CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Theories of Regional Co-operation and Integration

1.2 South Asia - A Profile

1.3 Statement of the I'roblem

1.4 Significance of the Study

1.5 Objectives of the Study

1.6 Hypotheses

1.7 Methodology

1.8 Universe of the Study

1.9 Limitations of the: Study

1.10 Sources of Information

The aftermath of the Second World War witnessed many creative and

varied attempts at co-operaticn, by goups of nation sharing geographical,

historical and other links. With growing awareness of the benefits of regional

co-operation in an increasingly interdependent world, regional organisations

proliferated all over the globe. Moreover, the inequitability of the existing

international economic system increasingly underlined to the smaller nations

of the South, the imperative need for lessening their dependence of the

North, both individually and c.ollectively. Regional co-operation has gained

importance as an alternative strategy of the South to reduce the relative level

of dependence on the North, by collective self-reliance.

The world system is undergoing structural changes on several planes

at the same time. The causes are well known. The cold war has ended,

globalisation, liberalisation his eroded national sovereignty, the flow of

resources is enormous and beyond the capacity of single governments to

regulate, communication and information revolutions have made frontiers

increasingly porous, and e t h i c and group identities are claiming greater

allegance. Thus, the all powc:rful nations of the early 2oth century had to

come to terms with institutiolis being organised at the global and regional

levels, as well as the delegatim to sub-national levels. In the operation of

the global system the importance of leverage through regional blocs is

evident. The more developed ihe country, the more active it is in setting up

such blocs and groups to improve its position. Geographical contiguity is

the natural basis but, where capacity permits, a country like the USA tries to

set up more than one grouping. The realization of regional settings is

imperative especially in the (:ontext of the disappearance of the bipolar

world and the east-west rivalry.

Regionalism in international politics is increasingly assuming greater

sigtuficance. Both as a concept, as well as a phenomenon, it can be

understood in various ways. In the most objective and realistic sense, it is

a common meeting ground bsztween national interests and global forces.

While the former seeks to engage with them in order to promote them, the

latter tends to impinge upon tlie former to ensure wider and greater global

order and stability. Regonalism is an instrument and emerged as an

important part of the western strategy, wherein regional arrangements were

worked out in economic as well as rnilitarylsecurity areas to further their

objectives and interests.

In contrast to other areas of the developing world where such

organisations like the Association of South East Asian nations (MEAN) in

South-East Asia, or Organisatio~i of Ahcan Unity (OAU), in Afiica, gradually

took shape, the level of organisational or institutional interaction in the South

Asian region has been minimal. Countries in thls region, which has one fifth-of

the World's population and a fourth of the peoples of all developing countries,

have not evolved common po1itic:al institutions, defence plans, growth strategies,

or foreign policy perspectives Although these nations have been getting as

together bilaterally as well as regonally at such world foru@!s,Non-Aligned

gatherings, United Nations, and Common Wealth, these contracts have not led

to the creation of a viable political or institutional kamework for full

exploitation of the vast potential or co-operation for their mutual benefit, either

in the bilateral sense or in terms of collective regional co-operation.

1.1 Theories of Regional Co-operation and Integration

Regionalism encompasses efforts by a group of nations to enhance

their economic, political, social, or cultural interaction. Such efforts can take

on different forms, including regional co-operation, integration (market

integration, development integration and regional integration). Regional

co-operation is a collaborative: venture between two or more partners with

common interests in a ylven issue.' The canvas of R e ~ o n a l Co-operation has

been painted in the big version of regionalism along with the three other

above-mentioned forms of integration.

Market Integration consists of the linear progression of degrees of

integration includes free trade area where tariffs are removed among

member states, custom union, common market, economic union and total

economic integration that consists of a common market along with the

unification of monetary and fiscal policies.

Development integration theory was developed in response to

problems created by market integration. According to the theory, the

objective of integration becomes economic and social development, and

requires more state intervention than market integration. States must first

and foremost make a political commitment to integration, since such

commitment is seen as laying t l e foundation for co-operation.

Regional Integration is defined as "a process by which a group of

nation states voluntarily and ill various degrees have access to each other's

' File://D:\article 7 regionalism.httn - Par Margaret LEEAPS. Regionalism m Africa; A Part of Problem or a Part of Solution.

markets and establish mechanisms and techniques that minimise conflicts

and maximise internal and economic, political, social and cultural benefits

of other interaction.

Since the concept of ~ntegration is the focal point and thus can be

achieved through various phases like regional co-operation and the other

mentioned forms. It is to be noted here that theories of integration is having

its own significance.

