Chapter 5

Market for and of the Idol-makers

The focus of the present chapter is on the nature of the economic transaction that

takes place among the idol-makers, the interrelationships of the production and

consumption market of clay idols, and the major problems encountered by the idol­

makers as traders. Such a discussion is necessary to bring about the economic aspects of

this community, because it is intrinsically linked with their survival pattern today, and

how it wilt dictate their future. For the purpose of our study it is all the more important,

because the work of idol-making is not merely an art form, it has to culminate in the sale

of the work. For an idol-maker it is a livelihood option and not any 'art for art's sake'

kind of a thing. I have henceforth tried to explain the different aspects of the market of

idol-making as a trade and as an art, the spatial boundaries of production and sale, the

dynamics between art and trade, the conflict of freedom of artistic expression vis-a-vis

the economic gain from the work, financial aspects of trade and the possible new avenues

of exploration by the idol-makers etc. All of these explain how the idol-makers as a

community are thriving at present. While discussing this we will see that there exists

certain dynamics in this market, as similar to any other market, the interaction between

different groups that determine the value of the product and the sustainability of the

occupation.

The word market has been used in this chapter in a very broad sense of the term

since the very abstraction of the market - its ontological indeterminacy - allows for its

universal applicability (Rosenberg 1992 cited in Lie 1997: 342). For the purpose of our

study we will define market as "any context in which sale and purchase of goods and

services take place. There need be no physical entity corresponding to a market" (Pearce

1986: 263 cited in Lie 1997: 342). Thus rather than analysing the "diverse relations and

institutions of economic exchange as the singular market" (Lie 1997: 343), the market

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will be used here with a socio-economic approach l to explain the structures and scope of

market of the idol-makers.

Since the whole tradition of idol-making in Bengal has gained popularity as a

profession in tandem with the rising celebration of Durga Puja it might appear that idol­

making involves only the making of Durga images during the Durga Puja season, i.e.,

between June to September. However, this is not the case. Though a significant

proportion of the business of idol-making comes from Durga Puja, we know by now that

the clay modellers also make images of Kali, Lakshmi, Ganesha, Jagatdhatri, Annapuma,

Sitala and of numerous other gods and goddesses who are worshipped in Bengali

household throughout the year2• Moreover, with the multiplying number of pujas each

year, what was a seasonal occupation has become a full-time occupation for many today.

The work therefore, is not limited to a few months anymore, though there is definitely a

peak season and a slack season. From June to November is the peak season, and from

December to April is the slack season. They have a break of about a month in between

before the arduous work starts.

The Scope of Consumption Market

The production of idols is a commodity production, which involves a direct

exchange and has a specific use value. The consumers are scattered throughout the world

in almost all places where there is a concentration of Bengali population. Some websites

I Polanyi et al (1957) offers a separate analysis of trade, money and market, i.e., the economic exchange system as a whole, which is based on a great variety of institutions other than economic. Moreover, market as having two chief elements of supply crowd and demand crowd shapes the third element of price, which though important, is only a formal meaning, the substantive meaning of economic processes is present in the functions of social action (Polanyi 1957 reproduced in Granovetter 1992). Granovetter (1985, 1988} offered the embeddedness of market in other social structure, and of labour markets behaviour in networks of social interaction. Geertz (1978) analysis of Bazaar economy as embedded in the socio-cultural context and moves beyond models of pure competition is found to be most relevant in understanding the market of idol-making. Etzioni (1998, 1991) criticised neoclassical market theories and forwarded a socio-economic understanding stressing the role of duties, trust, cooperation and other integrative principles. Harrison White's (1981, 1992, 1993) analysis of production market is also a substantive approach where role structures, struggles for control and autonomy generate the concept of market as a social category. 2 "Spontaneous handiwork ... can be produced on a large scale only when certain social conditions are fulfilled ... in a society which is settled and differentiated into specialized professions including that of potters ... [the work J is undertaken when there is a demand arising out of institutionalised religious cults which require the use of clay figurine as votive offering, magical charms and household deities ... [thusJ production is closely related to the process of urbanization and the development of markets" (Desai 1978: 142-143).

165

on Durga Puja list the pujas that are celebrated outside Bengal and India, and it shows

that it is celebrated as far as in Kenya and Nigeria3. The consumer market however is

concentrated chiefly in Kolkata and other parts of Bengal. Other than these there is a

significant proportion of market in places outside West Bengal where the Bengali

community has been living over the years. In some of these place, the Bengalis have been

living for past few generations like in Delhi, Patna, Cuttack, Bhubanseshwar, Puri,

having gone there either as civil servants at the time of colonial rule or during the

partition in 1947. The other locales within the national boundaries where the

consumption is high are Mumbai, Chennai, Ahmedabad, Surat, Kutch, Bangalore4, and

Hyderabad where the new generations of young professionals have moved in quest of

jobs since the 1980s and after. In some of the earlier markets of Uttar Pradesh, Orissa and

Bihar, however, the demands have declined. This is either due to the settlement of few

idol-maker families in these places who now supply these consumers directly and they

need not procure from Kumartuli, or because the new generations of Bengalis have

shifted to a new locale and there is not sufficient population to celebrate the puja. On the

other hand, in places like Delhi and Kolkata the number of pujas is rising. The main

reason is the expandingboundaries of these cities which automatically raises the numbers

and the increasing population. In 2006 about ten thousand pandals were set up in Kolkata

alone (http://www.answers.comltopic/durga-puja-l). In Delhi, the number of pujas

celebrated in 2006 is about 500-600 on a rough estimate. This is because the celebration

of Durga Puja acts as a marker of the Bengali identity and hence in all places where the

Bengalis are taking up permanent residence in the National Capital Region of Delhi, i.e.

places like Noida and Gurgaon, one can see a profusion of Durga Puja5• According to an

observer from the field, there is a 10% increase every year in the number of Durga puja

celebrated in Delhi & NCR. The other major reason which is perhaps applicable for all

places is the conflict among individuals organizing a puja. As a theme maker in Delhi

3 A listing of Durga Puja as celebrated overseas from 2002-2006 can be found in URi: www.ca1cuttaweb.comlpujalindex.shtml Though this is not an exhaustive list, it definitely provides the wide range of countries in North America, Europe, Africa, Asia, Australia and New Zealand where Durga Puja is celebrated, either regularly or once in a while. 4According to the 3rd October 2006 edition of The Hindu, in Bangalore itself "The Durga puja was celebrated at 31 centres in the city, which speaks of the Bengaii presence in the city"'. 5 In the NCR some of the pujas have started only in 2002-03 with the Bengali professionals shifting to Gurgaon and F aridabad in residential complexes like Charmwood Village and South City II.

166

observes "bangalee jhogra kore aar ekta kore pujo bere jae" (the Bengalis fight among

each other and this gives rise to a new puja in the locality), the statement in another way

establishes how the average Bengali identifies with the puja and gives a visible effort in

thinking and structuring around the idea of how a puja should be celebrated. This urge to

be involved in this communal celebration leads to dissent and disagreements whereby

some would create a new puja committee by leaving the old one, just to have a space for

depicting new ideas. This break up of single puja committees into groups and sub groups

raises the number of pujas. Hence, where there was a single puja committee say even 10

years back, there might be four others and vice versa6•

The international market is spread chiefly over the continents of Europe and North

America. In Europe the countries where the idols are chiefly exported are U.K., France,

Germany, Denmark?, even Switzerland and Finland. In North America the chief

destinations are New Jersey, Washington, Boston, New York, California, Chicago etc., in

USA and Ontario, Toronto etc., in Canada. However, what is important to remember here

is that there is no regular pattern of consumption in the overseas market. The potential is

such that any place with some concentration of Bengali population can be a possible

consumption point in future. On the other hand, if within the known market someone

decides not to celebrate the Durga Puja then it can cease to be a site of ritual or

consumption8. The pattern of sale in both the domestic and international market is open

in nature, whereby the consumers comes directly to the sellers and negotiates the prices.

Spatial Boundaries of Production Market

The rising demand has led to the increase in the number of producers9 and also the

expansion of market for idols. The chief market of idol-making was earlier limited to two

6 In very few instances in Kolkata some small groups have come together to have a more elaborate celebration. 7 The countries/continents that are named here are also based on the field data. In the interviews conducted I have come across these names. Some have also said that their items were taken to places in Japan. The web also hosts these names. Available data reveals that in 2006, 12,300 deities have been exported to U.S., Canada, England and Australia by September (www.littleindia.comlnews). 8 The overseas market is based only around Durga Puja celebration, which means that it is only one idol per year that is sent to the cities abroad. 9 In the year 1977 there were only 150 families of idol-makers in Kumartuli and in 2002 the number has risen to 528 as per official estimates (Report of the Economic and Social Support Programme Cell CMDA

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main hubs in the nQrth and SQuth Qf KQlkata. In the sQuthern part Qf the city, it is

Kalighat, mainly knQwn fQr the patachitras (painted scrQlls) and patuas (painters) but

many Qf the patuas were also. invQlved in idQI-making. In the nQrth is Kumartuli, the

main hub of idQI-makers. They claim that this is the Qriginal site Qf idQI-making which

has later spread to. Kalighat, and when idQI-making became PQPular SQme Qf the

patuaslChitrakar Pal (painters) also. gQt invQlved in this trade. TQday, hQwever it is no.

IQnger limited to. these traditiQnal places, the market fQr idQls has widened beyQnd

Kumartuli and Kalighat. Within KQlkata there are a few prominent areas knQwn fQr the

productiQn and sale Qf idQI. SQme Qf the places in the nQrth are Ultadanga, Manicktala,

Beleghata, Gauribari, Belghachia (East Canal RQad), Baguihati, KestQPur and further in

Barasat, and Birati. In the SQuth the areas are Jadavpur, Gangulibagan, Garia,

BhQwanipQre and beyQnd in places like SQnarpur in SQuth 24 Parganas. The erstwhile

cQmparative distance Qf Kumartuli Qr Kalighat with the rest Qf the IQcality has been

lessened by the emerging markets in places like these, giving way fQr the easy

availability Qf idQls. This accessibility in tum cuts dQwn the transPQrtatiQn CQsts fQr big

idQls, and since the smaller idQls do. nQt merit a visit to. a distant place, the custQmers

frequent the nearest IQcal area frQm where they can buy the idQls. With the exclusivity Qf

Kumartuli and Kalighat diminishing, the prices Qf idQls have also. decreased, as the

custQmers are nQt ready to. pay the cQmparatively higher prices Qf Kumartuli. AccQrding

to. the idQI-makers Qf Kumartuli, the Qrdinary custQmers are seldQm bQthered abQut the

artistic quality Qf wQrk and do. nQt care much abQut the higher craftsmanship displayed in

Kumartuli idQls. As Kartik Pal laments,

The business is also affected because everyone is making idols everywhere. Today, it is made in different parts of Kolkata, and anyone can make an idol by employing some karigars (labours) and making it more accessible and easier for the customers to order thereby reducing the travelling problem to Kumartuli. Anyway, the customer is not interested to pay more for the idol; the entire budget is focused on the pandal and light decorations.

FQr the Qrdinary custQmer the main aim is to. procure an idQI fQr wQrshipping and it

is quite PQssible that they are nQt interested in paying the higher prices QfKumartuli idQls

since artistically beautiful idQls are nQt a priQrity, because as Nani Pal says "sundar

1977 and DPR of Kumartuli Urban Renewal Project KMDA 2004). Other than this there are a significant number of artisans staying outside the geographical boundaries ofKumartuli.

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mukher protima na holeo chole"{beautifully faced idols are not a necessity). Thus, the

prices for idols. have not increased at the rate it should have, especially in relation to the

rising production costs.

In my interactions with the respondents what was apparent is the extraordinary

escalation of production costs and the innumerable reasons behind that. But what was

also evident is that there is a constant disturbance among them about the presence of too

many producers, which is spoiling the market opportunities. In the following paragraphs I

will try to reveal the matters that have been identified by the idol-makers, to be at the

heart of their economic hardships.

Rising Production Costs and Its Associated problems

Storage problem and costs

It is not only the prices of raw materials that have increased manifold over the

years, which I will come to later, but the hidden and additional costs have multiplied too.

Most of the Kali and Lakshmi idols, and even some of the smaller idols that flank the

sides of the main Durga idol, i.e., the other gods and goddesses (sons and daughters) who

accompany DurgaJO are made beforehand, around March-April and stored away. This is

because an entire idol, specially the bigger ones take almost a week to be completed, and

it may not be possible to supply the orders on time, i.e., before the Kali or Lakshmi puja

if the work commences only after idols for Durga Puja are made. More so, because there

is not much time period between Durga Puja and Lakshmi and Kalipuja, they take place

within a week or 15 days of each other. It is thus to ensure that the orders do not go away

because of lack of supply, that the image-makers complete the work before hand. Such

an arrangement of production pattern however, leads to the additional costs.

Of primary importance is the storage space that the artisan will require to keep these

idols that are made in advance. The storage space or warehouse needs to be rented, the

10 The sequencing of the entire Durga idol that is worshipped consists of the idol of the Devi Durga at the centre; it is also the biggest in size. She is flanked on the right side by her daughter Saraswati and son Ganseha, on her left, the other daughter Lakshmi and the son Kartikeya is placed. These idols are much smaller in size. Since they are put at the sides of the main idol, they are generally referred as "side putuf' by the artisans. "Putuf' means doll, here clay dolls, since most of the smaller idols look so.

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cost varying from Rs 150 per month to Rs 5000 for a season (five to six months) I I. If an

idol is stored for a long period of six to seven months, the paints tend to peel-off, the

lustre fades and hence just before delivery the whole idol needs to be re-painted. Other

than these, storage also involves transportation costs since either a cycle van or a mini

truck (LeV) should be hired along with five to eight porters (coolies) to transfer the

completed or semi completed idol from the workshop to the warehouse and back at the

time of delivery. According to Kartik Pal,

When an idol is stored the cost increases because one has to include the transport cost (to and fro) from the warehouse, plus the cost of labour since the colour fades and requires some re-touching. It might also require some repairing, if the limbs crack or break in storage. Many a time the idol-maker has to destroy his work if it is left unsold, this is more so because of lack of storage capacity.

The lack of storage space and capacity is differently described by young

Nabakumar Pal "1 can store up to 10 idols in my warehouse but because of space

problem 1 cannot make more", and by middle aged Shailen Pal,

My workshop is so small that I cannot make big Kali idols to store away, may be a few Lakshmi and Saraswati idols. But then the rent of warehouses has also increased and I don't have enough to rent a bigger space. Thus if an idol is left unsold I have to break it. To break your own creation is very painjulJ2

, you cannot imagine that.

