chapter 9 water scarcity and migration: an indian … · water crisis-induced migration from india,...

CHAPTER 9

WATER SCARCITY AND

MIGRATION: AN INDIAN

PERSPECTIVE

Mrittika Basu and Rajib Shaw

ABSTRACT

Over the last few years, impacts of environmental variability on popula-tion migration have been an increasing concern over the world. Estimateshave suggested that between 25 million and 1 billion people could be dis-placed by climate change over the next 40 years. Though it is very diffi-cult to delineate the specific drivers behind human migration, an attempthas been made in this chapter to discuss various reported cases acrossthe world and more specifically, India where environment has played amajor role in population movement. The chapter begins by outliningimportant definitions of migration and environmentally induced migra-tion. It focuses on how environmental change and environmental hazards,especially water scarcity, contribute to human migration by exploringthe mechanisms through which vulnerability and migration are linked.The process of movement and migration is usually subject to a complexset of push and pull forces, where push forces relate to the source areawhile pull factors relate to the destination. Emphasizing water scarcityas one of the prime push factors behind migration, various instances of

Water Insecurity: A Social Dilemma

Community, Environment and Disaster Risk Management, Volume 13, 187�211

Copyright r 2013 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited

All rights of reproduction in any form reserved

ISSN: 2040-7262/doi:10.1108/S2040-7262(2013)0000013015

187

1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

population movement have been discussed from various parts of India.Understanding the importance of migration in development of a sustain-able society, the chapter identifies various gaps that need to be addressed,which, in turn, will help in incorporating environment-induced migrationinto the decision-making process.

Keywords: Migration; environment; water scarcity; temporary move-ment; rural�urban linkage

INTRODUCTION

Environment plays more than a significant role in a human’s life.Ecosystem services, hazards, and human�environment relations affectevery important social and cultural phenomenon. The migration due toenvironmental disasters or degradation is not a recent phenomenon.Historically, people have moved from land degraded by natural disasters,war, or overexploitation. Scarcity of common property resources (CPRs)like water, land, and forests compels people to shift to different places insearch of alternate livelihoods. Large-scale population movements resultingfrom a combination of resource depletion, irreversible destruction of theenvironment, and population growth have become part of the public dis-course relatively recently. Migration caused by insufficient food availabilityas a consequence of various types of environmental degradation is expectedto increase to 50 million people by the year 2050 (Doos, 1997). Semi-aridand arid regions in sub-Saharan Africa, northeastern Brazil, and South andSoutheast Asia will be the most vulnerable. For example, in China alone itis estimated that at least 30�40 million people will be displaced by environ-mental degradation by 2025 (Renner, 1997). While many people may movefrom environmentally stressed parts of the world, it is not clear whetherthey are being forced to flee as “refugees,” or whether an environmentalfactor, such as water stress, is the dominant reason for their movement.

Water scarcity is hovering over nearly one-third of the world’s popula-tion. Access to safe water resource for productive, consumptive, and socialuses is getting difficult by every growing day due to the mounting competi-tion for water from different sectors, including industry, agriculture, powergeneration, domestic use, and the environment. According to the UN, thenumber of people without improved drinking water has dropped below1 billion, whereas 2.5 billion people lack access to basic sanitation(UNICEF/WHO, 2008). Although the world seems to be ahead of schedule

188 MRITTIKA BASU AND RAJIB SHAW

1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

in meeting the 2015 drinking water target of the millennium developmentgoals (MDGs), it is estimated that about two-thirds of the world’s popula-tion, or about 5.5 billion people, will face moderate or severe water stressin 2025 (UN-Water, 2006). Most of the world’s 1.2 billion poor people,two-thirds of whom are women, live in water-scarce countries and do nothave access to safe and reliable supplies of water for productive and domes-tic uses (IFAD, 2001). The bulk of these rural poor people are dependenton agriculture for their livelihoods and live in sub-Saharan Africa andSouth Asia, the regions that are also home to most of the world’s waterpoor (Molden, 2007). Scarcity of environmental resources � that is, water� arising from either supply-side problems (whether induced by environ-mental shocks like droughts, by secular declines in levels of, for example,rainfall or by environmental degradation) or increases in demand (as aresult of population or increase in per capita consumption) can put signifi-cant pressure to social systems. Subsequently, this can in turn cause or con-tribute to, among many other things, migration.

For the countries that are already facing hydrologic variability, climatechange will make water security even more difficult and hard to achieve.Even for the countries that have enjoyed years of reliable water supply, cli-mate change may introduce significant water challenges. Much of the devel-oping world will have to cope with droughts and/or the growing risks offlooding. Extreme variability of precipitation is expected to put 2.8 billionpeople at risk of water shortages (World Bank, 2009). Spreading fromaccelerated melting of glaciers, varied precipitation (both spatially and tem-porally), changed run-off, and groundwater recharge patterns, to extremedroughts and floods, water quality changes, saltwater intrusion in coastalaquifers, and changes in water use, climate change will have a widespreadeffect on the hydrological cycle. The availability of water is directly linkedto food security. These changes are compelling human population to shift,either temporarily or permanently, in search of alternate livelihoods to sus-tain themselves.

Human migration is emerging as one of the foremost crises facing theworld today. It often generates from an environmental problem and resultsin social, political, and economic disparities, finally leading to conflict andviolence. This chapter intends to demonstrate the present scenario ofenvironment-induced migration, more specifically water scarcity-inducedpopulation movements. Though various media reports are available on thewater crisis-induced migration from India, a lack of proper data and infor-mation has been felt in this regard. Hence, this chapter tries to present thestatus of migration in India mainly due to drought conditions or water

189Water Scarcity and Migration: An Indian Perspective

1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

crisis periods. With migration likely to continue in the wake of environ-mental changes, this chapter concludes with suggestions to includeenvironment-induced migration in the policy-making process.

ENVIRONMENT AND MIGRATION: THE LINKAGE

Migration is basically the movement of a person or group of persons eitheracross an international border or within a State. It is a population move-ment encompassing any kind of movement of people, whatever its length,composition, and causes; it includes migration of refugees, displaced per-sons, economic migrants, and persons moving for other purposes, includingfamily reunification (IOM, 2011). The migratory flows have profoundimpacts on the socioeconomic and ethnic composition of societies. Withnearly all countries exposed to migration in some way, societies are tryinghard to cope with the changing design, organization, and functioning ofpublic institutions, policies, and regulations in order to balance the eco-nomic and social opportunities and costs arising from migration. The“push” factors that mainly govern migration include population pressures,malnutrition, landlessness, unemployment, over-rapid urbanization, pan-demic diseases, and government shortcomings, together with ethnic strifeand conventional conflicts. There has been a steady increase in the numberof migrants across the years 1990�2010 as shown in Fig. 1 with the numberof male migrants exceeding the number of females.