Functionalism

The functionalist theory argues that, the government is primarily

responsive to human needs; ~t is associated with incremental steps towards

regional integration, within specific areas of policy making, at a pace controlled

by member states. This is why the EU tended to focus on the means of

promoting economic co-operation, seen by states as the least controversial but

most necessary form of integration2 A common defimtion of regional

integration on states is that it ic; a shlfhg of certain national activities toward a

new center. Integration therefore is a form of collective action among countries

in order to obtain a certain goal T h ~ s goal can be as grand as political unification

as in the case of EU or a free trade area, as found in the North American Free

Trade Area (NAFTA). If the collective area becomes the focus of certain h d s

of decision-making activity, national actors will in that measure is constrained

from independent action. More simply "it is a sense of voluntary decisions by

previously sovereign states to remove barriers to the mutual exchange of goods,

services, capital or persons."3

2 David Mitrany, The Functional l'heoty ofPolitics, London (The LSE 1975) p 52 3 Ernst B. Hass, Beyond the Natio,? States, Funchonalism and international Organiiahon,

Standford, 1964, p.22.

Functionalism endeavours to overcome conflicts prevalent in inter

state relations, including war, either by focusing on the economic and Social

Welfare of the people of the World and passing state boundaries or by

establishing international organisations devoted to the various activities and

functions arising from the satisfaction of man's socio-economic needs.

Mitrany gives precedence to economics including social needs over

politics. The theory stresses or1 the socio-economic and welfare need that are

the most important element according to it. He believes that functionalism

is 'A Working Peace System' as it emphasises the common index of needs.

Very such needs cut across national boundaries, not a few are universal

and effective beginning for building up an international community of

interest could be made by setting up joint agencies for dealing with these

common needs.4

Functionalism is for the i:volution of piecemeal non-political co-operation

organization, which set-up rnost effectively in the economic, technical,

scientific, social and cultural se8;tors. Collectively these sectors called functional

sectors. Governments usually do not resist functional organizations as these

upon political bodies are mutually beneficial for the participating states and

are not antithetical to national sovereignty.

The gradual expansion of functional organisations to a large extent

covering larger areas of activ~ty is expected to initiate "spillover effect". It

thus paves the way for enhanced co-operation and ends with political

unifications. Frankel adds, ":ls the organisations would start in relatively

David Mitrany; "A working Peace System" (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1966) p.51

unimportant non-controversial socio-economic fields, the existence of a few

such organisations clearly would not transforms international society but a

large number of them would become politically de~ i s ive .~ But, Mitrany's

vision of functionalism wo~ild rule political divisions and create an

expanding network of intern;itional relations and agencies in which and

through which the interests and life of all nations would be gradually

integrated. He is for "one solid international block of flats" instead of

"detached national houses."

The strategy of functionalists tends to highlight co-operative aspects

of international behaviour and downgrade conflictive aspects. They view,

world in terms of the politics of co-operation and reason rather than politics

of conflict and irrationality.

Neo-Functionalism

Neo-Functionalism has its orign in a systematic critique of the older

functionalism discussed a b o ~ e ; it has derived much of its dynamism and

sustenance from the success of the European Economic Community. Neo-

functionalism, proposes to -each its ultimate goal of a super national

community not by avoiding controversial issue areas but by stressing

co-operation in areas that are politically controversial. It proposes to hurdle

political obstacles standing in the way of co-operation by demonstrating the

benefits common to all members of a political union.'

' Joseph Frankel, Contemporary International Theory and Behaviour of States (London: Oxford University Press, 1973) p.50. Charles W Kegley Jr. and Euger.e R Wiltkopf, World Politics; Trend and Transformation (New York: St . Martin Press, 1081) p.453.

In short, the neo-functionalist argument is that political integration

comes about not because of functional needs or technological change as

such, but owing to the integrarion of political forces-interest groups, parties,

governments, international agencies-which seek to exploit political pressures

in pursuit of their own interest7 Neo-functionalists, prefer to stress

co-operative decision making processes and elite attitudes in order to

evaluate the progress toward integration.

Intergovernmentalism

The success of integration depends upon the ability of member

countries to adapt and respond to the co-operative agreements that define

integrati~n.~ Nye's argument provides the foundation for the perspective that

regards integration as a func1:ion of negotiations between governments to

produce co-operative agreements that evolve into further integration.

Intergovernmentalism is any -Form of interaction between states that takes

place on the basis of sovereign independence. Thls includes treaties and

alliances as well as leagues and confederation. Such as the League of

Nations and EEC. Sovereignty is preserved through a process of unanimous

decision-making that gives ea;h state a veto, at least over matters of vital

national importance. This theory was adapted later to include the sources of

the demand for integration in domestic politics.

' Ernst Hass, When Knowledge i s Power; Three Models of Change in Infemalional Organization (Berkely: Californiz, 1984).