One might say that the additional costs of storage are only applicable for the ones

who have a bigger business set up. This, in reality, is not the case. Since everyone wishes

to sell more and make a profit, almost all of the small traders too make idols in advance

and store them, more so because their workshop is comparatively smaller. In many ways

the productions costs of a small trader averages more than the bigger ones. The income

from the total sale of 20 smaller idols of two to four feet may be equal to the sale of a

bigger Durga idol of about eight feet but the production costs of these 20 idols is much

more. This is because while the production cost of Durga will involve the cost of clay and

II These are small rented structures within three kilometres in the neighbourhood of Kumartuli, usually of two or three storeys with an asbestos roof where about 10-15 idols can be stored depending on the size. Very few are large structures where about 20-25 big sized idols ranging between seven to ten feet can be stored. The rents of these are more than Rs 1000 per month on an average. 12 This anguish has been a recurring expression in almost all the interviews I have had with the idol-makers. Their sense of being a futile creator is increased when they either see the idols being immersed after the puja or when they have to destroy those idols, which remain unsold, with their own hands. This destruction of a creation only to give space to a new idol is something that each of the idol-maker as an artist always struggle with.

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other raw materials, dress and jewellery for three idol (Durga, Lakshmi and Saraswati),

the production of smaller idols will involve not only equal or more amount of clay and

other raw materials but definitely more money in dress and jewellery pieces for 20 idols.

Thus for a small trader who produces about 10-15 Durga idols and a larger number of

smaller idols, the production costs should be calculated as comparatively higher, because

the price of smaller idols is less.

It is perplexing though, that a majority of the idol-makers, about 90% of the total

that I had intefacted with, do not count these costs when asked to calculate the production

cost of the idol. Therefore the sale price that they fix for the idol mayor may not always

cover these additional costs. Hence, the actual profit is much lower than what is

perceived 13. Thus, if the cost incurred under each head is calculated properly then the

actual production cost will be much higher than the one roughly estimated by an idol­

maker. Very few idol-makers are aware of this additional unaccountable cost. Uttam Das,

former labourer and now an idol-maker, is somewhat conscious of this fact,

I rented a warehouse at Rs 5000 per season i.e., a period of six months 30ft by lOft by 5 o ft. But in 2003, 1 left that because I realized that in the long run I was incurring loss; by the end of the season the costs can rise upto Rs 7000 and then what is the surety that all idols will be sold?

For jewellery designers there lies a different kind of problem in storage. For them

the nature of merchandise prohibits long shelf life. This was explained by the aged sola

or pith jewellery maker Gopa1chandra Sarkar, "sola work cannot be stored for long since

it takes on a yellowish tinge instead of the usual sparkling white after some time".

For idol-makers who work in Delhi, similar problems of space and storage exist.

Apart from the few who are permanent residents, the others who come seasonally are

required to rent a space for the purposes of a workshop. These are either open fields or

structures with only a shaded roof, which are not conducive to storage. Even for such

spaces the rents can be very high depending on the locality and size of the workshop.

13 I came to know about the additional cost from one idol-maker only after taking several interviews, none of whom mentioned about storage etc. In my following interactions these facts came about only when I probed about additional cost or asked questions like "Any other cost? Are you sure these are the only costs?"

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More often than not there are practically no spaces where one can either work on several

idols at a time or store them once the work is finished. The problem is intensified when

one is required to shift his space. As the seasonal idol-maker Manik Pal says

My first independent work was with a particular puja committee in Delhi and they promised me a free space in a field in lieu of their ido!. They also said that I could use the space to work for orders from other customers. I worked there for three seasons but had to leave when some of the others in the locality raised questions. Now I am working in the rented space of a depleted movie hall at Rs 10, 000 for a month. This rate is for the slack season ofSaraswati Puja. For Durga Puja the rents are higher.

This does not mean that the idol-makers who stay in Delhi permanently are in a

better condition. Of the four who stay with family, all receive an open space from a

particular puja committee to work during the Durga Puja season in exchange of a free

idol for the Puja committee, though the actual cost of the idol may be as high as Rs

50,000. For the rest of the work throughout the year they are forced to make space within

the household and front yard of their living quarters. The uncertainty of a space from

where to continue their work is best represented when Govindnath Pal, the son of an idol­

maker who came to the city about 40 years back, around 1964-65, says

My father started his work in the space given by one of the puja committees but due to differences with them he had to shift his workspace to the current place and we are working here for the last 15 years. But the puja committee can ask us to leave the space any day. I am not sure where we will go then if another puja committee doesn't invite us.

Rise in prices of raw materials

The most infuriating problem is the rapid fluctuation of prices of raw materials. For

veteran idol-maker Madhusudan Pal,

What happens in our case is a rough estimate of costs, which is not possible to stick to since the prices of raw materials vary. Moreover, there is a fear that a proper costing may lead to increase in the valuation of the work and it will be difficult to sell it in the long run.

He also reiterates the problem of computing production costs since "no proper

method of costing has evolved".

The semi-retired idol-maker 81-year-old Deben Pal gave an idea of the raw material

prices and in what ways they have increased over the years.

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At present one ton of etel mati is Rs 140-150 and not only that, the weights/measurements have also changed. Previously, 27 mauns made one ton but now we get only 10 mauns per ton. One kg of white jute is Rs 30, the rest of the raw materials are procured from different places and supplied to us by the suppliers, for example bamboo comes from Salkia, etel mati from Uluberia, hay from Midnapore at Rs 15 for seven kg etc., which makes them costlier.

The unavailability Df raw materials also. increases the price Df procuring them. The

cDmparable prices were also. given by anDther idDI-maker Achintya Kumar Basak,

About 20 years back we used to buy clay at Rs 25 for a cartload, today the same clay is Rs 600, the ropes which were Rs 8-10 per kg is Rs 38 today, the cost of hay is Rs 120 for 8 bundles, it was only Rs 8 earlier. Earlier we appointed an unskilled labour to clean the clay at Rs 10-20 but today the same work is done at Rs 300. Under the circumstances you can well imagine how difficult it is to keep a track of the costs. The money goes here, there and everywhere and it is impossible to account for it.

SDme Df the idDI-makers also. cDmplained that the CDsts have increased because Df

the use Df electricity and higher wages Df labDurers. In the peak seaSDn the wages Df a

skilled labDur can be as high as Rs 3000 per mDnth, and this has to. be paid in cash. As

Asit Mukherjee, anDther idDI-maker pDinted Dut,

When I came in 1958-60 in Kumartuli, I was appointed by an idol-maker as an unskilled labourer at Rs 20 per month, including meals, today in my shop I appoint the same unskilled labourer at Rs 3000 per month including meals.

It is evident that in a gap Df 20- 30 years, the prices Df raw materials have increased

manifDld. The CDSts Df clay have risen by 25% while hay has becDme cDstlier by 15%.

The CDSt Df dress materials can be as high as up to. Rs 300 per metre. On an average the

Co.sts Df all raw materials including labDur has escalated between 15-25%. While Dn Dne

hand this might seem to. be a natural prDgressiDn inevitable because Df inflatiDn, when

cDmpared to. the prices of the idDls sDld earlier the picture is nDt the same. FDr example, if

an Drdinary 10 feet idDI was sDld at Rs 10,000 in the early '80s the profit wDuld have

been abDut 50% but the same prDduct even if SDld at Rs 20, 000 in 2006 will yield Dnly a

mere 25%-30% Df profit. The minimum prDductiDn CDst fDr an Drdinary Durga Df abDut

8-9 ft height as calculated by an idDI-maker, Sadhan Pal is as fDllDWS

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Table 2 Production Cost in Kumartuli

Wood SO- kilos RsSOO

Bamboo 20 pcs Rs.800

Hay & Ropes 32 pcs Rs 8S0

Two types of clay RslS00

Cloth Rs200

Colour· Rs400

Dress Rs 700

Hair Rs300

Other Misc. Materials Rs 1000

Wages of Labourer (2) Rs 2S00

Total Rs 8750

The time required to complete the work is about 12-14 days while the maximum

price that the customer might be ready to pay for this idol is maximum Rs 10,000.

Moreover, even this meagre profit remains unrealized because it is dispersed over

months. The problem is manifested only when as Achintya Kumar Basak says,

The customers pay the money in several instalments and god knows where the money goes to.

Even well known artists like Mohanbashi Rudra Pal say that the due from the

customers are realized after many months and it is an interminable process of

approaching them for months till they release the payments.

Nabakumar Pal talks about the same problem,

Often the customers place an order by giving some token money of even Rs J 00, though they are supposed to do advance booking by paying 50% of the cost.

The young businessman Kaushik Ghosh, who is helping his father in his business as

jewellery designer, also tried to explain the problem of jewellery makers

The costs of raw materials have risen. Previously people would come with the raw materials from rural areas to sell us in Kumartuli. Today we have to go and procure it from the middlemen in different haats. The prices have naturally gone up since the direct sellers no longer come.

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Shambunath Malakar, another traditional jewellery maker supported him when he

too said that,

The art of sola work is dying because of the declining availability of the primary raw material, the sola plant. This is mainly because the marsh lands and lakes are disappearing rapidly due to developmental activities and construction in all places, both in rural and urban areas where small water bodies are being covered to make a road or an apartment. So what was earlier available from the neighbouring localities of Kolkata has moved further and hence the priCes have also increased. The price of sola work therefore has increased about 100% (Rs 200 instead of Rs 2). The topor14 that was Rs 4 per dozen costs Rs 40 per piece today. So you can well imagine the hike in prices and why the customers are not ready to pay.

If we look at the other field area of our study, the picture is not very good there

either. In Delhi too the cost of making idols is increasingly rising. This is again due to

several other factors specific to its location. Apart from the paucity of space, which is one

of the main problems, the procurement of good quality raw materials is also a hindrance.

An idol-maker coming for six to seven months either has to rent a space for the months

he will be making the idol or he might use the space given by a particular puja committee

in lieu of a special idol for that puja. Both ways, it becomes quite a costly arrangement

for him.

The chief problem for them is however, the availability of good quality clay or bali

mati required to make the face and give a smooth finish to the idol. As Subir Pal, son of

the first settler Shambhu Pal from Kalighat in Kolkata says how important it is to procure

clay from Kolkata,

The bele mati from the river bed of Hooghly is the finest to work on; we do not get such quality of clay in Delhi from Yamuna, 1 have tried working on local clay but it gives an uneven finish, so I have to procure a minimum of about three truckloads of bele mati (alluvial clay) for making 10-15 Durga idols. It costs me Rs 7000 per truck containing 250 ft of clay. We get the hay from the local area and the costs are relatively low, Rs 5 per kg. But then the bamboos are very costly when compared to the rates in Kolkata, even then the quality here is not satisfactory, we get bamboo at Rs 10 per piece. We also need to bring the jewellery from either Kumartuli or Krishnanagar or Katwa since there are no jewellery makers in Delhi. The dress materials are sometimes available locally. If you ask me, we need to travel four to five times before the season and during to gather all necessary items.

The seasonal idol-maker Manik Pal's comment is also similar,

14 Topor is the headpiece used by the groom during the traditional Bengali marriage ceremony. It is paired with another headpiece for the bride. Both of them are made of sola or pith.

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Though bele mati comes from Noida, the quality is not so good, I would have preferred the clay from Kolkata that I have worked on earlier but it is too costly if I transport it here.

Another, Govindnath Pal also supports the claim I prefer to work on the clay that comes from the riverbed of Ganges in Kolkata so I transport itfrom there. One truckload of clay costs Rs 500-700 and if I bring it through rail then the additional transport cost is Rs 2000. To procure the same quality of clay from agents in Delhi would cost as high as Rs 8000, though I am not sure where it comes from or how it comes. After the Annapurna Puja I go to Kolkata to fix the labourers, order for the clay and zari jewellery required. The karigars are paid some advance and the raw materials are sent to me according to the time I want them to reach Delhi.

Thus, for idol-makers in Delhi the costs escalate because of transportation of raw

materials and travel to Kolkata for procuring the required materials. The problem lies in

the fact that this is not comparable to the prices at which they are sold which in tum

diminishes the profit. As an established idol-maker in Delhi explained

Around seven to eight potterslkarigars come to me by June end. They work on a daily wage basis which might range from Rs 100 to Rs 500 depending on the person's skill. This includes food and lodging. However, there is not much profit in this occupation, to give an estimate I will incur a cost of about Rs 3,65,322 over a period of six months during the puja season whereas the sale comes to be around Rs, 4,00,000. For example, this year (2004) I have an order for 19 Durga idol, 25 Kali idol and 30 Vishwakarma idol and the estimated cost under different heads will come to be as: 7 Labourers: Rs, 1, 65,000; Food: Rs 35,000; Train fare: Rs 7000; Raw materials: Rs 1,38,260, Tent: Rs 5()00; Land/Rent for workspace: Rs 5000; Electricity: Rs 2000; Miscellaneous: Rs 10,000.

What is notable is that almost all of the idol-makers arrive at cost by calculating in

bulk. This may be because no one ever produces a single item and hence doesn't bother

to calculate the production costs per idol. Some like Kartik Pal looked closely into the

matter.

Since I am a commerce graduate I try to estimate the cost benefit of the business. But to tell you frankly, it is very very difficult to estimate the costing per idol. This is because we make in bulk and not a single idol at a time.

For them then what becomes important is to estimate the total costs incurred in a

particular season (i.e., the peak season) and the aim is to recover that amount by leaving a

substantial profit margin. Thus the costs per item as made by an established artisan in

Delhi for 10 Durga idols of average height of six to seven feet is as follows,

I have to procure 2 truckload of bele mati from Kolkata, which comes to be Rs 14,000. The other costs are six quintals of hay - Rs 36, Rs 350 per day for 1 good craftsman (mistry) for 2 months. Rs 250 for one medium skilled craftsman (mistry) whom I have to

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appoint him for 3 months. 3 semi-skilled craftsmen (karigar) at Rs J 00 per day for 3 months. Other than this the cost of bamboos are Rs J 0 per piece and I need about J 0-J 5 of those. 20 pieces of wood. The jewellery made of bullion comes from Krishnanagar and the ordinary ones costs Rs 3000. The jewellery from Katwa made of sola or pith is minimum Rs 2000 and if the jewellery is from Kumartuli - and made of zari it will be around Rs J 500. I procure the jute hair directly from Hooghly since I know a supplier there. The cost is still Rs 40 per bundle.

For a small idol-maker like Manik Pal, the costs are no less. This is because he has

to incur the same costs although he operates in a small scale. According to him a major

cost is incurred in paying the wages of the labourers.

I have to appoint about three unskilled labourers at the rate of Rs 70 per day and four skilled labourers at Rs 300-350 per day depending on the demand. So the labour costs come to- be around Rs 20,000 to 25,000. Jewellery and dresses costs another Rs 30,000. My profit margin is Rs 5000 on an average.

The ambiguity in estimating the costs also arise because of variations available in

the market. The dress materials may range from the cost of very ordinary at Rs 20 per

metre cloth to Rs 300 per metre for better quality fabric. Moreover, as is evident from the

above interactions many idol-makers prefer clay from Kolkata even if it becomes a

costlier matter because the quality of the product (idol) is enhanced with the use of the

soft clay as opposed to the hard local clay. They also find it easier to work and mould the

softer clay. This practice however means that the prices of total amount of clay can shoot

up to Rs 6000-Rs 8000. The same is with procurement of jewellery and dresses; they

bring readymade dresses from Kolkata l5• There might be two reasons for this. One, since

these potters do not reside in Delhi and are seasonal visitors, it is difficult for them to

establish networks with agents in Delhi and much easier to buy the things in the familiar

market of Kolkata. Or else, the potters who reside in the city are so small in number that

the bargaining power with the agents in the city is comparatively low. On the other hand,

buying of raw material for jewellery and dress will also involve more work since many

do not design their own jewellery and dress but procure the readymade product available

in the retail markets. These are the areas near Kumartuli where they go to find labourers.

