own country. Since Lebanon had been a member of

League. it derecognized the Palestinian identity in the country. 27

Sources of Palestinian Identity

(a) F~milv awl r~mmunitv: The Palestinian identity consciOusness was the

natural product of daily interaction between the families and community. Mothers

spoke more about everyday life, family property, kin and community interaction,

while father's talked more of history and rights. The misery of father's life as an

agricultural day labourer in Lebanon had affected the son's life.

(b) Fch!cational Svstcm: Education in Lebanon was totally controlled by the

Maronite Christians. Even the UNRWA schools were supervised by Lebanese

authorities who never allowed the teacher to tell children about Palestinian misery in

Lebanon. Only a few families came across the PLO published books. The UNRWA

teachers never taught Palestinian history, legend, and cultural values. So camp

residents were alienated from their own history. This made the Palestinians more

conscious about their identity in Lebanon.

(c) Mnvements_~n~ I {'~tlen: Acti~iti~s: In 1960s the camps became centres of

all kinds of political activities. The camp residents participated in rallies,

demonstration, and got enrolled in the resistance organization. These activities also

created a sense of identity among them.

27 Shiblak, n.2. p.38.

186

(d) Events: Turbulent events became an important source of Palestinianism, e.g.,

Arab Israeli War of 1948. These events boosted their morale and led them to become

more determined towards Palestinianism or Palestinian identity. 28

Social Integration

Social integration is based on class, sex and ethnicity. Since the Lebanese

society consisted of Christians, Muslims Druze and Armenians, each community had

its own separate social identity. The Lebanese Sunni Muslims belonged to the

proletariat class. The deprived sections of Christians felt Palestinians were their

brothers and cross-cousin marriages were taking place between Lebanese Muslims and

camp resident Muslims. Marriages also took place between non-camp residents and

Christians of Lebanon. 29 More than 80 per cent of the Palestinians in Lebanon are

Sunni Muslims but only the middle class Palestinian elites had integrated into the

social life of Lebanon in 1970s. They have contributed to the quality of Lebanese life

in general, and to the development of intellectual and cultural life of the people

particular. The middle class Palestinians integrated socially with Christians and

Muslim Lebanese in Beirut only.

Moreover. there had been a sectarian division within the Christians and

Mus! im populations. The Maronite Christians located in the mountains east and north

of Ikirut feared the Muslim population. While the Greek orthodox, geographically

28 Sayigh, n.ll, pp.34-35.

29 lhid.' p.l4.

187

as well as socially, integrated much freely with Muslims both in Lebanon and

supported the Palestinian integration into Lebanese society on the basis of cultural and

language. The Lebanese Sunni Muslims and Druze also supported their integration

into Lebanese society. Therefore, the Government had granted Lebanese citizenship

to 50,000 people, both Christians and Muslims. The non-camp residents had

culturally stabilized themselves and regrouped into Lebanese society. While the

majority of camp dwellers were poor, uneducated and unskilled, they were also

culturally and socially depressed and oppressed. Following the Civil War in 1975-76,

relations between two communities got strained; however, culturally they felt

themselves one since all of them considered themselves the community of Bilad al-

Shams. 30

The middle class urban elites contributed a lot to the Lebanese society at

cultural and social kvel and. therefore, the Government granted Lebanese citizenship

to another 384 persons in 1994. Sunni Muslims, Druze and Orthodox Christians had

favoured the remaining camp residents integrating intc the Muslim region because

Sunni Muslims of Lebanon are culturally and linguistically the same with the

Palestinian Muslims. But the Maronite Christians opposed their social integration into

Lebanese Society because of cultural obliteration. Palestinians' integration also

became a threat in view of the fact that the Lebanese people were staunch pro-Arab,

and had a strong Pro-Palestinian tendency. 3!

-----. ---·----

30 SL· Khalidi. R. Anderson, L., et. al., eds., The Origins of Arab Nationalism (new York. 1991), pp.247-50.

31 lhid., p.246.

188

To sum up, the middle class and urban non-camp elites had been very much

social with both Lebanese Christians and Muslims while the camp residents still

remain alienated from the general Lebanese people because of illiteracy and

conservatism and poverty.

Family Values

Family is a primary institution found in all human societies. A family may be

defined as a group of people who habitually share a common dwelling and common

ti>OJ supply. Since the Palestinians have extended family units, the camp residents had

stressetl traditional family values such as respect for elders, family honour and

loyalty, toleration tor others at the cost of personal inconvenience, and offering

hospitality and generosity. 32 The eldest son played a quasi-parental role for

younger brothers and sisters. In fact, other kin (brothers) intervened only when

parents were found to be incapable. Ethical and social values continued to dominate

the Palestinian families. A majority of camp residents had an extended family unit.