According to the International Organization of Migration, “Environ-mental migrants are persons or groups of persons who, for compelling rea-sons of sudden or progressive change in the environment that adverselyaffects their lives or living conditions, are obliged to leave their habitualhomes, or choose to do so, either temporarily or permanently, and whomove either within their country or abroad” (IOM, 2007). In the late1990s, the environment�migration nexus became more entrenched. In par-ticular, it is sometimes difficult to differentiate between refugees who aredriven by environmental factors and those who are impelled by economicproblems. In certain instances, people with moderate though tolerable eco-nomic circumstances at home feel drawn by the opportunity for a betterlivelihood elsewhere. They are not so much pushed by environmental depri-vation as pulled by economic promise. Conventional push�pull theorieshave tended to dominate the debate on the environmental change-�migration nexus. Migration may be an adaptation mechanism to move


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

early and far enough away from danger. Typically, environmental changein poor countries has been linked to population pressure on resources andunsustainable exploitation of the land beyond its carrying capacity, withresulting impoverishment and, consequently, migration. The extremeclimate variability and, potentially, climate change is threatening poorpeople’s lives and depriving them of their means of livelihood and henceforcing them to migrate to more stable environments, possibly the globalNorth. It has been observed from various studies that environment-inducedmigration mainly involves internal and temporary movement of people.However, temporary displacement as a result of natural catastrophes canlead to permanent migration.

There are large numbers of people who can be recognized as “environ-mental refugees” or people who can no longer gain a secure livelihood intheir homelands because of drought, soil erosion, desertification, deforesta-tion, and other environmental problems together with the associated pro-blems of population pressures and profound poverty. In 2008, extremeweather events displaced 20 million people compared to 4.6 million peopledisplaced within their own country by conflict and violence. The IndianOcean Tsunami in late 2004 displaced over 2 million people (AidWatch,

250

200

155166

178195

213

150

Est

imat

ed n

umbe

r of

Inte

rnat

iona

l Mig

rant

s(in

Mill

ion)

100

50

01990 1995

Estimated Number of Male migrants at mid year (in Million)

Estimated Number of Female migrants at mid year (in Million)

2000 2005 2010

Fig. 1. Estimated Number of International Migrants and Its Gendered

Distribution. Source: UN (2009).


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

2006). Hurricane Katrina caused about 1.5 million people to be displacedtemporarily, and an estimated 300,000 people permanently (Grier, 2005).Of the 1.5 million displaced people, an estimated 107,000 illegal immigrantsand temporary guest workers experienced secondary displacement due toKatrina � these affected people were already migrants when Katrinaforced them to move again (Castillo, 2005). Climate-related disasters arethe main sudden onset triggers responsible for the displacement in 2009and 2010 causing the displacement of 15 million people in 2009 and 38 mil-lion people in 2010 (IDMC, 2011). Myers (2002), for example, estimatedthat in 1995 there were approximately 25 million people displaced as a con-sequence of environmental change. Further, he projected that by 2050 thisnumber would rise to approximately 200 million, taking into accountdemographic change and deteriorating environmental conditions. Thisfigure was subsequently cited in the Stern Review on the Economics ofClimate Change (Stern, 2007), and has been taken up by numerous cam-paign and advocacy groups.

Environmentally induced migration could be felt most dramatically in thealready arid and semi-arid areas in developing countries around the globe �Africa, the Middle East, the mountainous areas of the far East, includingIndia, Pakistan, and Afghanistan (WBGU, 2008). Many of these areasalready host large populations and struggle with conflict. In early 2000,Sudan had 8 million people who were officially considered at risk of starva-tion, with another 6 million in Somalia and 3 million in Kenya, in additionto several million others in other countries (Myers & Kent, 2001). Althoughsub-Saharan Africa remains the prime locus of environmental refugees, thereare sizeable numbers in other regions and countries. In China, with its 120million internal migrants, at least 6 million deserve to be regarded as environ-mental refugees, having been obliged to abandon their farmlands due toshortages of agricultural plots in the wake of decades of population growth(Songqiao, 1994). In Mexico, there are 1 million new environmental refugeeseach year. Some become assimilated in cities, and a few return home, leavinga cumulative total, in 1995, of 2 million (Bagley & Quezada, 1994). Finally,there are those people displaced involuntarily by public works projects, nota-bly large dams, which are increasing by 10 million every year (with a cumula-tive total of 50 million in China and India alone). Most of them resettleelsewhere, but the number remaining in a refugee-like situation totals 1 mil-lion (Myers, 1997). Likewise in Nepal rural�rural migration from poormountain areas to the agriculturally prosperous plains accounts for 68% ofthe total population movement and rural�urban for only 25% (Bal Kumar,2003) despite the country’s image of being an exporter of Ghurkha workers


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

where mountain dwellers go to the plains to work as drivers, security guards,and so on. In Vietnam, 37% of the population movement captured by the1999 census was rural�rural and 26% was urban�urban (Skeldon, 2003a).Scattered throughout the developing world are 135 million people threatenedby severe desertification, and 550 million people subject to chronic watershortages (Gleick, 2000; Postel, 2001). Largely due to sea-level rise and flood-ing of coastal-zone communities but also increased droughts and disruptionsof rainfall regimes, such as monsoonal systems, global warming could threa-ten large numbers of people, with displacement by 2050 or earlier. The pushand pull factors for environmental migration are shown in Fig. 2.

Preliminary estimates indicate that the total number of people at risk ofsea-level rise in Bangladesh could be 26 million, in Egypt 12 million, inChina 73 million, in India 20 million, and elsewhere, including small islandstates, 31 million, making a total of 162 million. At the same time, at least50 million people could be at severe risk through increased droughts andother climate dislocations (Myers, 1996 AU:1). Semi-arid and arid regions in sub-Saharan Africa, northeastern Brazil, and South and Southeast Asia will bemost vulnerable to environmental migration. The refugee camp of Daadab,in Eastern Kenya, close to the Somalia border, already the largest camp inthe world, was continuously fuelled by people fleeing the drought and thefamine, mingling with those fleeing conflicts. The Asia-Pacific region

PUSH FACTORS

Impacts

Poverty

Unemployment

Loss of Land

Diseases

Food Insecurity

PULL FACTORS

Job Opportunities

Safe Living Conditions

Education

Better Medical Care

Social Security

EnvironmentalSecurity

Climate Change

Sea Level Rise

Natural Disasters

Water Scarcity/Drought

Floods

Desertification

EnvironmentalDegradation/

Pollution

Degradation of Coastaland marineEcosystems

Fig. 2. The Environmental Push and Pull Factors for Human Migration.


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

experiences the highest levels of environmental migration, and significantdisplacements took place in Thailand, China, Bangladesh, and Japan in2011. A World Bank study estimates that a 1 meter rise in sea levels wouldforce about 10.5% of Egypt’s population to leave their homes. With popu-lation projected to double to 160 million by 2050, environmentally inducedmigration may be staggering in the densely populated Nile Delta.