The main difference lies in labour costs that are incurred. Since the labour costs depends

to a large extent on the skills of the individual craftsman and also on the negotiation

15 It was interesting to know that the potters in Delhi do not know that the zaris etc., comes from Surat which is much nearer and no one has attempted to bring the material directly from Sural.

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power of the artist l6 who hires these craftsmen, the cost may range anywhere from Rs

10,000 to Rs 50,000. This difference is also influenced by the number of artisans hired by

a particular artist depending on his volume of work/order.

Hence, if we calculate roughly, the production costs of 10 idols of 6-7 ft height in

Delhi will come to be around Rs 65,000 approximately. The following is a very rough

estimate of what I gathered from various interviews, the prices of essential ingredients.

The main purpose is to understand the average profit margin of their work and their

understanding of it.

Table 3 Production Cost in Delhi

, '

. . ~ .,., , .

2 truckload of bele mati (alluvial clay) 14,000 Rs 7000 x2

Etel mati (sticky black clay) 5000

6 quintals of hay - Rs 6 x 6 36

1 good craftsman (mistry) - Rs 350 x 60 21,000

1 medium skilled craftsman (mistry) 22,500 Rs 250x 90 3 semi skilled craftsmen (karigar) 27,000 Rs 100 x 3 x 90

----_.- ---100 bamboos 100

20 pcs of wood (7ft length) - Rs 200 x 20 4000

Jewellery from Krishnanagar 3000

Jewellery from Katwa 2000

Jewellery from KumortulI 1500

Jute Hair from Hooghly - Rs 40 x 600

Dress material 5000

Total 1,01,236

16 The job market for ordinary labo,urers in ido,l-making is chiefly info,rmal in nature with absence o,f mechanisms to regulate minimum wages. It is similar to, the status o,f o,ther uno,rganized secto,rs like constructio,n wo,rk or beedi making, wo,rkers in brick kiln etc., where the labo,urers are paid o,n a contractual basis.

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The average price for the 6-7 ft Durga idols is Rs 8000-10,000 so even if all are

sold the income will be about Rs 1 lakh per season at the most, which means breaking

even his production costs. To have a margin of profit as little as of 30%-40% is therefore

quite difficult.

Certain Issues over the supply of raw materials

The costs of idol-making also escalate due to various factors that hinder the supply

of raw materials or the environmental factors. At present the idol-makers pay dearly for

the prices of clay. The belemati (fine alluvial clay) from Adi Ganga (Hooghly River),

which is an essential ingredient for idol-making has become scarce because the river is

being desilted by the Kolkata Port Trust Authority, and the clay dealers now have to go to

places as far as Uluberia to procure clay. Naturally, the prices have almost doubled over

from 1999-2000, since the desiltation took place.

Similarly, because of the unavailability of good quality sal wood the artist has to

use the other cheaper varieties like tamarind/ply wood, that affects the durability and

strength of the idol, especially in a situation where the customer has asked for a larger

size, say 20 feet high idol.

The problem regarding the declining availability of sola plant is again a result of

land development. So what was earlier available from the neighbouring localities of

Kolkata has moved further and hence the prices have also increased.

Other than this, small changes here and there can create havoc for innumerable

artists involved in the process of idol-making in one way or the other. For example, if

only nylon hair is used instead of the hair made from jute fibres, women of about 60-70

families in Parbatipur (a village near Howrah-Amta) will lose their livelihood. The only

way of sustenance for an these Muslim women is this craft of making hair for decorating

the idols.

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Change in tastes of customer and declining patronage

Another reason for the increase in production cost is the changing tastes of the

customer, the constant demand from their side to see something new and innovative. As

Kartik Pal says,

Previously, the whole idol was made of clay, which involved only the labour cost. Now, with the changing taste of the customers, we have to decorate the idol with a satin saree, zari jewellery, hair etc., all of which were earlier made with clay. This raises the cost of the idol, but the customers are reluctant to pay the higher prices. Earlier if a clay idol was sold at Rs 500 it was supposed to be very profitable (this I am talking about 40 years before); even if the same thing is sold at Rs 15-20,000 today, the profit margins will be much lesser. This is because it involves much more cost to decorate a contemporary styled idol, than a traditional clay idol.

The changes in tastes have also affected the sola or pith jewellery designers. As

Fanibhushan Malakar pointed out,

I mainly supplied decorative shola items, things like "chadnatola ,,17 etc., which are much costlier (Rs 5000-6000) as compared to the jewellery made for the idols. However, the demand for decorative pieces has decreased over the years, nowadays; I mostly get orders for makingjewellery for idols.

One of the oldest jewellery maker and businessman of the locality came about

saying,

Even 40 years back there was a great demand for sola work. It was considered as an art. It was not only used in the designing idols but was used for decorations in stage dramas, making of sets etc. However, when thermocol invaded the market about 15-20 years back, the demand for sola work gradually started depleting since it is comparatively costlier. Though the number of pujas has increased over the years the cost and demand of sola work has remained low. The same sola work which was sold at Rs 1000 ten years before is now being sold at only Rs 10,000. Though at the outset there seems to be a rise in price, the sale has gone down and hence in actual terms the gains have not increased.

Ranjit Sarkar, another jewellery trader also recalled some of the problems,

The market trend of jewellery has also changed, with the invasion of thermocol and the demand of sola work has gone down. This is because the price of sola work is five times more. We cannot reduce the price because sola is a natural product of a plant that grows in the marshy area, compared to this, thermocol is a petroleum product, much cheaper and easier to work upon. Sola work requires fine craftsmanship and not everyone can do it, while thermocol is an easier medium to work on. To reduce the costs of manufacturing sola items we are mainly outsourcing the sola work these days to agents. We supply the raw materiais to them and they employ labour in the rural area and they are paid according to the number of sets supplied. The prices vary according to the size of the sets. There are about 20 sola jewellery manufacturers in this area and many engage in

17 A canopy like structure especially made for the bride and the groom where the actual marriage ceremony takes place.

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outsourcing. Recently we are also keeping rolex or zari jewellery items since these are becoming more popular. The original bullion (copper wire) jewellery is not much used these days since it is four times costlier. Recently jewellery of plastic is also available in the market but we don't sell them here in Kumortuli. These are sold in Barabazaar.

Thus the plight of the jewellery designers not only arises from the changing tastes

but also because of the availability of cheaper substitutes. The bullion and zari work is

increasingly being replaced by the cheaper variety of rolex (golden papers). The sola or

pith work is replaced by thermo col. Many of the original raw materials that were used for

jewellery making is either not available now or are too costly and customers who want

that kind of a gorgeous decoration are not aware of the huge costs of raw materials and

hence cannot really fathom why the prices of traditional pure bullion or sola work is so

costly. As a veteran idol-maker Neelkanta Pal says,

Earlier the jewellery came through the post since it was not made here. It is therefore still popularly called the Daker Saaj, literally meaning jewellery through mail. Such quality of jewellery is not available today. What do today's customers know about that? They are interested in good decoration but when I talk about prices they ask me to reduce and then I am required to go for cheaper alternative(emphasis mine).

The problem in the idol-making market arises from the influences of popular

culture. The customers demand emulation of the current happenings, changes in the faces

or sculpting of the particular piece, say of Mahisasura. The art is appreciated but how

much the prices rise is difficult to say. There have been distinct changes in the stylization

ofDurga idols over the years, which result in the increase of total production costs. In the

decades of nationalism the emphasis was on simple decoration, focusing on a kind of

Bharatmata image of the goddess. In the '60s and '70s the sola decoration became

popular and in the '80s and '90s the elaborate decorations of bullion or zari became

popular, and the idol-makers had to follow the market expectations. For them "we don't

always innovate styles and forms it is quite often than not dictated by what the customers

like. Once something is appreciated and popular all try to follow the same pattern of

work,,18.

18 This can be said to be the direct reflection of the consumer market which is increasingly influencing all spheres. The Durga puja as a consumption item therefore becomes the site for innovation, renovation, and packaging. The consumer industry ensures that the consumers are "not to be free from the injunctions to consume according to certain patterns, to modify long-stariding traditions ... and to change the very nature of individual to achieve such ends" (Miller and Rose 1997: 7).

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Reducing/ stagnant prices of idols and low profit margins

Almost all the idol-makers interviewed complained about the dwindling prices of

the idol. Though the prices have risen in the last 20 years, in real terms the gain has not

been substantial. As Babu Pal explains,

Unfortunately though, the profit margins have been diminishing over the years; the prices of idols have not increased in the last five to seven years though the costs of raw materials have increased a lot.

The prices have not increased in keeping with the inflation in market prices of all

other goods including the raw materials. As one labourer rightly pointed out

We can never be at par with the market inflation because the government's budget is announced after we sign our contracts under fixed rates.

Young Nabakumar Pal also feels that the rise in prices is not proportionate to other

costs. For him,

Though the prices of idols increase between 7%-10% every year there is not much profit. A 71f2ft Durga that is sold at Rs 10,000 costs about Rs 7000-8000, so the profit margin is negligible.

Manik Pal reiterates the comparative stagnation in prices but also tries to unravel

the underlying reasons for it.

When I started in 1978-79, at that time a 71f2 ft Durga idol was priced at Rs 350-400, today even though we are selling the same thing at Rs 6000-7000 there is not much profit. Even the proportion of profit, when compared to the earlier times has gone down. This is mainly because the middleman takes away a lot of money, especially when the idol is getting exported. At that time the highest price of an idol that went to Puri was Rs 700.

The others like Uttam Das, Montu Pal and Shailen Pal thinks that the main reason

for the stagnation of prices is that "the paying capacity of the puja organizers has also

decreased" and as Bhanu Rudra Pal explained,

The market is not very good these days. With the rising prices of goods the demand for bulener (bullion) saaj has decreased. So has the profit. Earlier we used to have 30% -35% profit, now the same item is procuring only 10% -15% profit. This is because though the number of community pujas has increased the subscriptions have not increased proportionately. Moreover, a substantial amount is spent on entertainment purpose!; other than for the idol.

As the idol-makers claim, a major reason for only a marginal increase in price of

idols is because too many pujas are being organized within a single locality. Where there

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was only a single puja even two years back, now there may be two or three pujas. This

led to a division in the net fund that was spent earlier. Here we can ponder over a simple

economical calculation - the monetary strength of the organizing committees does not

increase proportionately when one committee splits into two or more. This is because the

locality remains the same, the number of houses who were giving subscriptions remains

the same. What happens in reality is that with the splitting of groups the erstwhile puja

subscriptions is now shared between two parties. The same might be the case with

sponsorship, the contacts which had helped in bringing sponsors for the puja are also

divided into two groups. This ultimately leads to a lower budget and hence the price of

idol they earlier paid is cut down significantly. Hence, the increased demand as the idol­

makers complain, has not led to similar increase in the prices of idols.

Not only this, as evident from the above interactions, the market is characterized by

unhealthy practices of copying the work of others or trying to encroach upon the

customer base of each other, which if we think at a wider scale is perhaps the

characteristic of every trade. As Bhanu Rudrapal pointed out

Many of them (the new idol-makers who are setting up workshops outside Kumartuti) do not even know how to sculpt the face or other finer parts of an idol, but manage by using moulds that they have stolen from the artists with whom they worked earlier. Another way in which they procure the moulds is by asking young children to dive in the river during immersion and recover the faces for them. They pay some nominal amount to these children and then use the clay faces to make moulds.

While we mayJalk at length about whether these moulds which are given away or

immersed can still carry some sort of copyright or patent of the artist who made them, or

whether it is a natural occurrence that work of art is subject to stealth or copying if it has

a commercial value, this has caused quite an amount of dissent among the master

craftsmen/artists. While visiting the lanes of Kumartuli, one can see that the workshops

of prominent artists are either covered with a proper bolted door unlike the usual open

workspace by the road, and entries to them involves proper enquiry about the purpose of

the visitor. Even after one is in the workshop, what is strikingly noticeable is that most of

the faces are covered with either plastic or thin cloth. This might be a fall out of the

unscrupulous practices of stealing of moulds by semi-skilled labourers who might use

them for making idols. It is difficult to fathom as to what extent such accusations holds

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true since that was beyond the scope of our research. But it is nevertheless important to

note that the idol-makers in Kumartuli perceive a constant threat by 'outsiders' - who

might be idol-makers living in a different area, or labourers becoming master craftsmen,

or any individual who can take up the work and employ craftsmen as any other business

proposition.

The jewellery traders pointed out some of the recent developments that affected

their profit margins. As Ranjit Sarkar feels, their situation is worsening not only because

of dwindling prices but also because of unnecessary taxes,

The profit is Rs 2/- per Rs 10 but we are required to give a VAT of 10% in transportation by some government decree when we send the jewellery as wholesale rates outside the state.

Though he was not sure about the name/kind of tax on further queries, he was

insistent that this new tax is. depleting their income. As traders their volume of business is

not comparable to other general traders, their merchandise is too small and profits are too

meagre to bear such additionaVoverhead expenses.

Demand-Supply Imbalances The situation of the traders in Kumartuli as perceived by them is perfectly reflected

when jewellery designer and vice president of KMSS Bijoy Ghosh says

There is too much of merchandise in the fair but not enough people to buy and hence the economic slump ("mela bosheche kintu papor bhaja beshi hole, 10k na thakle mieie jabe, bikri hobe na, amader akhon shei obostha "). The number of community puja is increasing but there are a lot more artisans than these pujas.

The reason for ever increasing suppliers and declining profits is well explained

when he further comments that

The profits have decreased over the years in spite of the rising demand. This is because the production and supply chain are not well organized. Since there is a dearth of good worker, the moment one gets to develop a little skill and a grasp of the market he sets up an independent business. Other than that, the number of worker who used to come every year during the peak season has also reduced because the work is seasonal.

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For many others it is not possible to stick to prices and profit margin because there

is not enough cash that is available for them to fall back upon. As one unnamed idol­

maker said

We work with loans and till the time the loan is repaid we are in debt. To get the cash we are sometimes forced to sell the work at the minimum price that we get because this cash is required to payoff th{! creditors.

With an overall increase in the expenditure pattern for all other goods the market

for traditional bullion jewellery has diminished. As Bhanu Rudrapal says,

Another major reason for the decreasing prices is spread of market beyond Kumartuli. Many of the erstwhile labourers has set up their own workshop in other parts of the city, giving steep competition to the artists of Kumartuli by selling their goods at much cheaper prices.

In the words of 75-year-old Madhusudan Pal, the irregularity of market demand is

also a chief hindrance in deriving steady and sufficient profits.