Blood relations retained a strong feeling of responsibility for each other. Marriages

took place within the t:u11ily circle, but this was frequent and habitual in rural

Palestinians; it was rarely found in urban elites and higher educated Palestinians.

lnherital customs continued to be cherished and traditional, ceremonial and courteous

manners were still cultivated in spite of increasing pressures disrupting the family

norms. The father's authority over his sons and daughters was still intact. In case of

--------

32 Sirham, n.l4. pp.102-03.

189

his htther's death, the eldest son took on the responsibility of looking after his sisters

and brothers as father's representatives and successor in authority. The respect for the

oldest and wisest memher of the larger family circle still prevailed. These factors

work fi1r the coherence of a family. Parents also taught their children to acknowledge

community responsibility and solidarity.

The camp residents' traditional attitude started undergoing a change in the

process of searching livelihood in Lebanon. However, they still maintained strong

group sentiments and remained conscious of the ties to their family and clans.

Generally the famihes gave priority to blood relations at the time of marriage. The

law of inheritance n:cognized the value of blood relations and family bonds through

the with: range of relativL:s entitled to inherit from each other. Majority of Palestinians

have fi:~llnwed the law of inheritance. 33

The wealthy urban elites generally preferred their marriage within the

extended kin or clans while the lower, poor and rural Palestinians who lived in camps

generally preferred kin relationship, and rarely chose relationship outside of their

natal village. The wealthy Palestinians continued to adopt the family's last name.

Palestinians got married generally through religious ceremony within the same clans

or tribes. Since the Lebanese society continued to encourage Christians marrying

Christia11s, and Muslims marrying Muslims. the average Palestinian girl and women,

brought up in a segregation atmosphere and rarely found an opportunity to compare

themselves with Christians. Muslim families defended segregation and the custom of

33 lise Lichtenstadter, Islam and the Modern Age (New York, 1958), pp.119-20.

190

wearing of veil by women as protection against numerous defined and undefined

evils. However, the educated Palestinian families did not follow the custom of

segregation and sent their girls to convent schools and to attend the offices. The

Christian women have freedom of movement, and thereby have unlimited

opportunities for education and professional life. 34

Tile Lebanese Government did not follow the family reunification law. The

woman ol Palestinian tinnily has no right of family reunification if she marries a

Lebanese citizen. The government could not permit their family to unite themselves

in terms of husband and children. The authority refused entry into Lebanon of RD

has not been stamped properly with concerned authority. It is also RD renewed every

six months. It is very difficult for Palestinian family to renewed RD every six months

in Lebanon. 1982 expelled Palestinians from Lebanon could not reunite their own

family. y;;

·n' sum up. the camp residents still preserved the family values such as respect

f(>r elucrs. family llllnour and loyalty, offering hospitality and generosity, while the

·non-camp residents were highly educated they did not follow the family traditions and

values. They had also started adopting the nuclear family system.

:14 II lid .. pp.l27 30.

35 Slliblak, n.2. p.44.

191

Cultural Values

Culture is ohtaim:u hy people's experience and everyday life. Culture means,

culture of the society in which you live. Christians were different from Muslims who

were born in Palestine. The Palestinian Arabs wanted to gain superiority over the

Christian society the basis of their Arabic culture, language and heritage. The

Christian of Lebanon used French and were more inclined towards the Western

Culture. The Palestinian Arabs came from Palestine in 1948 had everyday dealings

with other Arabs and thereby differentiated themselves from the Lebanese Christians.

The Christian woman had more freedom and liberty as compared to Muslim

woman.·111

The Christian Society was more liberal and open while the Palestinian Arab

society was more conservative and traditional. The camp residents were a mixed

society; both Muslims and Christians were living together and speaking the same

language and followed the same culture. They were a coherent community, but in

urban areas each community maintained its own schools, and synagogues, churches

or mos4ues. The Rural Palestinian Arabs, maintained their common traditions,

customs. Arabic language. Arabic newspapers, Arabic literature and other

publ icatit~ns, and their Arabic schools. Culturally, the camp residents, whether

Christians on Muslims, were the same, although they maintained separately religious

institutions and traditional heritage.

36 Fouzi ei-Asma, Uri Davis and Nairn Khadr, eds., Towards a Socialist l<l'public (~r Pt:zlesrine (London: 1978), p.21.

l

192

After the formation of Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1964, the

Arabic speaking Muslims inclined more towards the Lebanese Sunni Muslims while

the French speaking Christians inclined towards the Christian community. Lebanon

had predominantly a J<"r·ench society and culture although Arabic was the first

langua~c and French the second language of the country. The Arabic language was

spoken hy the Shia Muslims, Sunni Muslims and Druze, while the French was spoken

by Christians, both the Orthodox and Catholics. Armenians were another community.