According to the Human Development Report 2009, the number ofthose who moved across the major zonal demarcations within their coun-tries was nearly four times larger (740 million) than those who moved inter-nationally (214 million) (UNDP, 2009). Temporary or circular migration isa move made for a short period of time with the intention of returning tothe place of original residence. Seasonal migrants, an important group oftemporary migrants, combine activity at several places according to seaso-nal labor requirements (Keshri & Bhagat, 2010). Prevailing regionalinequalities and uneven development in many Asian countries impel tem-porary internal migration from agriculturally backward and poor ruralareas. Temporary migration has increased substantially in the last two dec-ades in south, southeast, and East Asia (Deshingkar & Akter, 2009).Seasonal migration has long been a source of income for rural householdsunable to support themselves through agriculture. Households diversifytheir economic activities outside the traditional agricultural sphere by send-ing out members to work in urban areas in the lean period. The differenttypologies of environmental migration are shown in Table 1.

The classic push and pull forces that resulted in people from poorregions migrating to richer rural and urban locations still exist and mayeven be accentuated with rising population pressure and deteriorating land

Table 1. Typology of Potential Environmental Migrations.

Direct Climate

Changes

Indirect Climate Changes Type of Movement Time Span

Gradual climate

change

Chronic disasters such as

drought, degradation

Seasonal labor migration,

temporary circulation

Seasonal

Gradual climate

change

Chronic disasters drought/

degradation

Contract labor migration Yearly

Sudden or gradual

climate change

Natural disasters/severe

drought/famine/floods

Forced/distress migration Temporary

Sudden or gradual

climate change

Extreme temperatures/sea-

level rise

Permanent migration Lifetime

Source: Partially adapted from Kothari (2002).


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

and water availability. But many new patterns have also emerged includingurbanization and manufacturing in Asia, increased occupational diversifi-cation and mobility in response to macroeconomic reforms in sub-SaharanAfrica and more circulation within urban areas in Latin America. In addi-tion, displaced people may not receive the sustained support they need inplaces of destination. They often locate to places where adequate infra-structure is not available and where they are directly dependent on theenvironment for survival. Newly migrated people can overexploit naturalresources leading to a lack of potable water, soil degradation, and defores-tation. Under such circumstances, a range of maladaptive activities candrive migrants to further stress ecosystems, and may unleash a number ofsecondary environmental catastrophes. The potential impact of climatechange and changing environment on human society is a concern that suchchanges could lead to an increase in international migration as well asinternal migration, particularly displacement of people from the poorerparts of the world. Climate change will not only reduce freshwaterresources at the outset, but will also act as a conflict multiplier in forcingmigrations, especially to densely populated urban centers. This raises var-ious policy questions around a number of issues, including environmentalprotection, migration management, protection of displaced people, anddevelopment issues in a globalizing world.

WATER SCARCITY: LINK WITH HUMAN MIGRATION

Access to water is a fundamental human right that directly links to sustain-able development and poverty alleviation. The impact of water scarcity onhumans differs, depending on whether it is chronic and long term, periodicand unpredictable, or regional and local (Winpenny, 1999). It is the poorwho usually experience the loss of life, property, livestock, livelihoods,crops, and who are predominantly affected by diseases that often resultwhen water is scarce. The effects vary according to local climate, vegeta-tion, geology, institutional arrangements, and government policies. Waterscarcity also affects men and women differently. Because water is funda-mental to health and agricultural production and cannot be easily substi-tuted, it must be available in sufficient quantities at the local level whereverpeople live in order to sustain communities. Thus, the threat of water scar-city is a potential contributor to population movements, although the rela-tive significance of this factor has not been carefully evaluated. Drought


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

has caused many large population movements as well as loss and disrup-tion of lives, but there are also many cases in which people have coped withdrought by continuing to live in difficult circumstances, adapting, anddrawing on other types of assets. Between water scarcity and large-scalepopulation movement, there is a large array of options that allow people tocontinue their lives in their homes and communities. As availability ofwater is related to every basic aspect of human lives, the crisis of waterbreaks the whole system. Neither famine nor migration is the result ofwater scarcity alone, but rather part of an overall livelihood situation thatinvolves opportunities and constraints that delimit feasible coping strate-gies. Fig. 3 shows how the crisis of water and its different impacts lead todifferent kind of human migration.

The worst outcome of water scarcity is drought contributing to famineand refugee movements. Throughout history, drought and famines haveaffected millions of people, causing large numbers of deaths and forcingpeople to move. Drought is a slow, gradually developing form of naturaldisaster that may extend over years. Over the duration of the drought,there may be several years of decreasing harvests and building stresses.Over this course of time as the drought progresses, households will begin totake on coping strategies, which include migration for short periods or forselect family members. Because of the differences in household situations

WaterCrisis/Scarcity

Food Insecurity

Loss of AgriculturalLand

Increase in salinityLevel

Rural-RuralRural-Urban Water insecurtiy

induced Migration

Seasonal/TemporaryPermanentInter-StateIntra-StateInter-DistrictInternational

Improper SanitationFacilities

Diseases & HealthSecurity

Loss of Livelihoods

Desertification

Tensions & Conflicts

Fig. 3. Water Crisis/Scarcity-Induced Human Migration.


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

and the way they experience the stresses, decisions to migrate do not occurat the same time for everyone nor necessarily involve entire households.Drought may be the direct cause of crop failure and lack of food, but theimpact on individuals differs depending on the social mechanisms thatdetermine people’s vulnerability and access to food.

Compounding the strain on urban water infrastructure, significantmigrations from rural areas � where water supplies will be increasinglyexhausted � to urban centers are anticipated in the coming decades. Theincreasing strain on water and sanitation infrastructure in urban settle-ments will decrease water quality, making water resources less potable. Forthe city of Sana’an in Yemen, residents receive piped city water once everynine days. Some of the wells in Sana’an are now 800 to 1,000 meters deepwhile other wells are no longer functional because of sinking water tables.With the pressures of population growth and urban migration due to waterscarcity in rural areas, it is estimated that Sana’a may be the first city torun dry, in as few as 10 years (UNOCHA, 2010). In 2000, the BaluchistanProvince in southwestern Pakistan faced one of the most severe droughts ithad experienced in decades. The drought devastated crops and causedacute shortage of fodder. Millions of livestock perished and water wellswere drawn down. Pakistani authorities reported that as many as 1 millionpeople had abandoned their homes in search of food, water, and employ-ment. To this day, many people still migrate from Baluchistan in search ofwater due to a depleting underground water table. This same drought in2000 also severely hit southern Afghanistan and parts of western and cen-tral India. Hundreds of thousands of people in Afghanistan travelled north,away from their drought-ridden winter grazing areas, but their summerpastures also failed. Most families lost all of their livestock. Because manypeople tried to sell their livestock rather than maintain them throughoutthe drought, prices for livestock fell and people received little compensationfor their loss of these assets. This persistent multiyear drought in centraland southwest Asia had affected 60 million people by November 2001. InPakistan recent increases in internal migration are associated with urbani-zation (Gazdar, 2003). The country already has a history of agriculturalmigration from arid areas to irrigated regions, particularly in the provinceof Sindh and in southern Punjab. Similarly, at the beginning of the millen-nium, a drought associated with environmental degradation promptedsome 250,000 people, or 20% of the total population, of Karakalpakstan �an Uzbek autonomous republic surrounding the southern end of the AralSea � to migrate to Kazakhstan and Russia in search of better economicopportunities. Poverty and problems of governance further add to the