In the last 50 years the number of artisans has multiplied because of increasing market demand. But at the same time the production/supply has surpassed demands which have led to diminishing returns. Moreover, because of irregularity of supply (it is difficult to anticipate the demand) the prices fluctuate. It very rarely rises in certain years when there is a shortage of a particular item. At that time, an item of Rs 10 can be even sold at Rs20.

Hence, the presence of too many suppliers has posed a barrier in earning sufficient

profit from the work of idol-making. There is more supply than demand and therefore

stiff competition, faced with which the sellers are at times forced to sell-off the product at

the minimum available price just to cover his costs. To understand why the situation is so

today and why is it that people are increasingly coming over to join this trade, one needs

to look at the economic situation of both the state of West Bengal and Kolkata. Under the

aegis of the Left Front government, the state has not experienced much of economic

growth and hence no substantial opportunities of employment l9. Ifwe closely take a look

1'1 Sarkar (2006} stated that the economic performance of the State of West Bengal has been unsatisfactory under the Left Front that has been ruling the State since 1977 without any break. It has been noted that by the standard measures of economic development like state per capita income, literacy, poverty, life expectancy and other such indicators West Bengal comes to be a middle ranking state and its performance was actually on the decline till 2000-0 I. Other than some initial growth in the agricultural sector, the trend in industrial sector has remained low. There has actually been a negative employment growth for the period 1980-81 and 1997-98. The government claimed that the low growth rate in the formal industrial sector has been compensated by the spectacular growth of the unorganised manufacturing sector, though this ever

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as to the categories of people who are increasingly entering this trade, it is clear that they

mainly come from either other lower caste backgrounds or from economically poor

families. Of those who come almost all join as unskilled, semi-skilled or skilled labourers

in the existing workshops of master craftsmen of the area. As is clear in the words of Asit

Mukherjee, motherless and abandoned by his father at the age of four,

There is no need for investment in idol-making (onyo kaaj-e ba byabshae je muldhon lage ta thakur gorar kaje lage na). When lfledfrom my maternal home in 1958 while 1 was in 9''' standard 1 came to Kumartuli to earn a living. 1 joined work as an unskilled labour in the workshop of a renowned idol-maker Habulchandra Pal in return for three meals a day. My first wage as a labour was Rs 20 and after working there for six years 1 started working independently in 1965. I worked single-handedly on an eight feet Durga idol and it was sold at Rs 250. This gave me money to continue my independent work.

The same holds true for Uttam Das who came to stay in Kumartuli along with his

mother and five other siblings.

After the accidental death of my father we came here to stay with my elder sister and brother-in-law. With the money left by my father we rented a place nearby after staying for afortnight with my sister. To earn a livingfor the family 1 started work first at press, then in a stationery shop and ultimately joined as a labourer in the workshop of idol-maker Narayan Chakraborty. He left the workshop to me since his only son was not interested to continue the work. As you can see, this is a very small workshop and 1 am forced to keep it small. 1 have learnt only the art of clay mixing and modelling and sculpting the face in a particular style. The eyes are painted by another person whom 1 pay for the work since 1 don 'tfeel confident about it.

The lack of alternatives that forces individuals to join this trade, with or without

skill is most prominent in the case of women idol-makers. All of them are single women,

either widowed or without father and hence unmarried. As Kakoli Pal explained her

situation

1 have learnt some work on idol-makingfrom my husband but have been more involved in this work from 2003 onwards after his death. I have two daughters and 1 need to survive and bring them up. The labourers who used to work with him are still employed and 1 mainly continue with their help, though 1 have reduced the number of labourers. Now there is only one skilled labourer who is appointed throughout the year while during peak season I employ about five to eight labourer. 1 have continued work from erstwhile customers and recently have secured a new order. 1 am stuck with this work because 1 have no option, so 1 just want to earn enough to rear my children. 1 pay the worker on 10 hours a day basis and lunch. In the entire season my profit ranges between Rs 5000-10,000.

increasing informal sector has brought about economic stagnation. Therefore the growth rate of employment was recorded to be abysmally low in the 1999-2000 NSS data (Sarkar 2006: 342-344).

186

Mala Pal might be a well known female clay artisan today but her initiation into this

work as a livelihood option was when she was left to feed herself and her mother after

her father died and brothers moved away. Moreover, one might say that it is her fame and

substantial income that got her a marriage proposal from a renowned idol-making family

similar in the lines of a business merger (her husband is a jewellery designer).

1 had an interest in clay work from a very earlyage since 1 spent a substantial time of my childhood days at the home of my uncle (mother's sister's husband) who was a renowned clay modeller in Krishnanagar. 1 learnt a lot about miniature clay modellingfrom him. 1 came back to my home in Kumartuli and started clay modelling in my father's workshop/studio. After my father died 1 started looking after his business since none of the brothers were interested, each had his own work. At that time 1 was unmarried and also had to look after my mother. For the last 15-20 years 1 have been looking after the trade.

It is evident therefore that newcomers in this trade do not come because it is a

lucrative opportunity; they come because there is no alternative (TINA). The average

educational qualification is eighth standard, the economic conditions are such which do

not support the learning of some vocational work and hence avenues for being a skilled

labour or securing an office job are closed to them. This TINA situation is what forces

them to sell at minimum prices, attempt to copy others and follow popular market trends

other than creating something new. For we should remind ourselves at this point that

idol-making from clay is an art and not all can have a good hand at representation or

sculpting. It is the artistic quality of work of one against another which takes an

individual to a higher level and it is wrong to expect that all of these idol-makers are

good artisans. The pain and desperation culminates in the words of Bijoy Sarkar, a 39

year old jewellery labour

I have passed Madhyamik but due to financial problems couldn't continue my studies. So 1 joined a sola jewellery trader and have worked in his shop as a daily labourer for 10 years. 1 tried to work independently but failed to do so and then I took on the work of a piecemeal worker (furoner kaaj kori) and helped my brother in idol-making. During the same time I got an additional job as a casual worker in the dispatch section in CMCo but in 2005 such posts were deleted by the mayor and I became jobless. I cannot procure a loan through the association because I do not have a workshop. One of my customers is trying to secure a loan either through Allahabad bank or through Bank of India but I am not sure whether I should take a loan. 1 have too many dependents (mother, unmarried

20 The Calcutta Municipal Corporation earlier had some employees under muster roll who were not treated as regular employee and hence was paid on a weekly basis without any of the added benefits of a government job. These jobs under muster roll have been removed from the Corporation now.

187

sister and an ailing brother} and no one to whom I could turn for help. I am afraid and I think it is better to be at peace ihan to try to chase prosperity (sukher theke soasti bhalo).

38 year old Narugopal De's only survival is through the making of small clay idols

of Lakshmi, Saraswati and Biswakarma.

I am a handicap; my lower limbs are affected by polio. Since I am born and brought up here I have learnt some of the art of idol-making by seeing others. I was helped by three elder brothers and worked in one of their shops for some years. But we separated after the death of my father and I am working alone for the last eight to nine years. I procure the bamboo frame from a supplier and then I work on them. After it is complete the eyes are painted by a Pal (I am not confident enough). I make my own jewellery and since the sizes of my idols are small I do not need any extra labourer for the entire season. Since I am living alone the income from the work sustains me. I have looked for other work like selling of sarees and bedcovers but it is painful job to go to the customers for several times to get the money. In this case at least I get the full payment for my merchandise2

!.

Such conditions definitely provide us with a glimpse of all the others who are

staying outside Kumartuli and striving to earn a livelihood through idol-making. While

the traditional idol-makers may be disturbed about the influx of other groups we need to

look beyond, at the socio-economic conditions of the people in West Bengal. The

interactions in a place near Ultadanga, i.e., Dakshindihi22 elaborated and cleared the

perception around an encroachment. The clay artisans living in this place are chiefly

involved in making ordinary clay items and decorative terracotta items. There are only

about five/six families who are involved in idol-making, mostly catering to the small

neighbourhood community pujas. As Narayan Pal says,

Kumartuli is the chiefhub of idol-making, their prices are much more, and our survival is mainly because of the sale of small clay model and terracotta item. We also have stiff competition since because of the paucity of space, potters working on potter's wheel are decreasing and they are coming to hand modelling. When I came here in early '70s there were about 10-12 families who worked on wheel, but now everyone is working on terra cotta.

21 The case of small size idols is different from big idols made for community pujas. In this particular case the idols were much smaller, about two to three feet in height catering mostly to the household needs. Since only individual customers buy the product and the amount ranges between Rs 100 - Rs 500, the full payment is made. However, the profit margin is very minimal in such sales. 22 A slum settlement alongside the canal near the Bidhannagar Railway Station consisting of about 800-900 families, mostly refugees from Bangladesh who settled here in the late '60s and early '70s. The major livelihood are weaving of cheap cotton sarees and towels, terracotta items, daily wage labour, household help etc.

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Other then these, another very important reason as to why the newcomers think that

this is a good opportunity is the huge budgets for Durga Puja and the possibility of a

growing consumer base since population will increase and so the pujas. Perhaps a handful

like Delhi's Subir Pal stays in the trade because "it brings fame and recognition which no

other ordinary job can give you".

Thus, the situation of more supply than demand and a situation of imbalance is what

characterize the market of idol-making. More often than not the prices remain the same

and the payments are made in instalments. Not only this, the idol-makers of Kolkata also

complained that quite often some percentage of the entire amount due to the idol-makers

is not paid by the Puja Committee, assuring that the next year's idol will also be made by

the same artist and they will clear the payment in the subsequent year. This becomes

problematic for the idol-maker who invests a huge sum of money which is not recovered

in the same year. If he has taken loan from bank then the interest accrues, his goodwill

with the bank is jeopardized. His loan taking capacity is reduced and he often undergoes

financial loss.

The idol-makers in Delhi however pointed out that though the pnces have

comparatively remained the same over the last four to five years, the payments have

always been on time without dues. Does this serve as an impetus for them to keep coming

into the capital and leave the home market of Kumartuli?

Hence, though there has been a huge rise in the budget of Durga Puja both in Delhi

and Kolkata for the last five to six years, yet the economic conditions in which these

craftsmen are living are dwindling each day. According to them the profit has fallen to

only about 30% from the erstwhile 75%-80%. As artist Gauranga Chandra Pal says,

The 'theme' pujas no doubt have huge budgets, it's the organizers who get the prize money, the honorarium that we get paid is a mere tokenism for our art.

Another artist, ShaHen Pal laments

Our art do not have a stock value and hence we do not have a sustaining market. The valuation of an idol steadily decreases as the puja comes nearer and the unsold idols are

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thrown away since there is not enough storage space in our studios. Also the customer always wants fresh pieces.

Nani Pal realizes the sorry state of affairs when he said

There is more money in miniature model making than in idol-making. The continuous engagement is because idol-making is in our blood (amader rakte ache tai ekhono kaaj korchi).

Almost everyone who is involved in this work today realizes the futility of pursuing

it but they continue because of lack of choice. It only a handful who think that the

situation has improved over the years. As one who have an experience in this trade of 50

or more years Madhusudan Pal feels

The economic conditions of both the labourers and· the owners/artists have definitely improved by about 30%-40%. There is surely some profit in this work; otherwise so many people would not have survived on this work. However, when compared to the time, energy and money and brainwork applied, the profit seems negligible.

Even Sunil Pal, a 64 year old clay modeler feels that

I definitely want my grandson and the generations after that to continue this work. Though it requires more time, effort and thinking when compared to other work, it definitely pays and gives much more satisfaction. Why do you think that all the craftsmen in this area are still continuing and why are new people coming every year?

81 year old Deben Pal also feels that the situation is better than earlier.

If you ask me about the relative changes that have happened among us, I would say that economically we are much more secure than 30 years before. Earlier we had to take loans from moneylenders and if it was not repaid within stipulated time we were forced to sell off all our assets, however minimal. With the facility/provision of bank loans our conditions are much better. About 60-70% of idol-makers had to take loans from the moneylender; today it's only about 10% who still practice that. The sale of workshop and other assets have also come down. Our economic conditions were so bad that even famous artists suffered from extreme poverty. So much so that they did not leave money to even peiform the last rites (mrityur shomoy chitr kath paeni).

This. comparative improvement of economic conditions might be a result of the

widening market and consumption of idols but at the same time the progress or prospect

has reached a deadlock in the late '90s. Time and again, both the younger and the older

generation grumbled about the stagnating prices for the last ten years. The feeling of

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deprivation can be more acute because of the changes and rising consumerism23 that has

also affected them in the age of globalization where every individual is seen sporting a

mobile phone or owns a colour television set. This was pronounced when one can see

some very pragmatic observations in comments like

Why will the profit margins not decrease? Our expenses are increasing at a much higher rate, one has to maintain a cell phone, go to the movies or seek some entertainment. We have fridge, TV everything in almost all our homes and how do we account for that? Many a times the expenditure is more than income, anyone who fails to realize this has to suffer.

Despite the claims for decreasing or increasing profitability of the trade one cannot

ignore the fact that it serves as a viable occupational category for numerous jobless young

men. This might on one hand given rise to a situation fraught with opposition, suspicions

and rivalry but it also initiates and perpetuates new ways of business ties and cooperation

similar to any other business. Thus, we may say that the concept of what constitutes a

market is more like a market place in our case. The process of economic transaction in

this market place "involves a collective behaviour whereby (the groups of idol-makers,

jewellery designers, suppliers, customers etc.,) are giving, taking, persuading, coercing

.... competingin a world of scarcity" (Commons 1924:7 cited in Swedberg 1991: 256).

Structure of the Market and Market Relationships

The entry points in the market of idol-making are open and unregulated and it is

extremely difficult even to try to keep a record of the numbers of idol-makers in the city

ofKolkata. There are no possible estimates about the total number of idol-makers, agents,

traders, jewellery designers, garland makers and labourers, who are involved in this

industry. According to the latest estimates in Kumartuli area itself, there are about 300

known idol-makers and jewellery designers, who are directly involved and identifiable.

23 The origin of consumerism has been traced in the 1960s and '70s when capitalism gave rise to a class of affiuent workers, whose increasing wages were needed to be spent somewhere (Dant 1991). These workers became the consumers of the consumer society, enjoying the purchase of a range of goods and services like car, televisions, washing machines, furniture, insurance and leisure that improved the quality of life (Dant 1991). Baudrillard's (1998) exposition of consumer society reveals the issue of money which is linked with the material culture of buying, of debit and credit, to the judgement of value and to the relative expenditure of incomes on different types of goods. The signal for good life is envisioned by the participation in consumer culture, a meaningful participation through the perpetual quest to regulate lifestyle by acquisition of things. This however has consequences of consumer debt, both long and short term (Bernthal et al 2005).