It maintained its separate Armenian language, literature, literary society, schools and

religious institutions. But there was always a clash between Maronite Christians and

Muslims at cultural level. The Maronite Christians were in majority and maintained

their separate French language, literature, customs, separate schools and Churches.

Their schools emphasised more on French history and French culture. The Arabic

speHk ing Lebanese a I so maintained their separate schools, and the teachers taught in

Arabic language at elementary and secondary school levels. The Christian schools

taught in English at elementary secondary, as well as the University level. 37

In the 1960s the wealthy and elites Palestinians who acquired Lebanese

citizenship contributed a lot to the Lebanese cultural activities. Many of them were

university professors, teachers, writers, poets, historians, etc. They established their

own cttllltral clubs. socit:tics and schools. They participated in the government

decision 111aking body and in the cultural activities. The camp residents who were

illilt:ratc and pour. wne alienated from this cultural societies. The Maronite

37 Ibid., pp.14-15.

193

Christians were a ruling class in Lebanon. They were very conscious about their

cultural superiority and they maintained it. There was already a dispute between

Christians and Muslims. The Muslims of Lebanon concentrated and adhered to the

history of Arab people. history of Islam and heritage of Muslims. But both the

Christians and the Muslims knew each others very well. In the government schools,

while the students were taught one unified curriculum, for religious studies, both the

Christian and Muslims had separate classes. In their private schools, the Muslims

taught Ambic language and culture, while the Christian taught French and Christian

religion and cultun.:. This system however, created a frightening chasm between the

two cultural communities. The Maronite Christian always feared that of the

Palestinian elites, who were highly educated and culturally very sound, joined hand

with the Sunni Muslims of Lebanon, then definitely the Muslims could dominate over

Christians. Therefore, the Maronite Christians always disturbed the Palestinian camp

residents and, in 1981, even massacred thousands of residents in Sabra and Shatila

camp. Thousands ',f Palestinians were displaced, and the Lebanese Government

expelled lhousands ,,,. Pakstinians from the Lebanese soil. Relations became normal

between Sunni Muslims of Lebanon and Christian elites only after 1989. About 384

bourgeoisie Palestinians were granted Lebanese citizenship in 1994.

The camp residents did not speak French language. Language is the medium

of undcrstanding the culture of any society other's culture. When the common

languagc is lost the.: medium f(H understanding is also lost. The Christians did not

lcarn IIIL· Arabic la11guagc. lhe obvious result was cultural separation. Therefore, the

camp rc.•o~dcnts were socially alienated from the rest of the masses. The non-camp

194

residents. on the other hand, interacted with the masses, while maintaining there own

traditions. languagl' and customs. As a result, they shared a common culture,

com tnt 111 1 raui lions. common customs and common habits.

s, 1 far as Camp rcsiuents' cultural values were concerned, the common eating

habits 111 Lebanon were that of Arabs. There was no specific Palestine food in

Lebanon. Palestinians also maintained their "debka" dancing. Women were regarded

as the ornament and were mostly confined to home. Usually women wore trousers

with a long-sleeved tunic over them. Camp residents still preserved their peasant

\H culture. values and uorn1s.

·11, sum up. lhe upper miudle and educated elites non-camp residents shared

the cultural lite of the Lebanese people, while the camp residents still preserved their

own peasunt culture and values. Therefore, they were socially alienated.

Palestinitm Nationalism

Nationalism developed a sense of identification with a people, an ideology of

common history. destiny and social and political movement shared a common

uhjcclivl· It abo ukntilicd the language. religion. culture, racial background and

territury 1'1 There was no Palest in ian identity before 1964. The Palestine Liberation

Organil-<11 ion (PU)) came into existence in 1964 with the objective of liberating

]8 I hid .. pp.21J30.

39 Ht 1rgalla. n. I . p. IJ33.

195

Palestine from Israel through armed struggle. The became PLO the first mouthpiece

and the legitimate representative of the whole Palestinian diaspora. Sunni Muslims of

Lebanon. the orthodox Christians and Druze elites welcomed them and sought to help

them, hut the Maronite Christians opposed the PLO policy and programme. The PLO

started a rcsistancl' movement against Israel from the soil of Lebanon.