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

vulnerability of local populations to environmental disasters � such asdrought, loss of agricultural productivity, and resulting food insecurity.Hundreds of thousands of people from Central Asia leave the region everyyear to seek work in Russia and other countries. However, migration playsan important role in the development of the region, notably through remit-tances. Numerous studies conducted by Hugo in Indonesia from the 1970sonward show an increase in circular migration and commuting from ruralto urban areas (Hugo, 2003).

Since those living in rural areas are often heavily dependent on access tosafe and reliable water sources in order to survive and maintain their liveli-hoods, it is important to know the impact that (a) lack of access to water,(b) inequitable distribution of water, or (c) receiving poor quality waterhave on rural communities and livelihoods, especially because as ruralenvironments become inhospitable, people may be pushed elsewhere toseek alternative livelihood strategies. If members of rural communitiesmigrate away, this may reduce some of the demand on scarce waterresources, but this does not necessarily solve the water management issuesat the source location of the migrants, and the act of migrating can transferor create new problems at the migrants’ destination. Furthermore, conflictsover scarce resources � such as water � can also lead to further migration.Migration is a comprehensive human behavior resulting from a series ofinstabilities out of which water crisis appears to be a significant reason aswater is somehow or other related to the daily activities of human lives.Any alteration in the water quantity or quality pays heavy on human lives.Though there is a lack of data and information on exact number of humanmigration due to water scarcity, water crisis has been identified as one ofthe major factors influencing human migration.

MIGRATION AND WATER IN INDIA

Migration in India is not new and historical accounts show that people havemoved in search of work, in response to environmental shocks and stresses,to escape religious persecution and political conflict. Migration of maleworkforce from rural to urban area, in search of better housing, educa-tional, and economic opportunities, has further skewed the already disar-rayed sex ratio in both the urban centers and the rural areas. Urban percapita income is thrice that in rural areas (CSO, 2005) and that becomes thepull factor for rural population to move to urban areas in search of better


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

employment. Sociocultural factors such as kinship, caste, and regional net-works of communities also facilitate the migration of rural poor(Srivastava & Shaw, 2012). High productivity agricultural areas (“greenrevolution areas”) continue to be important destinations, but rural�urbanmigration is the fastest growing type of migration as more migrants chooseto work in better-paying nonfarm occupations in urban areas and industrialzones. Delhi and the states of Gujarat and Maharashtra are top destinationsfor interstate migrant labor. The poorer states such as Orissa tend to sendlabor, while the industrialized, agriculturally rich ones such as Gujarat andPunjab tend to receive labor. Gujarat alone receives laborers from aboutnine states (Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh,Maharashtra, West Bengal, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, and Kerala) for workin over a dozen sectors, including salt pans, sugarcane cutting, roof tiles,construction, fish processing, brick kilns, loading�unloading, power loom,diamond polishing, cotton pollination, ginning mills, sari folding, and small-scale industries. In 2001, the Census reported 309 million internal migrants.Of these migrants, 70.7% were women. Two-thirds of the migrants (67.2%)were rural and only 32.8% urban. Male migrants were relatively morenumerous in the urban stream (53.1% of male migrants were urban com-pared with only 24.4% of female migrants) and in more distant streams.The percentage of male migrants in intradistrict, interdistrict and interstatemigration was 52.2%, 26.7% and 21.1%, respectively, compared with66.9%, 23% and 10.1%, respectively, for female migrants in these threestreams (National Sample Survey Organization, 2001). The NSS estimates326 million migrants in 2007�2008 (28.5% of the population) as shown inFig. 4. However, a majority (42.4 million) of female migrants had notmigrated for work and had cited marriage as the main reason for the changein residence. Interstate migration has grown by 53.6%. The total number ofinterstate migrants was 42.3 million. Uttar Pradesh (�2.6 million) and Bihar(�1.7 million) were the two states with the largest net outmigration. TheNational Commission on Rural Labour (NCRL) puts the number of circu-lar migrants in rural areas alone at around 10 million (including roughly 4.5million interstate migrants and 6 million intrastate migrants).

In India, internal migration has been accorded very low priority by thegovernment, which is partly due to a serious knowledge gap on its extent,nature, and magnitude. Official awareness of the magnitude of seasonalmigration or the importance of it in the lives of the poor is abysmally low.There are conspicuous migration corridors within the country � Bihar toDelhi, Bihar to Haryana and Punjab, Uttar Pradesh to Maharashtra,Odisha AU:2to Gujarat, Odisha to Andhra Pradesh, and Rajasthan to Gujarat


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

Rural Planning

Cross-Out

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Odisha

Rural Planning

Cross-Out

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Odisha

(Fig. 5). In general, in-migration rates were higher in high-income statessuch as Haryana, Punjab, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka, and WestBengal, whereas low-income states such as Bihar, Uttar Pradesh,Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Orissa, and Chhattisgarh reported relatively higherrates of out-migration (National Sample Survey Organization, 2010).

In addition to internal out-migration, India has been a destination coun-try for international migrants from countries like Bangladesh, Nepal,Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Tibet, and Pakistan. Environment has beenidentified as a proximate cause behind these migrations. Social, economic,and political scenarios of these neighboring countries also resulted in in-migration to India. Climate change hotspots along India’s border includelow-lying deltaic regions (Bangladesh), areas threatened by flash floods(Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet), glacial lake outbursts (Nepal, Bhutan,Tibet), loss of livelihood due to changing precipitation patterns (Nepal,Myanmar), and sea-level rise (Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Myanmar). Hence,migration inflows due to sudden climatic events can be envisaged fromwithin the Indian borders as well as from across (Mahajan et al., 2009).

The state-wise short out-migration for the year 2007�2008 is shown inFig. 6. Policy makers have tended to perceive migration largely as a pro-blem, posing a threat to social and economic stability and have thereforetried to control it, rather than viewing it as an important livelihood optionfor the poor. There is little by way of organized accessible support for poormigrants who face insecurity in their source location as well as destination.

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

Male Female Persons Male Female Persons

Mig

rati

on

per

100

0 p

erso

ns

Rural Urban

1983 (Jan-Dec) 1987-88 (Jul-Jun) 1993 (Jan-Jun)

1999-00 (Jul-Jun) 2007-08 (Jul-Jun)

Fig. 4. Migrations per 1,000 Persons in India.