191

Other than them there are several households, the members of whom are either partially

or seasonally linked to this business. However, in the course of interaction, it was

repeatedly stressed by the participants, that a rough average indicates that about "a lakh

or two people are engaged in this trade either directly or indirectly". The making of the

clay model involves the clay supplier with his numerous agents in different districts from

where he procures clay, the hay supplier, the cloth trader, the jewellery designer who

indirectly involves the workers from rural areas, even women of the household. It is the

totality of all their labour that is being put together towards the making of an idol. One

can say that the trade of idol-making is a combination of chain production system and

individual artistic pursuits. What was entirely an artistic endeavour on clay has now

incorporated jewellery maker, cloth traders and others because the market demanded so,

i.e., only when the larger audience demanded a more realistic form of idol that the

fashion of decorating with cloth and tinsels came about involving the other occupational

groups.

The other very important characteristic feature is that it is an open market2\ the

possibilities of expansion of the market is endless. The nature of the transaction is direct

where the products are directly sold by the producers and hardly involves a middleman.

The owner producers are directly involved in all transactions with the customers. It is the

artist/artisan who is the owner of the workshop and looks after the entire business of

procuring raw materials, making the idol, taking orders, and supplying them to the

customers.

The structure of the idol-making industrl5 can be divided into four broad groups

of, Master Craftsmen who employ labour but also work with the team, then there is the

24 By 'open market' I mean market without any geographical boundaries and rules of trade. There is yet to be any export rules on the marketing of idols overseas. It is still a free trade item perhaps because the possibilities of trade in idol-making have not been fully explored yet. At present, the characteristic of the market is similar to the 'bazaar economy' of Geertz (1978) where apart from the usual maxims of sellers seeking maximum costs and buyers seeking maximum utility, there exist some particular characteristics. Similar to the bazaar the "information is poor, scarce, mal distributed, inefficiently communicated and intensely valued" and there exists no "ceremonial distribution nor advertising; neither prescribed exchange partners nor product standardization" (Geertz 1978 reproduced in Granovetter 1992: 227). 25 Idol-making has the characteristics of cottage industry, whereby there is small scale household production of goods. For more see Goody (1982) and Mies (1982).

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Theme maker who employs a Master craftsman and his team of labourer; labourers who

work with the master craftsmen; smaller craftsmen who work on their own, rarely

employing any unskilled labour. With the emergence of the widening overseas market,

there has been a rise of some agents who procure the idol from a producer and act as

middlemen - the number however is very few. The market is mainly the domestic

market. The different ways of marketing are:

a.Producer-Seller: the largest segment of the idol-making market is ruled

by the producer seller. Each craftsman who owns/rents a workshop is an

independent agent who operates in a free market. He displays the goods (idols)

either inside the shop, but mostly on the street outside the shop for consumers.

The bigger workshop owners also keep a photo album of previous idols made by

himlher. This acts as a gallery for the customer to choose from and place orders.

Among them, there are a handful of 10-15 producers who have a bigger scale of

business, owning warehouses for storing idols and hence capable of taking in

more orders. They are also the renowned names in idol-making. The others are all

petty producers who have a very limited scale of operation - mostly thriving on

orders coming from households or small community pujas. A few are from other

castes who are either involved because they either do not possess any other skills

or had a knack for making idol- as an art form.

b.Contractor-Theme/concept giver as seller: this is a new trend that has

emerged in Kolkata in the 1990s. The rise of theme puja- where a concept or idea

is represented through the pandal and light decorations along with necessary

changes in the form of the idol. These are experimental works by new artists from

Art colleges, who after drawing a concept and explaining it, procures the order

from a particular puja committee in exchange of a contractual sum. These are

popularly being called as puja packages. This amount is all inclusive of the idol,

pandal and the light, plus the honorarium for the theme-maker. The theme-maker

then appoints an idol-maker from Kumartuli or elsewhere and gives directions for

making the idol in a new fonn. He generally hires either young idol-makers from

Kumartuli who are looking for exposure and fame and hence are eager to work on

experimental designs, or unknown artists/artisan from small towns and villages.

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They also ask for a lesser price for the idol. Sometimes the puja committee

directly recruits a well known artisan to work on the idol while giving

responsibility for the rest of the puja to the theme maker.

Thus, if we explain the percentage of market share by each of these groups, then at

present perhaps, the largest share is captured by the theme-makers, then comes the well­

known artists of Kumartuli and then the innumerable small artisans who thrive on the

rising community pujas. This can be explained through the following diagram.

Diagram 3: Nexus of Different kinds

in Kumartuli & elsewhere

in Bengal

artists/artisans in Kumartuli

Community Pujas

If we look deeply in the dynamics of the market relationships, several salient and

distinctive features claim our attention: firstly, the relations between the suppliers and the

idol-makers on one hand, and of the idol-makers and their customers on the other. In the

transaction patterns between the idol-makers and suppliers one can notice the presence of

concrete personal relations and structures of such relations that plays an important role in

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g~nerating trust and discouraging malfeasance (Granovetter 1985i6• Very often, the clay

suppliers would just deliver the amount required without even asking about the payment

or advance. One reason can be that they too know the pattern of income generation in this

business. The regular patrons mainly of household pujas also often place the orders for a

clay idol with a token amount of mere Rs 51 or Rs 101. These interactions clearly speak

of the strength of personal relations among individual transactors. Such relationships are

however built over the years, and are based on the assumption that "individuals with

whom one has a continuing relation have an economic motivation to be trustworthy, so as

not to discourage future transactions" (Granovetteer 1985: 490). This is not to say that

there do not exist, distrust or opportunism, because the experience of many of them

shows that more often than not they are cheated by the customers. The suppliers do not

cheat them perhaps because of a symbiotic relationship - the existence of one depends on

the growth of other27•

Secondly, there exists a strong social network that helps in the successful

marketing/selling of idols. The presence of social networks can be seen as a crucial factor

in overseas sale because there are no formal channels of information flow by which the

traders will make their presence or merchandise available to the customers abroad. In the

words of young commerce graduate Kaushik Ghosh, a third generation jewellery trader,

My grandJather worked Jor idols in traditional homes (Bonedi bad). Both my Jather and I know the craft. We mainly export our craft. We first exported 25 years ago in Germany. This was more through a social networking (words used by the respondent) than by any conscious decision. We used to workJor theJamous house (sweet shop owner) oJBheem Nag. One oj the daughters oj the Jamily was married in Germany and she ordered Jor some decorative pieces oj sola art Jor a conJerence oj the Bengalis (Banga Sammelan). Today it is through this social networking we sent most oj our products in Am<;rica and

26 Forwarding the substantivist understanding of economy as different from the formal school, Granovetter (1985) proposed that some of the key problems of economic theory can be solved by network analysis. Economic actions are embedded in structures of social network of kinship, friendship, trust or goodwill, i.e., the existence of pre-contractual contracts (Granovetter 1985: 487). Critiques, however, has commented that the notion of 'embeddedness' as a paradigm in economic sociology has undermined the critical understanding of market in economic sociology. It has led to the acceptance of 'market' as granted and hence hardly tried to elaborate the concept. The oversocialised view of market has led to lack of theorisation of market in economic sociology (Krippner 2001). 27 Thus, apart from the general market where everyone buys and sells, "everyone also has some particular markets; that is some people or groups of people with whom he is in somewhat close touch: mutual knowledge and trust lead him to approach them ... in preference to strangers" (Marshall 1920: 182 in Lie 1997: 349). Apart from goodwill and trust, special tastes are another important factor that sustain such arrangements and hence network ties (Lie 1997).

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Europe. I have an e-mail id through which I keep continuous communications with possible overseas customers. I have established friendships with many.

For Govindnath Pal of Delhi the social network or parochial influence proved to be

good business opportunity

One madam from the French Museum in Aurangzeb Road stays in this locality (Chittaranjan Park) and once she contacted mefor some installation workfor the French government. I went to France and stayed there for 40 days to complete the work. The certificate and recognition later helped me to secure other contracts in the different fairs in Pragati Maidan as a sub-contractor.

Young entrepreneurs like Pradyut Pal are much aware of the benefits of establishing

informal networks and personal relationships and that is why he says

I have also been trying to provide some amount of customer care. By keeping in mind the time zone/gap that exists between me and my customers, I make myself accessible/available instantly at anytime, anywhere through yahoo messenger. I am logged in almost 24 hrs even when I am on a holiday, I do client servicing. Tracking updates are also available with me; I keep informing the clients about the shipment; a detailed in-transit iriformation. Along with the idol, I also send a photograph of how the idol should look; complete with its decorations and weapons so that the customer may find it easier to assemble the pieces when the idol reaches there.

As evident in the responses from different individuals, social networking helps in

securing more orders, especially in the international market. It is by word of mouth that

the customer would come to a particular artist and this serves as a very successful and

cheap.er marketing avenue.

The third most important feature is the role of power relations. This is' more

manifested in situations where small idol-makers work under a theme maker. Take for

example what Manik Pal of Delhi has to say,

In Delhi you will not see the typical placard with the artists name inscribed on it that is a standard practice in Kolkata. Here it is the banners of the sponsors which are more publicized. In 2006 I insisted to keep a handwritten paper with the artists name on it. You know, this is important for us because if no one know who made the particular idol how will they come to us?

Similar experiences are echoed by young Sonatan Pal,

When I worked for theme makers it was only their names which were displayed in front of the idol but I later realized the importance of keeping one's name and when I get

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contracts these days I insist on keeping my name. But in many works where I am a mere sub contractor I have to silently accept the fact that my name will not be there.

In a trade where the visibility of both the product and the producer is important such

obliteration of the producer-seller prohibits the expansion of business for the individual

idol-makers. The powerful corporate houses in their target of increasing their business

make the actual producer invisible. The role of power relations is also concretely

displayed in conflict situations. Conflicting interest and cutthroat competition are evident

when they (idol-makers) fight over each other to sell their products. It is the dominant

one or the bigger businessman who can afford to store his work who will claim a higher

price because one who sells at a price lower than that will actually incur a loss. Hence

what happens in reality is "excessive competition that undermines economic efficiency"

(Telser 1987 cited in Lie 1997: 349), because in the long run the idol-makers suffer since

they do not calculate the minimum price which will recover his costs, for him the main

aim is to sell off the product and clear his workshop. They fail to do any cost effective

analysis since there is always a threat that the work will remain unsold. As Madhusudan

Pal aptly describes "there is a fear that a proper costing may lead to increase in the

valuation of the work and it will be difficult to sell it in the long run".

Another salient feature is that despite the loosely structured contours of the market,

advertising and product differentiation playa significant role in their efforts to increase

sales and widen the customer base. The most common way of advertisement that has

been traditionally practiced is the display of the name of the artist at the base of the idol

in large prints along with the name of his workshop and its address. The other popular

mode of promotion is the display of awards and certificates along with an enlarged

photograph of that particular idol in the place where customers sit and finalize orders28.

With the advent of technologies many of them are using new ways to promote his trade.

For .example, many of the idol-makers and jewellery designers these days are keeping

photo albums, which they ask the customers to have a look at. In my experience an

28 The orders and transaction takes place mostly in a small space within the workshop where some sitting arrangements and a display counter are made especially for this purpose. Some of the bigger idol-makers have a tiny room from where they conduct negotiations with the customers. This is the shop (dokanghar) as different from the workshop (karkhana).

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immediate response to the question of "What is your work like?" is to handover a photo

album to be browsed through. The other mode that I have noticed is small metallic

hoardings below the street lamps that display the name and address of a particular artist

workshop. Some of the educated and young traders are using Internet by creating web

space and e-mail facilities to promote and display their product. As Pradyut Pal, a young

entrepreneur emphasizes

In 2003 I secured some Internet space in a free server where I advertised our products, mainly the works of my uncle who is also a well-known artist. I also opened an electronic mail id (e-mail) for communicating with the customer to procure order.

Problems of Finance

There has always been a constraint of capital for the idol-makers. In 1970, UBI

(United Bank of India) came in with the objective of obliterating the private

moneylenders. However, the total requirements of funds were not met by the Bank,

which had a smaller loan account. A large portion of the working capital was provided by

the moneylenders on higher interest rates. Another reason for the continuing presence of

the moneylender was that the bank loan used to be processed later, just before the peak

season, whereas they had to start the work much before. After the recommendation of the

Report29 of 1977, the bank increased the loan amount and it was processed much earlier,

around April, i.e., at the beginning of the season. From around 1980, SBI (State Bank of

India) also started providing loans. Today, the SBI advances a total loan amount of Rs 1

Crore, approximately, as a co-operative loan. According to the President of KMS, Gopal

Chandra Pal, in 2006 about 90-95 members received the loan; the highest amount taken is

Rs 1.98 Lakhs and lowest Rs 4000. The interest rate is flat 10.5%. The branch manager

however said that the beneficiaries of this loan are a total of 120 artisans in Kumartuli.

The UBI has extended about Rs 65-70 lakhs in 2006 through the SSI (Small Scale

Industry) scheme. There were about 86 beneficiaries. The interest rate varies between 8-

10% depending on the quantum of loan taken. Till the slab of Rs 25,000 the interest

charges are 8.5%, for the next slab i.e. Rs 25,000- Rs 2 lakhs the interest is 10%. The

loan is extended on a clean advance basis and no assets are required to procure the loan.

29 According to a Study Report prepared by Calcutta Municipal Development Authority in 1977 on the Clay Modellers' Community in Kumartuli.

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It is important to note that despite the availability of bank finance a vicious circle of

debt still operates. As Manik Pal of Kumartuli says,

1 took my first loan in 1979, Rs 3500 and till now the highest loan amount taken is Rs 62000. But for the last 10 years 1 am not being able to repay the loan amount (1 have to take money from others to repay the bank loan so that 1 do not become a defaulter). This helps me to get a loan again from the Bank, which is of much lesser interest rate than the outside agencies. The main reason behind this continuous indebtedness is increasing household expenses, increasing prices of raw materials.

The burden of loan also has deep impact on the prices of the work, as Gopalchandra

Sarkar explains

We work with loans and till the time the loan is not repaid we are in debt. To get the cash we are sometimes forced to sell the work at the minimum price that we get because this cash is required to payoff the creditors

Some of the smaller idol-makers are gradually realizing the burden of debt and are

trying to reduce their credit amount. Take the example of Bhanu Rudra Pal who is

rethinking about taking further loans

1 have taken loan through the Samitifor three times. The highest is Rs 60,000 at the rate of 9% from SBI. 1 don't want to increase my indebtedness and have decided not to take further loans after repaying the current one. Once 1 take a loan, 1 have to return it by all means and 1 don't want to live for long or die with a debt. It also creates other problems.

Or, of Bijoy Ghosh who knows that one shouldn't keep too much of loan in the

market and is currently reducing the volume of his business because his sons are not

interested to continue.

1 take loan from KMSS during the season to procure raw materials. Till now we have taken numerous loans through Samiti but have never been defaulters. But I personally do not encourage that one should take a huge amount, since the interest rates will be too high if one is a defaulter.

But for him the problem is not so intensified since he has a greater credit capacity

as the vice president of KMSS and has a good established business set up. He therefore

contradicts his earlier statement by saying that

1 have taken the highest loan in 2006 ofRs 1.2lakhs and my wife ofRs 1.5 lakhs, but 1 am sure that we will be able to repay the amount. 1 have also taken loans through moneylender by pawning gold jewellery but only once or twice, I am afraid of doing it very often.