Slllce the PalcstiniHns were the agents of Pan-Arabism and their natural allies

were the Lebanese Sunni Muslims, secular Arab nationalist and left wing of political

elites, the Palestinians also got tremendous support from the masses. As a result, the

Cairo Accord signed between the PLO and the Lebanese Government in 1969. The

Accord permitted the Palestinian resistance movement organization to participate in

political demonstrations and resistance movement against Israel from the Lebanese

soil. 40

Bl'sides, 50,000 middle class and wealthy urban Palestinian elites obtained

Lebanesl.' citizenship in 1973. These educated Palestinians formed cultural societies,

cultural clubs, and religious institutions. The Palestinian ideology and the Palestinian

history became known to the masses through PLO publications. These educated elites

aroused Palestinian national consciousness through poetry, literature, fiction, through

writings in newspapers, journals and periodicals. These educated elites of Ras Beirut

and Sidon provided a sak place to the Palestinian resistance movement organization

l i II I'JK 2 1 1

40 Kllalid, Andcrsou cl al.. n.30. pp.20-21.

41 Smith, n.15, pp.ll6, 125.

196

Palestinian 11ational consciousness took amass character among the peasant,

proletariat and intellectual people in Lebanon in 1970s. During the civil war of

Lebanon in 1975-76, the Palestinians were in the forefront in the war. Palestinians

were also involved in 1981 Israeli invasion. Thousands of Lebanese civilians were

killt:J along with Palestinians in this invasion. The Lebanese civilians turned against

the Palestinian political elites weakening their public support base.

The camp residents are more closer to national struggle than the middle class

non ctllllf' rcsiucnb. These non-camp middle class Palestinians defined themselves as

Arabs while the camp residents differentiated themselves from the other Arabs. They

express self-confidence and solidarity with their national struggle. They insisted on

their ability for sustained struggle and political independence.42

Conclusion

(', 1nstitution of l.chanon stipulates that education provided to all communities

111 tile w1tnLry hut the camp residents were not considered by the government as a

commtmit y. lJ nited Nat ions Refugees Works Agency (UNRWA) is the legal guardian

of education to camp residents and agency established number of primary and

secondary schools hut not higher institutions. The area of teaching are traditional and

not taught science and information technology in these schools. Education is mainly

controlled hy Mawrlite Cl1ristians. They established a number of convent schools and

42 Suvigh. n.2.~. p.2J.

l

197

teachers taught science and technology in their schools. There were also government

schools and univcr~itie~. hut limited numbers and their teaching standard low as

compared to conwnt schools. In these Schools admission fee were very high.

Govrrnnwnt t1 xed H l per cent quota for foreign nationals including Palestinians. Since

the camp residents were poor and rural people could not afford these admission fee,

Government has banned the professional and technical education to Palestinians. Even

some of them acquired professional degree from outside the country but they could

not he allowed to practice. These Palestinians could take admission only in faculty of

Arts and humanities in the University after intermediate. Government passed an order

in 1995 that those Palestinians acquired university degree could not appoint as a

t lniversitv teacher and thl:sc johs meant for Lebanese nationals. Only 50384 middle

class and wealthy educated acquired L,ebanese citizenship to succeeded in University

professors and in key positions in public sectors. The camp residents not even 1 per

cent succeeded in the government jobs. The camp residents were mostly low paid job

holders and seasonal workers.

The wealthy and educated urban elites acquired Lebanese citizenship and

government of Lehunon provided social and cultural rights to only those Palestinian

who had ncquired I eham·se citizenship. They also have the right to adhere to and to

develop their own t.ultural and social institution and maintained their own language

and custt~ms. Many of them University professors, cultural directors, executive

members of the hoard of literary society of the government and Chairman of the

hoard of education of Lehanon government. They are very much shared with the

cultural and social life nf the Lebanese people. International Covenant on social,

198

cultural and economic rights of refugee 1966. Covenant stipulates that refugee getting

benefits of social and cultural rights from the member country. Lebanon officially has

accepted this Covenant hut camp residents did not coming under UN Convention of

i 951 refugee status. Thcrcfilre camp residents excluded from the social and cultural

lite of tlw people of Lebanon.

"li' sum up. only he middle class and urban elites were instrumental in

arousing Palestinian nationalism in Lebanon through their cultural societies, cultural

dubs and religious Institution and political organizations. They also aroused national

consciousness ti:trough writings in Arabic language in newspapers, their literature, and

their history and heritage. On the other hand, the camp residents who are mostly

peasants, rural and illiterate. express their solidarity with their land of Palestine and

their people.

Thus. durinp the last fifty years, camp residents could not acquire social status

in Lchun~•n hectusc of their poverty and illiteracy, while 50,384 non-camp residents

from middle class and educated urban elites shared the cultural and social life of

Lebanese people and succeeded in gaining some social status.