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

Rural Planning

Cross-Out

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Odisha

WATER INSECURITY-INDUCED MIGRATION IN INDIA

Increasing water scarcity is expected to threaten the livelihoods of hundredsof millions of farmers in semiarid, developing countries (Vorosmarty,Green, Salisbury, & Lammers, 2000). Water stress also arises from thedepletion of groundwater resources (Wada et al., 2010) and India, the

Fig. 5. Major Interstate Migration Routes of India. Source: Author’s own.


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

world’s largest consumer of groundwater, is the country probably most vul-nerable to this threat (Fishman, 2011; Fishman, Siegfried, Raj, Modi, &Lall, 2011; World Bank, 2010). Roughly 66% of the arable land area inIndia is limited to dryland agriculture due to climatic factors, soil erosion,poor water-retention capacity, etc. Increasing shortage of water in variousparts of India is exerting immense pressure on the sustenance of lives of thepeople. In spite of large-scale industrial development, agriculture is still themain occupation of 72% of India’s population. Any kind of disturbance inwater availability, thus, plays havoc on people’s life. According to the lastcensus of 2001, 309.3 million internal migrants have been identified inIndia. The main reason behind this huge number is search for alternate jobopportunities. Therefore, it can be hypothesized that due to lack of liveli-hood options in rural areas, population movements are taking place fromrural to urban areas. Environment, especially, water plays a significant rolebehind this mass movement as it is closely related to social and economicconditions of an area. A large number of village studies from different partsof the country conducted in the last five years show a marked increase intemporary migration for work. This includes seasonal migration, circularmigration, and other forms of short-term population movements such ascommuting. The evidence is emerging from marginal areas all over thecountry.

60

50

40

Out

Mig

ratio

n (p

er th

ousa

nd),

200

7–08

30

20

10

0

Male

Andhr

a Pra

desh

Assam

Bihar

Chattis

garh

Gujara

t

Harya

na

Himac

hal P

rade

sh

Jammu

Jhar

khan

d

Karna

taka

Kerala

Madhy

a Pra

desh

Mahar

ashtr

a

Orissa

Punjab

Rajasth

an

Tamil N

adu

Uttrak

hand

Uttar P

rade

sh

Wes

t Ben

gal

All Ind

ia

Female Male+Female

Fig. 6. The State-Wise Short-Term Out-Migration in India (2007�2008).


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

Rural Planning

Cross-Out

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Odisha

Internal labor migration is emerging as an important livelihood optionin many parts of India. Micro-level studies reveal that rural�urbanmigration, particularly from marginal areas, is on the rise. For instance,the National Sample Survey estimated that in 1999�2000 close to 8 mil-lion rural people from India’s major states migrated to urban locationsfor employment purposes. Nearly all the villages in the dry areas stretch-ing across eastern Maharashtra, eastern Karnataka, and western AndhraPradesh have very high rates of migration. Mahbubnagar district inAndhra Pradesh is known for the legendary Palamur laborers who workin construction all over India (Korra, 2009). In Madhwar district AU:3ofAndhra Pradesh, census data shows that 76% of households have at leastone migrating member. This migration can be traced to the worst-everdrought of 1969�1970 and the resultant famine. People sold their valu-ables, including cooking vessels, to keep themselves alive. They couldafford only maize, the cheapest cereal at that time � hence the droughtis known as makkala karuvu (“maize drought”). This coping mechanismfor survival in the face of famine has over the years transformed into alivelihood strategy enabling the migrant households to save money tomeet higher-level needs such as drilling tube wells, marrying off daugh-ters/sisters, and repayment of debts. In 2012�2013, 6,000 villages in 123talukas in over 16 districts of Maharashtra have been declared drought-hit. Marathwada is the worst affected with only 14% water stock avail-able. Western Maharashtra’s Konkan has the highest water availability at65%. Nagpur has 48%, Amravati 44%, Nashik 35%, and Pune 45% ofwater stock. This has compelled the villagers to migrate to the nearbycity of Pune in search of alternate job opportunities (CNN-IBN, 2012a).A perennial drought situation was resulting in migration from rural areasfor employment and water, especially in parts of Marathwada, westernMaharashtra, and Vidarbha. Similarly in 2010 over half a million peopleliving near the Brahmaputra River in the northeastern Indian state ofAssam were gradually migrating to other areas as worsening floods,drought, and sand intrusion into agricultural land forced them out oftheir jobs and homes (AlertNet, 2010).

The combination of new stresses has left many people unable to earn aliving and has resulted in widespread migration to cities, and once-prosperous families have become poverty stricken. From a year of water-logged fields to a year of hungry cattle and parched land thirsting forwater, Jaisalmer and Barmer are known to be drought-prone districts ofRajasthan � excessive rainfall on one side and complete lack of it on theother. With 33% rain deficit, Jaisalmer and Barmer are the worst-hit


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

districts of Rajasthan. Jodhpur, Nagaur, and Bikaner have also been hithard by the rain deficit. The drought-like situation in Jaisalmer forced sev-eral farmers to leave their homes and cattle and migrate to cities in 2009(CNN-IBN, 2012b). Dungarpur district lies in the adivasi belt of southernRajasthan bordering the state of Gujarat. The three main blocks fromwhere migration is rampant are Bichhiwada, Simalwada, and Sagwada.The major source of household income in these areas is migration, whichaccounts for 54% of the income. More than one member of the householdmigrates. Eighty percent of the migrants from the southern Rajasthan adi-vasi belt are males. Though drought is the primary reason, this migrationbecame an integral part of the work cycle of rural males. Deshingkar andStart (2003) found that more than half the households in four out of sixstudy villages in Madhya Pradesh included migrant family members. Theproportion was as high as 75% in the most remote and hilly villages withinfertile soils. Over a decade after Uttarakhand was founded, nine of its13 districts are facing a crisis of migration.