There are very few like him who are not defaulters but this is mainly true for bigger

traders who have access to a better market. Take for example, the case of Kartik Pal who

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is the son of a famous idol-maker Brajeshwar Pal. He inherited his father's fame and

business, which might have provided him better opportunities to secure loan. Thus he is

in a position to say that

As a member of KMS I have taken numerous bank loans and never been a defaulter. The highest amount that I have taken is of Rs 2 lakhs at the interest rate of 2%.

The cycle of debt can be understood well when we hear the situations they are often

forced into. As Ranajit Sarkar says,

We are surviving on the bank loan but many of us also need to take from moneylenders at a 4% interest rate per month. We try to take advances from the customer at phases/intermittently so as to avoid the moneylenders this is not always possible since the customers do not always pay when required.

The problems intensifies for a small idol-maker like Achintya Basak

We also pay our suppliers accordingly as and when we get the money from the customers but many a times it is seen that the money to be paid to the suppliers are still due after Durga Puja and then we have to borrow from outside.

The debt burden can also be the result of losses incurred due to various situational

problems. As Ranjit Das remembers

I had newly given a shop in Kumartuli in 1972, but very soon Ifaced misfortune. In the floods of 1978 many of my orders remained unsold because the customers could not travel to Kumartuli to get the idols. The money invested did not yield any return and I faced a huge crisis. I couldn't repay the loans, there was Rs10, 000 credit in the market at that time. It is from that time onwards that I have been working either as an independent jewellery idol-maker and presently working as a skilled labour.

Fanibhushan Malakar, a small trader and sola jewellery designer is forced to take

small amounts to survive over difficult periods

I am a member of the KMSS, have taken a maximum loan amount of Rs 2000-3000. I don't borrow more because the interest needs to be paid.

Few of the jewellery designers also feel that since the bank loans are processed

through the associations of the idol-makers, it is the clay artisans who therefore receive

some priority. On the other hand the Secretary of KMSS Babu Pal is very clear about the

procedures of loan generation.

Once we receive an application we try to evaluate the financial position of a particular artist vis-a-vis the loan amount he has applied for. Once we arrive at the repayment capacity, we sanction a particular amount which might be lower than what was asked

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for; we have also kept a clause whereby one has to pay instalments in every three mcmths. At the end of the loan period many are defaulters, having paid only Rs 60-70,000. The Samiti then bears the repayment by paying the pending amount to th,e bank from Samiti's fund. When the artist secures a fresh loan he repays the amount of the Samiti along with 2% of interest. All these are done through a committee, which consists of the office holders, but these are discussed openly with all members at several general meetings before the loans are finally approved.

In many of the cases the artisan incurs a loss and is forced to take a loan from

private sources. Though they denied the presence of professional money lenders and said

that they borrowed from friends, relatives or acquaintances the rate of 4%-5% interest per

month, sometimes higher up to 8%-10% denotes the presence of chit funds or money

lenders since the area is a business area of other products too. This money in other cases

is mostly borrowed to tide over the additional expenses that are not covered by the loan.

This is true for almost all the idol-makers. Secretary Babu Pal admits that

Among the 303 members of KMSS may be 10-15 people have the capacity to continue work without loan but the rest must have to take loans every year. Of the loan takers the average capacity of taking loan is around Rs 40-50,000 so the rest is taken from the Mahajan. Sometimes the rates of interest are as high as 8ra-1 0% per month.

A substantial percentage also takes loans from outside agencies in order to repay the

bank loan because one will otherwise be categorized as a defaulter. The artisans try to

avoid being a defaulter because he will not be eligible for a fresh loan in the next year

since he will then be considered as a bad debeo by the bank. Moreover, the artisan

associations, i.e., both KMS and KMSS, which act as the guarantee for these artisans also

try to clear all pending loan amounts. Therefore, the associations bear the re-payment of

the leftover amount at 2% rate of interest. When a fresh loan is processed under the

artist's name, then he pays back the amount given by the association. Thus despite the

financial help that they receive from the banks, the idols makers are enmeshed into a

circle of indebtedness. The situation can be best described in the words of veteran idol­

maker Gopal Chandra Pal,

30 Bad debt in the language of finance and accounting can be referred to as accounts receivable that will likely remain uncollectable or unrecovered and will be written off. It appears as an expense in the financial statement, thereby reducing the actual income of the company (www.investorswords.com). The process of financing and recovery has been explained in a detailed interview with the bank managers in both the bank operating as loan giver.

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The situation of Kumartuli today is such that 10 years down the line almost each of us will have a debt of near about Rs 5 lakhs (Kumartulir aaj ja obostha tate aaj theke dosh bach or pore ekekjon shilpir panch lokkho taka dena hobe). This is mainly because of the theme puja that is destroying the market of ordinary idol-makers. There is ample budget for everything except the idol.

Many feel that such debt traps are a result of unthinking budgeting. Mahadeb Pal

describes a classic Malinowskian understanding of the entire problem.

Our estimates go wrong - we are thinking about a particular thing but saying something different and doing yet an entirely difforent work and this is why most of us are in debt (hishab bhul hoe jache, bhabci ek, bolchi ek, korchi ek, tar folei amra reengrasto).

It is difficult to gauge the extent of the hardships because many try to inflate it. Asit

Mukherjee, another 64-year-old idol-maker also feels that the problem lies within, in the

lifestyle pattern ofthe idol-makers.

This occupation always had the story of continual complaining (nake kanna) but my experience shows that if one cuts the coat according to the cloth then one cannot be in a debt burden. What happens is that most of us spend Rs 12 if he earns Rs 10 and this culminates in a debt. What thenfollows is the cribbing that there is no profit in this trade. If I save even 50 paisa from the Rs 10 earned then such a situation will never arise.

Pradyut Pal, the young entrepreneur feels that the main reason for increasing

indebtedness is

The artisans never keep a tab on the total costs or investment that is made per season and accordingly price the products. Also they never try to fathom or estimate the market demand or his products' demand and produce accordingly. It happens very often that just to stay in competition with others and sell off his products that an artisan would sell even at a loss. The conditions are really deplorable for many.

What came about as a significant factor is again a strong presence of social

networks because the debtors are very close mouthed about the sources of their private

loans. It is either "afriend", or "a relative" or "some one I knew". A major reason behind

such comments is an implicit understanding with the informal sources of credit that might

have been present long before the formal structures came into place31• The presence of

traditional moneylenders, the caste of sonar bene or goldsmiths might have had an

31 Business culture in India is characterised by "selective trust", and the dominance of private, family contro~ economy, For example in the textile industry of Surat, sellers are found to be often operating on extended credit given to buyers, contracts are heavily based on personal trust sometimes based on caste connections or reputation from the third party (Harriss 2003).

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Figure 23 Breaking the Traditional set up - Art-er-Thakur

Figure 24 Immersion - Completing the cycle (Source: www.bijoychowdhury.com)

influence in the emergence of a debt structure among the idol-makers. At this point we

should try to remember that the neighbouring area is a throbbing business centre for the

last two centuries and individual professional moneylenders, conglomerates and chit

funds were in abundance. It might very well be that these still operate parallel to the

formal banking processes. The very fact that the respondents hesitated while providing

the details of the moneylenders established their organized presence and the parallel

finance that they provide to the idol-makers in addition to the banks. One can very well

recall the models of network structure which operate in every market situation (Burt

1980i2 and which is quite evident at a primary level within this group. The relational

approach of network models that describe the intensity of relationship between pairs of

actors is what lies at the base of the operating mechanism of the unaccounted capital that

circulates in this business. In such a situation no amount of formal mechanisms can judge

the actual flow of capital into the business of idol-making.

Diversification of Production Items

Since the mid J90s these idol-makers have started diversifying their produce3. They

started to work on various mediums other than clay, like paper pulp, fibre, plaster-of­

Paris. etc., mainly because of the demand for lightweight idols in the overseas market.

The consumers from abroad were in search of light and durable idols that could be easily

transported since the clay idols being much heavier and fragile they often had the chance

of breaking in transit. Some also started other kind of work like mural-work, clay

modelling, trading in miniatures and terracotta made in Krishnanagar style, other than

concentrating only on life size idols. All these have been efforts to capture a wider range

of customers. As Manik Pal declares,

32 Burt (1980) tried to bring about "a connection between micro and macro level social theory as well as epistemic link between abstract concepts and empirical research" (Burt 1980:79) and developed a six-fold typology of network structure that are "typical relations in which individuals are involved and the extent to which actors are connected within cohesive primary groups" (Burt 1980:81). For the purposes of my research the network models suggested by him offer links to understand the socio-economic reality of the market of idol-making. 33 Diversification is an important aspect of small scale and cottage industry today. The traditional handcrafted items are being given new forms and usage so as to appeal to a wider mass and increase the volume of business. For example, the traditional benaras silk weavers are making stoles or the weavers of Chanderi saree in Madhya Pradesh are making other garments like tops, salwar-kameezes etc (UNIDO Study Report 2000).

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Figure 25 Diversification: An idol of a local saint in fibre

Figure 26 Diversification: Model of Spiderman in Fibre

I have diversified in terms of using varied raw materials other than clay. I learnt to work on fibre from my elder brother Ganesh Pal and then gradually expanded to using other mediums like cement, paper pulp, ceramic etc. I have exported two idols in Manchester, paper pulp priced between Rs 40,000-45,000. I started working with fibre in 2001.

A major incentive in using new mediums for life size idols is the higher prices that

these idols procure. Some also try to bring in innovations in the clay idol itself. For

Rudrajit Pal who felt the pressure of expectations from the customers the conviction to

prove them wrong acted as a fuel to his creative instincts.

My father was the famous artist Sri Krishna Pal. After the death of my father many of my father's customers were initially afraid to continue with us (me and my brother). They were also apprehensive whether we would deliver in time or deliver good work like father. However, we proved them wrong. I also made innovations by giving marble finish and brass/bronze ('petal') finish on clay idols. This was much appreciated by the audience. We have also exported twice, one of clay and other of paper pulp. I have learnt to work on paper pulp by watching other people doing the work and never had specialized training.

There are also some individuals to assess their capacity and then choose avenues

that will best display their skills and hence reap the most profit from them. Take for

example, the case of the woman artist Mala Pal,

Since I did not have much expertise in making bigger idols, I started specializing in Kali and Durga idols of traditional style (bangla thakur). Moreover, I made idols of comparatively small heights. I started making smaller, miniature idols like Annapurna, Ganesh, Lakshmi etc., and models of Saint Loknatha. I gradually realized that the profit is more in small modelling works than in big idol-making. This is because miniature clay modelling does not require the help of labourers and hence the profit is entirely mine.

Same was the situation for the clay modeller Sunil Pal, who felt that if he tunes his

skills and concentrates on certain particular items he might be in a better economic

position vis-a-vis the other idol-makers.

My speciality is in modelling and not idol-making as such. I turned towards selling smaller diced gods (chacherputul) when I saw that the big idols are not much profitable and there is too much competition. For the last 12 years I am selling small models by procuring them from clay modellers in Krishnanagar, Kalighat, Ultandanga. I mainly make big models on different medium, clay, fibre, paper pulp etc. However, I am more of a trader than an artist; I buy goods from other smaller craftsman and sell them in my shop. Fibre made models and murals etc have been gaining popularity in the last 12-14 years. There is more profit in fibre models. In each item (bigger models of four to five ft) there is about Rs 2000-3000 profit.

However, what was apparent is that the lure of higher prices has caught on the

imagination of the idol-makers and all are interested in making fibre idols. Such a trend

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can be noted as a warning signal for a situation of a deadlock even in fibre idols. More so

because five to ten years down the line there would not be any fixed scale of production

for a particular year and it will be extremely difficult to gauge the market demand in

advance and prepare themselves accordingly. Traders and exporters with a wider vision,

like Pradyut Pal, therefore, rightly grasp the future problems and try to think about

possible alternatives.

However, I have a feeling that the business might stagnate after some time. This is because the clay idol is being replaced by paper pulp, which is about 60% lighter, and presently by fibre-made idols. Market speculation says that since fibre-glass idols are long lasting (it can stay intact for 10-15 years), the demand will not be for more new idols but for re-touch of colour, new dress etc. At that point of time I will shift my focus to the local market. It may well be that by that time the influence/popularity of theme puja might die off.

The aged idol-maker Gopal Chandra Pal started making idols of a different medium

to survive the change in the demand of the customers,

I started working on paper pulp and fibre in 1998. The first fibre idol went to Dallas in 1998. It is not very hard to work on since the fibre is set on a clay idol, an exact prototype of the actual one that will be made. Once the fibre sheet is set we release it from the clay mould. The costs of fibre idols are three-four times higher than clay idols. I have made the first fibre idol in Kumartuli. The main reason for fibre idols being costlier is because one idol can last for about 10 years, so that a particular order once delivered will not be ordered in the next years. We therefore, try to profit as much as possible.

The long periods of durability of fibre idols is however already creating some

apprehension among the idol-makers who see this as a limiting option. This is because

"the prices of fibre idols have remained almost fixed in the last 10 years" and since the

. cycle of immersion is long (each idol can be worshipped for 7-10 years depending on its

quality) the scope for increasing availability of order becomes somewhat limited. Many

of the young artisans also think of variation in their work. They concentrate on different

types of painting and sculpting other than idol-making by using fibre as a medium. This

is because it is lightweight and they have had either formal or informal training in those.

For people like 35-year-old Sonatan34 Pal the learning has been more experiential and

individual interest driven.

34 The 'ga/po' and the 'shi/po' can be said to be the two distinct genres of theme puja. The 'ga/po' theme is where the entire concept is woven around a single tale which is generally of mythic origin. The idol, pandal decoration and the general ambience of the puja pandal follows that same concept in their designing. Here

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I learnt about Theme Durga - go/po and shilpo - from my own interest, there are very few artists in Kumartuli who can actually do a Golper thakur. Today even though I know and can execute theme puja - complete with concept design and execution I am afraid to do so because it requires much more effort and time. I have to leave J 0 other orders to do a theme puja.

Others like Chandan Pal are busy in working as sub contractor or as an installer or

designer, engaged in executing concepts and themes for exhibitions in different parts of

the country or doing interior work.

The main business comes from Durga or bigger Kali idols, the smaller ones like Lakshmi, Saraswati etc., do not yield much profit; it is just out of practice or habit that we continue doing them. It is therefore more profitable to do other kinds of artwork.

Another important development is that the artisan's families are realizing the

importance of a structured education/apprenticeship. The numbers of people who take a

short course on either painting or sculpture are increasing. In my interactions in the field,

I found that a significant proportion of the population under the age of 40, either have

gone to the Government Art College or some other institution or have thought at one

point of time to do a formal course. They are now realizing that only the knowledge of

skills will not suffice, what is required is the degree or certificate from the Art College.