More than 1,000 villages have been deserted for the comforts of theplains mainly due to lack of basic facilities like drinking water, connectivityto main roads, schools, and dispensaries. The population in Silar,Kotmahadevsen, and Dalegar, close to Pauri town in Kaljikhal block, runsin single digits, with mostly children and the elderly. Only one person is leftin Baluni village (Climate Himalaya, 2012). Large herds of cattle, camel,and small ruminants are seen migrating across the Indian countryside.Rajasthan and Gujarat have cattle and camel pastoralists. Maharashtraand Karnataka have communities such as dhangars who keep small rumi-nants. The keepers of these herds need to ensure that water requirements oftheir livestock are met both when they are in their “native” village andwhen they are on the move. Yet they may have no control over waterresources either at home or on their migration routes. Unable to providewater for the animals, these people sell off their livestock or migrate to dif-ferent places in search of water and better livelihood. The dry areas ofBihar, Orissa, Gujarat, and West Bengal are also known for high migrationrates. Orissa, located on the east coast of India along the Bay of Bengal, isone of the most drought-affected states within India. Although the majorityof the villagers depend on agriculture, income from temporary migration isa major income source. Even in nondrought times, income from labor byone or two household members during migration is of high importance forthe livelihoods of the families of Khaliakani village in Orissa (Julich, 2011).Usually the male head of household and/or grown-up son(s) are the oneswho migrate for several months a year in order to work. Bolangir is


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

Rural Planning

Cross-Out

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Odisha

Rural Planning

Cross-Out

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Odisha

Rural Planning

Cross-Out

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Odisha

another striking example of migration due to crisis of water. This is a verypoor and drought-prone district in Orissa, where approximately 60,000people migrated out during the 2001 drought (Wandschneider & Mishra,2003). Studies in the drought-prone areas of West Bengal by Rogaly et al.(2002) observe that over 500,000 tribal, Muslims, and lower-caste peoplemigrate seasonally to the rice-growing areas of the state. Dayal and Karan(2003) studied 12 villages in Jharkhand, using household surveys and PRAmethods. They found that one-third of the households had at least onemember migrating. Short-term migration was higher among poorer groups,involving over 80% of the landless and 88% of illiterates. In Bundelkhandthe large number of out-migration in 2008 is due to lack of availability ofdrinking water in villages. In Bangaon village in Tikamgarh district onefifth of its 1,000 people migrated out. The Mahoba development blockreported 35,000 people migrating and 108,000 people had migrated outfrom Jhansi. This out-migration can also be attributed to the failure of theauthorities to provide secure lives and livelihoods to the people in thedrought-hit districts.

Economic and social impacts on migrants and their families are vari-able. Migration often involves longer working hours, poor living andworking conditions, social isolation and poor access to basic amenities.At destination, migrant labor affects markets, lowering the cost of labor.Migration also affects the labor market at the place of origin. Migrantearnings affect income, expenditure patterns, and investment, and changesrelations at household and community levels. Migrant laborers, whetheragricultural or nonagricultural, live in deplorable conditions. There is noprovision of safe drinking water or hygienic sanitation. Most live in openspaces or makeshift shelters. In India apart from seasonal workers, work-ers who migrate to the cities for jobs live in parks and pavements. Slumdwellers, who are mostly migrants, stay in deplorable conditions, withinadequate water and bad drainage. Food costs more for migrant work-ers who are not able to obtain temporary ration cards. The absence ofmen adds to material and psychological insecurity, leading to pressuresand negotiations with wider family (Rogaly et al., 2001, 2002). Male out-migration has been seen to influence the participation of women in thedirectly productive sphere of the economy as workers and decision-makers and increase the level of their interaction with the outside world(Srivastava, 1999). In India, internal migration has been accorded verylow priority by the government, and policies of the Indian state havelargely failed in providing any form of legal or social protection to thisvulnerable group.


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

Rural Planning

Cross-Out

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Odisha

WAY FORWARD

In India, there exists a serious data gap on the extent, nature, and magni-tude of internal migration. Macro databases such as the Census fail to ade-quately capture flows of short-term migrants and do not record secondaryreasons for migration. Because of lack of data, migration is largely invisibleand ignored by policy makers. There is a large gap between the insightsfrom macro data and those from field studies. Regulations and administra-tive procedures exclude migrants from access to legal rights, public services,and social protection programs accorded to residents, because of whichthey are often treated as second-class citizens. Migrants face numerous con-straints, including lack of political representation; inadequate housing andlack of formal residency rights; low-paid, insecure, or hazardous work; lim-ited access to state-provided services such as health and education; and dis-crimination based on ethnicity, religion, class, or gender. Since migrantsare heterogeneous and migration has crosscutting sectoral impacts, multipleand complementary interventions by different ministries and departmentsare needed to facilitate migration and ensure integration of migrants intothe economic, social, political, and cultural life of the country.

Often referred to as “climate refugees” or “environmental refugees,”people displaced by climate change are not formally recognized as refugees.That term legally applies only to people who leave their home countriesdue to fear of persecution, war, or violence. Many who migrate due to cli-matic factors often relocate within their own countries, or cross bordersdue to a combination of environmental, social, political, and economic fac-tors. Therefore, it is difficult to designate climate change as a singular dri-ver of migration. Despite the significant implications for human well-being,lack of official status means that climate migrants are unlikely to be recog-nized within current international refugee and immigration policies. Whilemigration is often seen as a failure of adaptation, the impacts of climatechange are such that migration should be meaningfully incorporated intoadaptation plans where needed. Greater attention is required by govern-ments, donors, and others engaged in adaptation planning to assess howdemographic factors may affect environment-induced migration. Such ana-lysis can shed light on multisectoral responses that can best address pres-sures that lead to unplanned, large-scale migration, while adequatelyplanning for migration that will occur. Climate migration matters wouldalso need to be addressed between countries at the regional level, and notleft solely for national and local governments to cope with. A first steptoward such international policy responses would be the international


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

recognition of an increased flow of climate migrants as a real and impor-tant consequence of climate change. A review of current international lawand treaties on migration, refugees, and displacement shows that environ-mental refugees and climate change-induced migrants are not recognizedyet. The links between climate change, water stress, conflict, and migrationare uncertain and there is insufficient understanding of those links to sup-port well-informed policy responses. India is currently going through atransition from an economy that consisted of very large numbers of viablesmall and marginal farms to one where the structure of agriculture andindustry is changing rapidly in response to globalizing forces, environmen-tal limits, and stresses AU:4and population pressure. While new industries andinformal sector jobs have emerged in urban areas, creating a considerablepull for poor laborers, a stronger push is also being experienced in manyrural areas with land fragmentation, drought, groundwater scarcity, andfalling agricultural commodity prices.

Given that the fiscal, environmental, institutional, infrastructural, andgovernance constraints in marginal areas have shown little improvementover the years and are unlikely to change dramatically in the next 10�20years, the goal of keeping people in rural areas seems elusive. On the otherhand, well-supported rural�urban links can reduce regional inequalitiesthrough transferring some of the benefits of intensive agriculture, construc-tion, and urbanization to poorer regions. It is very likely that short-term/circular/seasonal migration will continue to increase in India with increas-ing populations of young adults, a concentration of economic growth insome locations, and persistent regional disparities due to stagnation in ruralareas. Although the demand for skilled labor will probably increase insome sectors, the demand for unskilled labor will continue to increase forinformal employment in road and building construction, cable networks,and coastal activities where mechanization continues to be limited despitegrowth. While earlier projections expected temporary migration to godown, current trends indicate that a growing number of people are choos-ing to keep one foot in the village because of social ties, lower costs, othersafety net aspects, and a long-term intention to pursue a better life in thevillage. Women and children who migrate independently or accompanymen need special attention as they are more vulnerable, often carry a hea-vier workload, and are systematically underpaid. A combination of politi-cal will and bureaucratic commitment is needed to enforce existingregulations that have been designed to protect migrant workers. On theresearch side, there is an urgent need for more disaggregated data on occu-pations that capture part-time and seasonal activities. Census and National


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

lifestyle and natural resource

Sample Surveys need to be supplemented with additional modules.Meanwhile, valuable information on seasonal migration can be gleanedfrom the many existing and ongoing village-level research projects on rurallivelihoods implemented by regional research centers and universities.Negotiators need more information, but particularly more direction abouthow and where to fit the topic of migration into the rapidly developingadaptation landscape, that is, in terms of planning how people shouldadjust to the impacts of climate change.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The first author would like to acknowledge the support from CollegeWomen Association of Japan for providing scholarship to carry out thestudy. The authors also acknowledge the support of GOCE-ARS(Sustainability/survivability science for a resilience society to extremeweather conditions) and Studies on the Connectivity of Hilltop, Humanand Ocean (CoHHO) program of Kyoto University.

REFERENCES

AidWatch. (2006). U.N. office of the special envoy for Tsunami recovery. Reuters AlertNet.

Retrieved from http://www.alertnet.org/printable.htm?URL= /db/crisisprofiles/SA_TID.

htm. Accessed on February 3, 2013.

AlertNet. (2010). India: Water changes driving large-scale migration in Assam. Retrieved from

http://reliefweb.int/report/india/india-water-changes-driving-large-scale-migration-assam.

Accessed on February 6, 2013.

Bagley, B. M., & Quezada, M. (Eds.). (1994). Mexico: In search of security. New Brunswick,

Canada: Transaction Publishers.

Bal Kumar, K. C. (2003). Migration, poverty and development in Nepal ad hoc expert group

meeting on migration and development. Organised by the economic and social commission

For Asia and The Pacific, August 27�29, Bangkok.

Castillo, E. E. (2005). Illegal immigrants afraid to get storm aid. Associated Press. Retrieved

from http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1480807/posts. Accessed on February 3,

2013.

Climate Himalaya. (2012). The ghost villages of Uttarakhand � A story on migration by Tehlka.

Retrieved from http://chimalaya.org/2012/07/10/the-ghost-villages-of-uttarakhand-a-story-

on-migration-by-tehlka/. Accessed on February 6, 2013.

CNN-IBN. (2012a). Maharashtra: Drought hits 16 districts, villagers migrate to cities.

Retrieved from http://m.ibnlive.com/news/india/maharashtra-drought-hits-16-districts-villa-

gers-migrate-to-cities/374211-3.html. Accessed on February 6, 2013.


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

CNN-IBN. (2012b). Rajasthan farmers look to migrate as India faces drought. Retrieved from

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/rajasthan-farmers-look-to-migrate-as-india-faces-drought/

277850-3-239.html. Accessed on February 6, 2013.

CSO (Central Statistical Organization). (2005). Fifth economic census, ministry of statistics and

programme implementation. New Delhi: Government of India.

Dayal, H., & Karan, A. K. (2003). Labour migration from Jharkhand. New Delhi: Institute for

Human Development.

Deshingkar, P., & Akter, S. (2009). Migration and human development in India. Human devel-

opment research Paper 2009/13. Retrieved from http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/

hdr2009/papers/HDRP_2009_13.pdf

Deshingkar, P., & Start, D. (2003). Seasonal migration for livelihoods, coping, accumulation and

exclusion. Working Paper No. 220. Overseas Development Institute, London.

Doos, B. R. (1997). Can large�scale environmental migrations be predicted? Global

Environmental Change, 7(1), 41�61.

Fishman, R. M. (2011). Falling water tables in India � A review of the evidence. Columbia

Water Center Working Paper.

Fishman, R. M., Siegfried, T., Raj, P., Modi, V., & Lall, U. (2011). Over-extraction from shal-

low bedrock versus deep alluvial aquifers: Reliability versus sustainability considerations for

India’s groundwater irrigation. Water Resources Research, 47, W00L05. doi:10.1029/

2011WR010617

Gazdar, H. (2003). A review of migration issues in Pakistan. Paper presented at the regional

conference on migration, development and Pro-Poor policy choices in Asia. Organised by

the Bangladesh refugee and migratory movements research unit, June 22�24, Bangladesh/

DFID UK, Dhaka.

German Advisory Council on Global Change (WBGU). (2008). Climate change as a security

risk. Earthscan. London. Retrieved from http://www.preventionweb.net/files/8021_wbgujg

2007engl.pdf

Gleick, P. H. (2000). The world’s water 2000�2001. The biennal report on freshwater

resources. Island Press, Washington, DC.

Grier, P. (2005). The great Katrina migration. In The christian science monitor. Retrieved from

http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0912/p01s01-ussc.html. Accessed on February 3, 2013.

Hugo, G. (2003). Urbanization in Asia: An overview. Paper prepared for conference on

African migration in comparative perspective, June 4�7, Johannesburg, South Africa.

Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). (2011). Displacement due to natural hazard-

induced disasters: Global estimates for 2009 and 2010. IDMC and Norwegian Refugee

Council (NRC), Switzerland.

International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). (2001). Rural poverty report 2001:

The challenge of ending rural poverty. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

International Organization of Migration (IOM). (2007). Discussion note: Migration and the

environment (MC/INF/288 � November 1, 2007, 94th Session), International Organization

for Migration (IOM), Geneva, Switzerland.

International Organization of Migration (IOM). (2011). World migration report 2011:

Communicating effectively about migration. International Organization of Migration,

Geneva, Switzerland (160pp).

Julich, S. (2011). Drought triggered temporary migration in an East Indian village.

International Migration, 49(Special Issue on Environmentally Induced Migration in the

Context of Social Vulnerability), e189-e199. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2435.2010.00655.x


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

Keshri, K., & Bhagat, R. B. (2010). Temporary and seasonal migration in India. Genus, 66(3),

25�45.

Korra, V. (2009). Can seasonal labour migration alter the household resource structure? A

micro level analysis in Andhra Pradesh AU:6. Journal of Indian Association of Social Science

Institutions, 28(Special Issue).

Kothari, U. (2002). Migration and chronic poverty. Chronic Poverty Research Centre, Working

Paper No. 16. Institute for development policy and management, University of Manchester,

UK.

Mahajan, D., Sharma, D., Jayashree, V., Talwar, S., & Ganeshan, S. (2009). Climate change

induced migration and its security implications for India’s Neighbourhood. TERI and DFID.

Discussion paper presented at the 15th conference of parties to the United Nations frame-

work convention on climate change, December 7�18, Copenhagen, Denmark.

Molden, D. (Ed.). (2007). Water for food, water for life: A comprehensive assessment of water

management in agriculture (p. 645). London: Earthscan.