This helps in securing new work like interior designing, government contracts for

decoration and designing etc. There are many examples where young traditional idol­

makers have also received formal training, which gave him an added advantage over

others. While it might strike the reader as an opposition to the whole spirit of a traditional

folk art, tending towards a process of institutionalization for the idol-maker, it gives an

exposure to think differently and experiment. He is not learning the craft of making a clay

idol, but how to be more creative in his thinking. Let us take the example of Pradeep

Rudra Pal, son of the famous artist Mohan Banshi Rudra Pal and a renowned artist

himself.

I have passed out of the Baroda Art College. I could have been a painter or a sculptor but 1 chose idol-making because this is one form of art where I can get instant fame and recognition. If I work as an independent painter it might take me years to organize an exhibition of my works and receive appreciationfor my work. Here I can experiment and

the representation of idol will be authentic as depicted in the particular mythic tale of the Goddess. The other genre that is the 'shilpo' theme is where the artist or theme-maker uses a ordinary item to create a new art form around it. For example, the use of clay cups, broken record discs etc., to decorate the puja pandal.

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showcase my talents as a sculptor, painter and artist and win applause, which I think is very important for any artist. In all the years that I have left Art College I have done only two exhibitions. In this work (idol-making) if one can strategise properly then earning profit is not a very difficult proposition.

What is distinctly identifiable in the above conversation is the yearning of an artist

who wants to display his work and win appreciation, and it is something that is perhaps

common for all creative workers (artists). But there still exists problem of expansion and

producing new items. One major drawback is the unavailability of capital or funds. This

problem is acutely faced by every individual to think of doing something new and acts as

a hindrance to their entry in a diversified market. As another young artists laments

It takes between four to six months to develop a theme puja and one cannot undertake more than three orders, which should be in the neighbouring area so that the artist can visit the sites regularly. The money is fixed for the contract period and paid periodically to the artist - weekly or fortnightly; any non-payment during the contract period has to be borne by the artist. Therefore, it is difficult for an artist to do theme puja if he does not have enough money to invest.

The lack of capital is also felt by artisans like Achintya Kumar Bose, Bijoy Sarkar,

Uttam Das, Ranjit Das etc., all of who want to either expand the business or set up a new

business opportunity.

The other major concern is the paucity of space. As Uttam Das explained,

In the last J 0-20 years no new residents have come to stay here. This is because of lack of opportunities and enough workspace within this area. Even when the workshops and shops are up for sale it is mostly the Pals of the area who buy those.

The acute problem of space prohibits the construction of new shops or bigger shops

even if one is equipped with enough funds. He is forced to go somewhere outside, which

will then make one lose the competition of the readymade market. Many of them want to

work on terracotta items but there is no place to build a firing kiln ("porabar jaega net').

In exceptional cases we find enterprising youths like Pradyut Pal who are also

thinking of capturing the overseas market in new ways of approaching the customers and

are not directly making the product. For him the major incentive to find new ways of

surviving in the business came through the initial hardships that he faced in his career. As

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a crude observer he analysed the market opportunities and started looking for newer

methods of livelihood.

Around 1998-99, I noticed that with the rising popularity of Theme Pujas in Kolkata and also in various parts of India, the demand for traditional idols were decreasing, so were traditional jewellery of sola and zari. In one of those years I had to incur loss in the business. It is during that time that I stopped jewellery making and focused entirely on marketing of the traditional goods so as to increase the demand and thereby prices of idols. The market for idols among the Bengali diasporas of UK and USA was still free of Theme Pujas and this is where I decided to put my entire effort. I decided to focus on foreign customers, who would be able to see the quality of the work, especially traditional idols and help in increasing the sale.

When we come to know about the organized thoughts and processes that were gone

through in making a viable business proposition one cannot but appreciate the importance

of market research. For him, this was not a sudden decision but a carefully laid out

strategy of successful product marketing. For the purpose of establishing the new

endeavour he went through a laborious and well scrutinized process.

I started by collecting data on various aspects of the market, like how many idols are exported each year from Kumartuli, the destinations of those, the prices etc. I also came to understand that the process of procuring these idols was quite lengthy and cumbersome for these Bengali communities living abroad. They used to come here in person and place orders by seeing photographs, once the work was in progress they often used to come in between to supervise and later to receive and transport the idol once the work was complete. Thus it required a minimum of three visits for a customer staying abroad which not only increased his travelling expenses but also involved a lot of time and effort for the customer which is ill affordable for many. My business strategies focused on eliminating this entire process and making it hassle free for the overseas customers. I engage myself to design a process whereby the customer can see the catalogue to order, can watch the work in progress and deliver the finished product at their doorstep.

The project was an instant success with him securing the first order for the 2004

puja immediately after hosting his ideas on the net. The orders increased gradually and as

Pradyut says,

In 2005 the order increased to three and in 2006 it jumped to 10. I have till now secured two orders for 2007 puja and am expecting another 14-15 at the least. My initial turnout was Rs 2-3 lakhs, in 2006 it was Rs 14-15 lakhs. I sell only the products of our family, the traditionally styled idols, mainly made of fibre and paper pulp. This is to reduce the transportation costs since clay idols are heavier and cannot be sent by air and also to minimize the damage (long shipment time runs the risk of cracks/breakage).

However, it is hard to describe the quality of services provided by him. The

delivery mechanisms display a high degree of expertise and professionalism whereby

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The packaging is done through Clearing Agents and the idols are sent through cargo ships. However, when I started I did not have an export license and the products went as gift items. Thus the goods could not be insured; I have therefore applied for and acquired an export license in 2006 so that I can properly expand the business. The sizes of idols are fixed according to the transportation mode, if it goes in flight then it cannot be more than 6 ft because the door of the aircraft is not more than that, if it goes in containers then it can be of 8ft etc. I also keep information about different airlines, their prices, and the height of the doors of different airlines and also give advice to the customers accordingly. For e.g., the height of doors is the highest in Singapore Airlines' aircrafts.

Since the concentration is on the overseas market he has tried to give specialized

services. Pradyut explains how he has utilized modem marketing strategies for the

purposes of his business.

I have opened my own website under the aegis ofwww.kumartuli.com where I showcase all the products/idols that we have sold till today, the work of the artisan. Today anyone browsing through the net can see this and place orders with me. By keeping in mind the time zone/gap that exists between my customers and me I am logged into yahoo messenger for almost 24 hours even when I am on a holiday. I keep informing the clients about the shipment; a detailed in-transit information. Along with the idol, I also send a photograph of how the idol should look; complete with its decorations and weapons so that the customer may find it easier to assemble the pieces when the idol reaches there. The costs of these services are included within my sale price. As a policy to accept orders I charge 50% in advance, the rest is to be paid at the time of delivery. I don't release the product till the payment is cleared ("taka na pouchale maal jahaje tuli na"). I pay to Shilpabharati (my uncle's shop) at the market price of traditional idols and keep the rest as my profit. As a part of my promotional campaign, I also upload/sent recorded interviews that are now being taken by different TV channels to my clients.

His business pattern displays all the classic characteristics of modem marketing like

the presence of a mart (the website) where goods are displayed for browsing and are

easily accessible for all, consumer friendly services like tracking updates, display and

demonstration, smooth and hassle free home delivery services etc. Such an updated and

efficient way of marketing gives out a message of how the known products, i.e., idols can

be packaged in a new avatar, which can then rejuvenate the economic situation of the

idol-makers. However, such an endeavour needs capital and state patronage in

international marketing will help in fair competition among all and avenues for the

talented artisans. Very sadly though, the state has not taken any extra initiative in this

regard.

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Moreover, what appear to be distinct about this interaction are the individual

entrepreneurial efforts, hard work and sheer detenninism that pervades the boundaries of

fonnal educational trainings. It is through the experiential knowledge that the success has

come and while it is not easy to emulate this, it surely provides hopes and inspirations for

anyone who wants to do something on his own.

I am very closely observing the market trends within the country so that I can develop a marketing strategy and game plan when the time comes. I did not have any guidance or influence and never had either a desire or a chance to go to Art College. As to my other skills I did not even know how to handle a computer in 2001. I have learnt everything from sheer persistence and observation. I used to spend long hours at cyber cafe trying to understand the workings of the Internet.

The shrewd businessman in him is manifested in the different rules of the business,

like full payment before delivery. The arrangement between his uncle's work and him is

also more like a supplier and wholesale buyer rather than a typical family business. Such

arrangements also help in keeping an exact track of the profit margins. He avoids

succumbing to a similar situation like other traders in Kumartuli, which is very clear

when he says

I have been very conscious from the beginning to keep a track of my investments and profits, as I have seen the desperation of so many artisans in Kumartuli. Today, a considerable number of artists/artisans in Kumartuli are burdened with indebtedness.

Despite the success of some the concerns for many artisans involved in idol-making

veers around the sustainability of the occupation. The first thing that the respondents

pointed out when asked about the opportunities of being in the profession of idol-making

is that it is a non-payable and arduous job which they would not want their offspring to

continue. It requires too much of hard work along with the added burden of timely

delivery against all odds. The idol if not ready/delivered before the puja is about to start

becomes like a 'lagnobroshta' girl at her wedding35• The expression aptly describes not

35 Lagnobhroshta in Bengali literally means "one whose time (lagno) has passed". The word has immense social implication in the Bengali society. Whenever a marriage is arranged it is fixed for a significant day and time after referring to the almanac. This is to ensure the happy married life of the couple. The word 'lagno' means an auspicious moment/time of marriage as prescribed by the almanac- this time may vary between one hour and more, about three to four hours depending on the position of moon on that particular day. If the girl whose marriage is scheduled on that day cannot be married within the restricted timeframe, she becomes something like a social outcaste,ostracized for the rest of her life. More importantly she can never find a groom or get married as per the custom.

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only the uselessness of an idol not made in time but also the pain and helplessness of the

artist whose creation has gone in vain. He is similar to the father of the girl whose

daughter has been shamed and abandoned by the rest of the society. In the words of idol­

maker Mahadeb Pal,

1 think this is more like a gamble than an actual business, one can never understand whether he will make a profit or run a loss in a particular year.

Madhusudan Pal also refused to call this a proper business because

A business is something where the producer can estimate a cost of production, add the maximum profit margin and sells it at the price arrived thereafter. What happens in our case is a rough estimate of costs, which is not possible to stick to since the prices of raw materials vary. Moreover, this is a "lagonsha" business since the idol cannot be sold or stored for long once a particular puja is over. So the artist has to sell off at the minimum price to recover his investments even if he may not earn any profit. This is gambling and not business because there is no stability.

Very few among them are fighters like Shambhunath Malakar

1 believe that there is competition in every field today and one has to fight constantly for survival since much is at stake ("tike thakte gele lore jete hobe")'

This is the spirit that many of the artists, both idol-makers and jewellery designers

alike derive their strength from and continue to work. However, a greater percentage of

them are of the opinion that the market of idol-making is the most unstable of all. This is

not only because of the seasonal nature of the trade but also because of rapidly changing

market trends, continually differing taste of the customers leading to a constant

fluctuation in demand, eternal debt cycle, and falling prices that constantly creates a kind

of uncertainty and anxiety in the minds of the trader. He feels increasingly alienated in

this market where everything is influenced and controlled by other agencies part from

him and outside ofhim36•

36 In the modem capitalist society the workers are alienated from the goods produced by them. The commodity fetishism ensures that the product has a life outside the producer and moreover the producers do not have any control over the produce. Here we see that the idol-makers are experiencing the four-fold alienation as described by Marx, where the worker lose control on their lives and selves and becomes alienated from his 'being', from the other workers, from the product and finally from the act of production itse1f(Marx 1845, reprinted 1974). Without being directly involved in factory mode of production the idol­makers experience such alienation because of the 'social life' of their product, the commodity which as part of the larger material culture accrues certain standards and criteria of exchangeability not controlled by the producer. For further discussion on the "social life of things" see Appadurai (1986).

The Dilemma What lies at the core of the innumerable problems of market and marketing is the

dilemma that each of the idol-maker or jewellery designer faces in the course of his work.

Their identities are shared, simultaneously linked with the two roles of an artist and of a

trader. Many a time one self fights over the other that wreaks havoc in their mindsets and

in their understanding of their self. The artistic self is pained and angered when one tries

to regulate minimum prices for his work. That is what is reiterated in the words of

Shankar Pal and Babu Pal

It is never possible to flX a rate or minimum price for idols because each one's work is of different quality and it is not like a vegetable market where everything is the same.

Take for example the comments of Madhusudan Pal

It is more of an art and for an artist it is difficult to keep a minute detail of the cost. It might so happen that the idol-maker may destroy an idol if he thinks that the work is not good enough and may start all over again. In that case who will estimate the cost? On the other hand this work is not like any other marketed products like toothpaste or biscuit, which has a somewhat fixed valuation and for an artist who intensely focuses on his work it is not possible to constantly keep a watch on costs. We are artists first and businessmen later.

Hence when they are working on an idol it is their artistic self which gams

prominence vis-a-vis the self of a petty trader. It is only when the work is over and times

come for fulfilling the life's necessities that the businessman self takes an interest in the

profitability of his endeavours. In the course of fieldwork I have seen many idol-makers

spending long hours in speculating and shaping his work with minute details, oblivious to

the rest of the world. It is a state where the artist in the idol-maker becomes more like a

creator in quest of a perfect creation. He is no more limited to the profane world of

goods, trades and profits but transcends to a category where one is only concerned about

the display of his artistic capabilities. Yet, what also needs to be underlined is the

fragility and ambivalence of this very 'artistic' identity that they wish to create for

themselves. However, this often turns out to be momentary or unstable as do their fame

and appeal in the market, because their art lacks the quality of permanence; it is removed

and destroyed from the public sphere as soon as the festivities are over.

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Moreover, though it is the artistic self that overpowers the trader in them the

tendency is to shift the blame upon a third party/outside agency, either the state or the

individual who are supposedly robbing them off of their rightful share. The resentment is

against the market 'out there' that is mainly captured by the other groups, though many

do not know the extent of the operation of that group. For example, the idol-makers of

Kumartuli think that the profitability is taken by idol-makers in Beleghata and Ultadanga,

though in reality it is only a handful who actually does the work. The others are mostly

engaged in the making of smaller clay items and decorative pieces which cannot pose any

threat to the idol-makers.

Different Stakeholders - their opinions

As understood from the interactions with the puja committees in different parts of

Kolkata, about the market of Durga puja and the idol-makers, the culture and character of

Durga Puja has undergone certain changes over the years. While some of these changes

have been marked, others have happened gradually. The first big change has happened in

the culture of subscription. While we have earlier read the accounts of collection

overdrive reaching almost the level of extortion37, such forcible collection has gradually

started to decline by the late 80s. This may be because subscriptions were the only source

of revenue for the baroari (community) puja as against the other sources that became

available during the late 80s and early 90s.

The community pujas of Kolkata can be divided into two main groups. The first

category is the big budget pujas - which are much older and renowned but very few in

numbers; and second the small budget pujas - which may be renowned or unknown but

are numerous. These numerous small pujas are the main source of income for the idol­

makers. But sadly however, the prices of the idols in these pujas do not exceed more than

Rs 30,000, which is a rare occurrence. What is more lamentable is that even in the pujas

which boast of more finance, the budget head for the idol comprises of a very small

percentage of the total.