Myers, N. (1997). Environmental refugees. Population and the Environment, 19, 167�82.

Myers, N. (2002). Environmental refugees: A growing phenomenon of the 21st century.

Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B, 357, 609�613.

Myers, N., & Kent, J. (2001). Food and hunger in sub-Saharan Africa. The Environmentalist,

21, 41�69.

National Sample Survey Organization. (2001). Migration in India 1999�2000. Report No. 470

(55/10/8). NSS 55th Round, National Sample Survey Organisation, ministry of statistics

and programme implementation, Government of India.

National Sample Survey Organization. (2010). Migration in India 2007�2008. Report No. 533

(64/10.2/2). NSS 64th Round, National Sample Survey Organisation, ministry of statistics

and programme implementation, Government of India.

Postel, S. (2001). Growing more food with less water. Scientific American, 284(2), 46�51.

Renner, M. (1997). Fighting for survival: environmental decline, social conflict and the new age

of insecurity. London: Worldwatch Institute.

Rogaly, B., Biswas, J., Coppard, D., Rafique, A., Rana, K., & Sengupta, A. (2001). Seasonal

migration, social change and migrants’ rights: Lessons from West Bengal. Economic and

Political Weekly. December, 8, 4547�4559.

Rogaly, B., Coppard, D., Rafique, A., Rana, K., Sengupta, A., & Biswas, J. (2002). Seasonal

migration and welfare/illfare in Eastern India, a social analysis. Journal of Development

Studies, Special issue on Labour Mobility and Rural Society, 38(5), 89�114.

Skeldon, R. (2003a). Migration and migration policy in Asia: A synthesis of selected cases,

migration, development and proper policy choices in Asia, regional conference, refugee and

migratory movements research unit/DFID, July, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Songqiao, Z. (1994). Geography of China: Environment, resources and development. Chichester,

UK: Wiley.

Srivastava, N., & Shaw, R. (2012). Employment: Environment disaster linkages. In R. Shaw &

A. Sharma (Eds.), Community, environment and disaster risk management (Vol. 9, 145�164).

Bingley, UK: Emerald Group Publishing Limited.

Srivastava, R. S. (1999). Rural labour in Uttar Pradesh: Emerging features of subsistence, con-

tradiction and resistance. Journal of Peasant Studies, 26(2/3), 263�315.

Stern, N. (2007). The economics of climate change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

UN-Water. (2006). Coping with water scarcity: A strategic issue and priority for system-wide

action. Retrieved from http://waterwiki.net/images/9/92/UN_Water_-_waterscarcity_leaflet.

pdf. Accessed on February 6, 2013.


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

, 110-125

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Myers, N. (1996). Ultimate Security: The environmental basis of political stability. Washington DC: Island Press.

UN-Water. (2009). The United Nations world water development report 3: Water in a changing

world. World Water Assessment Programme (WWAP), UNESCO, Paris and Earthscan,

London.

United Nations Children’s Fund/World Health Organization (UNICEF/WHO). (2008).

Progress on drinking water and sanitation: Special focus on sanitation. UNICEF and WHO,

New York/Geneva.

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). (2009). Human development report 2009,

overcoming barriers: Human mobility and development. UNDP, New York, NY. Retrieved

from http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2009_EN_Complete.pdf

UNOCHA. (2010). Water scarcity and humanitarian action: Key emerging trends and chal-

lenges. OCHA Occasional Policy Briefing Series � No.4. Retrieved from https://ochanet.

unocha.org/p/Documents/OCHA%20OPB%20Water%20%2011Nov10%20fnl.pdf

Vorosmarty, C. J., Green, P., Salisbury, J., & Lammers, R. B. (2000). Global water resources:

Vulnerability from climate change and population growth. Science, 289(5477), 284�288.

Wada, Y., van Beek, L. P. H., van Kempen, C. M., Reckman, J. W. T. M., Vasak, S., &

Bierkens, M. F. P. (2010). Global depletion of groundwater resources. Geophysical

Research Letters, 37, L20402. doi:10.1029/2010GL044571.

Wandschneider, T., & Mishra, P. (2003). The role of small rural towns in Bolangir District,

India: A village-level perspective. NRI Report No: 2750, DFID-World Bank Collaborative

Research Project on the Rural Non-Farm Economy and Livelihood Enhancement.

Winpenny, J. T. (1999). Managing water scarcity for water security. Retrieved from www.fao.

org/ag/agl/aglw/webpub/scarcity.htm. Accessed on February 10, 2013.

World Bank. (2009). Water and climate change: Understanding the risks and making climate-

smart investment decisions. Washington, DC: World Bank.

World Bank. (2010). Deep wells and prudence: Towards pragmatic action for addressing ground-

water overexploitation in India. World Bank technical report AU:7.

UNCITED REFERENCE AU:5

UN-Water (2009).


1

3

5

7

9

11

13

15

17

19

21

23

25

27

29

31

33

35

37

39

Rural Planning

Inserted Text

Available at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INDIAEXTN/Resources/295583-1268190137195/DeepWellsGroundWaterMarch2010.pdf

Rural Planning

Sticky Note

Unmarked set by Rural Planning

Rural Planning

Cross-Out

AUTHOR QUERY FORM

Book: CEDRM-V013-

3610838

Chapter: 9

Please e-mail or fax your responses

and any corrections to:

E-mail:

Fax:

Dear Author,

During the preparation of your manuscript for typesetting, some questions may have arisen.

These are listed below. Please check your typeset proof carefully and mark any corrections in

the margin of the proof or compile them as a separate list.

Disk use

Sometimes we are unable to process the electronic file of your article and/or artwork. If this is

the case, we have proceeded by:

□ Scanning (parts of) your article □ Rekeying (parts of) your article

□ Scanning the artwork

Bibliography

If discrepancies were noted between the literature list and the text references, the following

may apply:

□ The references listed below were noted in the text but appear to be missing from

your literature list. Please complete the list or remove the references from the text.

□ UNCITED REFERENCES: This section comprises references that occur in the

reference list but not in the body of the text. Please position each reference in the text

or delete it. Any reference not dealt with will be retained in this section.

Queries and/or remarks

Location in Article Query / remark Response

AU:1 The reference “Myers, 1996” is

cited in the text but not present in

the reference list. Please provide the

details or else the reference citation

will be deleted from the text.

AU:2 Both “Odisha” or “Orissa” are used

inconsistently in text. Please specify

which one to use.

AU:3 The references “WBGU, 2007;

Korra, 2007” have been changed to

“WBGU, 2008; Korra, 2009” as per

the reference list. Please check.

AU:4 Would you like to mention what

kind of “stresses” in the sentence

“India is currently going through a

transition…”?

AU:5 Please provide the text citation for

the references UN-Water (2009). If

no citation is available, the reference

should be deleted from the list.

AU:6 Please provide page range in Korra,

V. (2009).

AU:7 Please provide location or URL in

World Bank (2010).