37 See Bharati (2005) and BaneIjee (2006). BaneIjee (2006) describes cases where collection overdrive had become such a menace that the roads were unsafe to travel because of the huge demands made by the puja organIzers.

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Some of the well known puja committees offer various other incentives to lower the

actual price of the idol. For example, since there is a scarcity of space in Kurnartuli, a

certain puja committee may promise a renowned artist in Kumartuli that they would

provide him a free workspace in lieu of a free idol every year (the idol is generally of

very high quality which actually costs between Rs 50,000- 1,00,000). Or, in other cases

they would lure the idol-maker to sell at a lower price. The reason offered is that they are

giving him a chance to work under a big and famous banner of the puja committee with

chances of his winning a prize and hence recognition and fame. While these happenings

reflect a certain form of exploitation, one of the rare situations where the producer-seller

is exploited by the buyer38, the puja committees claim that they are sometimes forced to

do so because the budgets are limited and also the trend of theme puja and awards specify

that the smaller budgeted pujas have more chances of winning an award. Again, winning

an award is necessary because it will secure the finance for them. Such a culture therefore

creates new sites of exploitation where new artisans and small traders can be forced to

work for free. The puja committees however feel that this is not a conscious process, and

they are just cogs in the wheel. It is the commercial aspects of Durga Puja which is

creating a situation because the big players in the market (read multinationals) perceive

this as a site with huge marketing possibilities - ranging from visibility of existing

products and services, to launching of new products to outright sales of the same39• The

new culture of campaign created around Durga Puja has also formed a net like

environment where each is then interdependent on the other. Similar arrangements can be

seen in Delhi where such a culture has already made its presence felt. As the secretary of

one of the Puja Committees in Delhi admits

Previously the puja used to be organized mainly through donations from the local areas, individual families, and shopkeepers of the area but today it is mostly organized through sponsorship from different companies. This is because the scale and grandeur of the puja has increased while donation in comparison has become meager. Though once the

38 Similar instances are found among the producers in the lace-making industry where there are 'invisible producers' where the numerous agents between the actual producers and the buyers (exporters) take away the larger share of profit from the producer-seller. The autonomous producer-seller are no longer being able to compete with the big merchants, agents and exporters who can invest more money, the producer-seller women remain the poorest (Mies 1982: 65). 39 The competition and visibility of the products is not only centred around the best Puja or decoration but extends to special awards. For example, awards like 'Sherasundari' i.e., the best looking or the best decked woman in a particular puja pandal. It is used as a sure shot way for the marketing of the new beauty products by awarding her lavish gifts and interviewing her on her choice of cosmetics.

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as

sponsor steps in the atmosphere also changes, especially the puja culture. Once the sponsor(s) pay the money, they want their products for promos, they identify the artist who would perform at the puja function and may monopolize by imposing their choices. The decorators and the idol-makers are contacted by the puja committee and they are given a contract for 1 and 'is to 2 months to prepare the puja mandap and the idol. Of the whole budget, the idol maskers is paid about Rs 50, 000 which includes the payment for the final idol, the helpers (small karigars), cost of raw materials etc, i.e. once the contract is made all responsibilities and costs (incidental and accidental) is to be borne by the chief artistlkarigarlidol-makerlimage-maker.

For the puja committees this has created a chain-like pattern, which can be shown

Diagram 4: The Unending Cycle

This chain is intrinsically linked to the history of theme pujas and awards in the

Durga Puja of Kolkata. In 1990, the Asian Paints Company devised a new form of

advertisement for their company. They announced an award "The Asian Paints Sarod

Samman" whereby they decide to commemorate the best idol-maker and the puja

organizers for organizing the best Sarbojanin Durgotsav in entire Kolkata. The campaign

was promoted quite effectively and it became a most prestigious and sought after

recognition. Puja organizers an over Kolkata rolled up their sleeves to procure the best

idols and create a unique Puja environment that would catch the eyes of the award

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committee4o• In my interactions with the puja organizers in various parts of Kolkata,

many conceded that the awards, especially that of Asian Paints has contributed much to

create a new culture around Durga Puja. Their slogan "Shudhdho shuchi, Shudhdho

ruchi" meaning healthy environment along with good taste and stress on low budget (not

more than Rs 4-5 lakhs) gave rise to the new concepts around Durga Puja. In order to

create something new and unique, puja committees started experimenting with the

pandals, light decoration and idols. The budget was therefore spread over panda! and

light decorations and not solely on idols. More so because not much variation can be

made in a traditional clay idol and not many idol-makers would be ready to experiment

with the form of the Goddess. Moreover, these award givers insisted that the puja is not

about the four days only but also counted the good work done throughout the year. Hence

the budget also flows under several heads of social welfare activities like free health

camps, eye operation camps, providing for education of poor children etc. This is why the

puja organizers claim that they cannot budget more for the idol.

Curiously though, the puja organizers who have claimed that winning an award is

not their only aim did not however reflect a higher budget for idols in their accounts.

They boast that they are already old and recognized puja organizer, and their puja does

not need any uplift through awards and newspaper coverage. However, on the other hand

they would reap the benefit of being renowned while paying the idol-makers. They

proudly say "if an idol actually costs Rs 1,50,000 they (idol-makers) would sell it to us at

Rs 50,000 just to get his work displayed". Others say "why shouldn't they give us a lower

price? The very fact that one makes the idol for a renowned puja like us will secure him

more orders."

With this in mind, the puja organizers make their budgets. The price of the idol

shows alarming incongruity in terms of the proportion of the total budget. For example, a

puja which has a total budget of approximately Rs 18-20 lakhs would spend a maximum

40 During the 80s the culture around Durga Puja in Kolkata veered more around forced subscriptions collected by ruffians and hooligans of the local area who spent most of the collection in their personal entertainment and mike honking (uddam hoihullar etc). In order to revive the culture of Durga Puja as a socio-religious festival the Asian Paints com~any organized a new concept in their promotional campaign.

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of Rs 50,000-60,000 only, for the idol. While some of the puja committees refused to

reveal either the total budget or the price paid for the idol, the range as given by others

varies from Zero to Rs 75,000, the average being Rs 15-20,000.

The idol-makers complain that even at the cut down price, the puja committee often

delays. payments mostly giving a meagre proportion of the total agreed upon with the

promise that they would employ the same person next year. In the following year the

payment of the idol for the earlier year is made, but not of the current year. Thus Deben

Pal rightly feels that

The situation is so today that there is value for art but the traditional artists are dying (shilpo barche kintu jaatshilpir mrityu hochche).

Rudrajit Pal elaborates on the incessant demands and adjustment asked by the

customers,

The customers are very demanding, especially on the appropriate delivery. They ask for too many services, they just give the order with a token amount and the rest of the work including delivery is to be borne by us in many cases. Even then they do not clear the payments when delivery is made, may be about 50% is paid at that time. The new customers are better in paying; they do not keep balance like the older ones.

This leads to the continued indebtedness of the idol-maker since he seldom has the

cash to payoff the bank loan. In other cases, the puja committee does not employ the

same person if he fails to win any award, his payment is made much later with a lot of

effort and continued plea by the idol-maker. Famous artists like Mohanbashi Rudra Pal

and Sonatan Rudra Pal too have to face this problem of delayed payments

It is the organizers who receive the entire prize money and the artist only has a share of the fame. Once the work is done many of them forget about us or deny our rightful claims (pujo sesh hole onekei bridhangushto dekhae).

Similar are the words of Mintu Pal ofthe Kumartuli Mritshilpi Samity,

A big budget puja may not necessarily mean that the idol-makers are highly paid. Organizers spend huge sums on the pandal and lighting, but cuts costs when it comes to paying the idol-makers.

What also happens in this obsession for theme puja is that only a handful of the

famous artists and idol - makers secure order. Once his work is famed in one place, the

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rest of the puja committees would come to him. Those who cannot afford them will go to

the others. This does not necessarily mean that these famous artists are profiting

profusely. They either have to cut down on the price to remain in the competition41 or

receive the price in so many small instalments that they can rarely realize the profit. All

goes into the running of the business and household expenditure. The smaller idol-makers

on the other hand are also forced to sell at a lower price because there are too many in the

market and also in the hope that if they supply to a big puja they will get more orders. But

this is not so, the organizers promise a fixed order for the following year only if the idol

receives an award. The plight of the smaller, unknown idol-makers is aptly described by

one young idol-maker of about 35 years

Today even though I know and can execute theme puja - complete with concept design and execution I am afraid to do so because it requires much more effort and time. I have to leave J 0 other orders to do a theme puja. This again is also financially risky because if the idol does not win a reward of some kind, or recognition for the organizers, then in the following year no other puja committee will ask me to do work, and the previous customers who had turned up away will go to another artist by that time.

For the artisans who work in Delhi it is more of a contract service and they cannot

expect any share of the fame or income ofthe Puja, even in cases where it is organized on

a very large scale. The puja committee absolves themselves from all responsibilities once

they make a contract for a definite period. Take the case of the decorator Dilip Haldar

During the puja we do a contract service of one and a half to about two months in the same payment. I am the head decorator; I conceptualize the theme as per the wishes of the puja organizers, draw the design accordingly and ask the other labourers to complete the designing. I am on an almost constant move between Delhi and Kolkata, for two to four months I am in Kolkala and here for rest of the year. The payment is made by the Puja Committee to the contractor and not to us. The raw materials are supplied by the contractor, some are delivered from Kolkata like thermocol designs, zari work etc while others are procured from Chandni Chowk and Sadar Bazaar in Delhi. Our slaying arrangements are done by the contractor but we need to arrange for our food.

Not only this, there is a constant conflict of interest if the idol-maker is working

under the banner of a theme-maker. The theme -maker would display only his name as

41 Similar patterns of extreme hardships and competition is also evident among the independent handloom weavers in the Indian textile industry. Severe competitions have forced many of them out of production in view of meager wages and lack of market. See Uchikawa 1998. The worst hit are the small independent artisans whose merchandise are ordinary and coarse, who then gradually becomes dependent on the master artisans or merchants because of lack of capital for raw material, irregular supply, lack of credit and marketing of products.

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the artist, while the other artisans and craftsmen who have actually executed the work

remains unnamed. The idol-maker who has agreed to do the work on a much lower cost

only because he wants to create a name/recognition of his own feels aggrieved. There

have been contentions around this display of name, with the idol-makers insisting that his

name should be displayed. One can draw a kind of parallel to the idea of branding42 or

product identification that happens in other markets. For the theme artist it is a kind of

signature work that procures high value for him and once the makers behind the scene are

known his customer base may decline. What are therefore presented before the audience

are the product and its ownership and not the numerous workers who are involved in its

production. As many of the idol-makers in Kumartuli and Delhi pointed out "they do not

know the actual work, they sell the concept but when it comes to the actual making of the

work they do not have much clue as to how a thing can be done". For me, this speaks of a

high degree of specialization that characterizes the global marketing 43 trends today.

Apart from this, the artists/artisans also talked about the ill treatment meted out by

the Puja committee if one fails to secure any award, with comments like ''janaganer

paisae furti hochche" (using public money to fulfill one's individual passion). This kind

of treatment holds true for the renowned art college passed artists also, who may be

creating an idol just for the passion of creation, to bring something new to the public

vision. But if that creation is not rewarded by any or several of the award giving

companies then "No one remembers the devotion of the entire month, the toil of one

month when I could have done 10 painting and earned Rs 10 lakhs maybe. "

42 Branding as a form of advertising is a cultural creation, whereby products are made to convey specific meanings and have a performative role to play. By putting in an aura of extra-functional significance branding or brand advertising strives to have more recall value than other advertised products (Davidson 1992: 122 - 125). The phenomena of branding can also be seen as a battle over modes of signifying consumption. It seeks to create value for business and not merely volume (Rajagopal 1999: 138). Brand advertising, as a mode of advertising is seen to have a cultural and ideological function for sustaining the life of the capitalist system (Sinclair 1987: 24). For more, see Ewen (1976), Paul Stobart (1994). 43 The marketing today is solely targeted at the consumer who is "understood as a being able to appreciate and act according to minute differences between virtually identical products" (Miller and Rose 1997: 7) and "cultural intermediaries" i.e., workers who are engaged in "occupations involving presentation and representation ... providing symbolic goods and services and in cultural production" (Bourdieu 1984: 359). The theme artist in Durga Puja is more like the cultural intermediary who is marketing the product 'the concept of Durga puja' through brand images and product design.

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The idol-makers also complained that though it is their work which wins an award,

the puja committee does not share the prize money. Of the total amount of say Rs 1 lakh,

a mere token amount is given through felicitation of the artist. One of the idol-makers

commented "oder janyo dokhkhina aar amader sanmanpatra" (for them is the money,

for us the honour). While the artisans feel that the puja committee is depriving them of

their dues the Puja committees claim that most of the time it is a token amount which is

distributed among all involved. Other than this the award money for best artist (Shresto

Shilpi) is always given to the artist but the committees admit that the award money for

Best Puja (Sarodsonman) is a substantial amount which should rightfully go to them

because they organize the entire affair. One can argue at this point on the hierarchies of

position in a market place and how every stakeholder aims to own a substantial share of

the market, each group thriving for a prominence in the whole affair.

On the other hand, due to the insurgence of 'theme' pujas certain art and crafts of

Bengal and other parts of India have made a revival of some sorts and have been a source

of income for the dying craftsmen of other crafts like jute workers, metal workers, bangle

makers etc. As Mr Dasgupta, one of the theme puja designers in Delhi observes,

I have used different raw materials for pandal decoration and brought craftsmen from places as far as Tripura, and the popularization of 'theme puja' has definitely revived the art of the rural artisans and given an impetus to some existing livelihood practices. One year I have used kulo for decoration and bought about 30000 pieces, this must have led to the increase in sale for some people in that year.

Though the market size is huge, the shares of idol-makers are the minimum in

respect to both money and fame.

But then the question is whether this is depriving the idol-maker from his prices. Is

the share of the idol-maker being proportionately reduced in the process? There are

innumerable numbers of agents who procure the raw materials, labourers for the master

craftsmen and supply to the market, but who gets the prime share? While each group

believes that the other is at a much better position than them, all who are linked to this

trade of idol-making surely are looking forward for some change in their conditions.

They do not yet know how to bring about the change but almost all idol-makers, barring

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say about 5%-10% believe that this art will die since there is no sustainability for the

future generations and the earlier they can shift their occupation the better it will be for

them. They do not want to be involved in this "dirty" work, whereby the very nature of

working with wet clay though not ritually polluting encroaches on the cleanliness of their

physical spaces whereby the 'scared' work equally shares the spaces of the mundane. In

conclusion one can say that the very nature of the work gives scope to the commissioners

to deny any business dealing. The case is similar to the fate of the Pied Piper who

couldn't get his due because as the Mayor of Hamlin could absolve himself of all

responsibilities by the proverbial quote that "the business was done on the river banks".

While the destruction of their work serves the purpose of continuing the work, this very

lack of a presence also proves to be a deception point for them.

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