8 Joseph S.Nye Jr. (ed), Iniematior~al Regionalism (Boston: Little Brown, 1968) p. 151

Supranationalism and Neo-Liberalism

It is the existence of an cluthority that is higher than that of the nation-

state and capable of imposing its will on it. It can therefore be found in

international federations, where sovereignty is shared between central and

peripheral bodies. The European Union thus encompasses a mixture of both

intergovernmental and supranational elements. Neo-liberalism is an updated

version of classical political economy, dedicated to market individualism and

minimal statism.

Regionalisation

One view of globalisation suggests that it is based in favour of co-

operation and harmony, in whish case more and more parts of the world will

be integrated into patterns of economic and political interdependence.

However, an alternative view is that globalising trends generate new forms of

tensions and conflict. In the light of the declining effectiveness of national

governments, these tensions are usually evident in the growth of

regionalisation. As the territorial nation-state is seen to be less effective in

delivering security, stability and prosperity, these goals are increasingly

achleved through collaborat~on with neighbouring and geographically

proximate state. Since the relationship between regionalisation and

globalisation is nevertheless urtclear, regionalisation may merely be a step on

the road to globalisation; the growth of economic interdependence is likely,

initially, to have a regional cliaracter, regronal organisations being able to

manage relationship between nation-state and global forces. On the other

hand, regionalisation may be a counter global trend, a term of resistance

to globalisation.

The most significant impetus towards international regionalisation is

undoubtedly economic, however. International trade can both foster a

harmonization of interests and provoke deep suspicions and resentment.

Although countries always wish to have penetrated the, markets of other

countries, they have an equally strong incentive to protect their own markets

fiom foreign competition. If national protectionism, (import restrictions such

as quotas and tariffs, designed to protect domestic procedures) or

protectionism in one counpq is no longer regarded as a viable option,

regionally based economic co-operation is increasingly attractive as a means

of both facilitating international trade and providing protection against

intensifjmg global competition.

Some regional trading blocs, such as the EEC, developed in the

aftermath of the Second World War, but most of them have come into

existence since 1980 and have been a response to economic globalisation,

notable examples including NAFTA, APEC and the proposed FTAA.

Already, more than one third of the world trade takes place within four

regions; North and South America, Europe, Asia and Oceania, and Africa

and the Middle East. The im13lications of economic re~onalisation clearly

depend on whether such trading blocs become inward-looking "economic

fortresses" resist globalisation or develop into outward looking bodies that

help to manage the integration of these regions into global economy whlle

also fostering internal co-operation.

A further dimension of regionalisation is cultural. Although cultural

globalisation is an homogeni.zing force, helping to spread the values of

1 I

consumer capitalism and acc:ording to Fukuyarna to bring about liberal

democratic convergence, it can also provoke resistance in terms of renamed

interest in native cultures, indigenous languages and so on.

Samuel P. Huntington (1996) warned, about a future "Clash of

civilization" based on the belief that 21"' century conflict will not be

primarily be ideological or economic rather than cultural, conflict between

nations and groups from the different civilization. He argued that the major

civilizations (Hindu, Islamic, Japanese, Western, Chinese, Latin American

and Orthodox Christian) wo~ild become, in reaction to globalisation, the

principal actors in World Affairs. The next World War, he predicted, would

be between civilizations rather than states. Critics, against this, argued, that it

fails to recognise the extent to which globalisation has already blurred

cultural difference in many pasts of the world; that the link between cultural

difference and antagonism is unfounded (most wars, for instance, takes place

between states from the same, not, different, civilizations); and that conflict

between civilizations is mormz an expression of perceived economic and

political injustice than of cultural rivalry.

Throughout the successful and unsuccessful efforts at co-operation

and integration runs a common thread, the tension between nationalism and

supranational loyalties i.e., regionalism or globalism. In the less successful

efforts to these areas, nationalism stands virtually unchallenged and even in

the most successful cases nationalism remains a potent force locked in the

continual struggle with supranationalism.

The theories of regional co-operation and integration and its applicability

and functioning are not identical at different areas of the world. The

environment and circumstanct:s are very different. The European Union's

experience is not as same as the context of ASEAN, OAU, NAFTA etc.

The South Asian context and t l~e SAARC experience has little comparison with

the other organisations llke EU, ASEAN, Nordic co-operation etc.

There are a mix of fac.tors and conditions that make the integrative

forces smooth and fast. These are geographical proximity, identical political

systems, favourable public opinion, cultural homogeneity, similar experiences

in historical and internal social development, political stability, similar level

of military preparedness and ec:onomic capabilities, bureaucratic compatibihties

etc. Although not all of these: conditions are essential for integration takes

place, the absence of more than a few will definitely reduce the possibility

of success.

Regional co-operation, it has been aptly pointed out "is not simply all

economic aspirations and rationally designed state actions. It is an outcome

of a number of complex and mutually incompatible political, strategic and

diplomatic initiatives, responses and interests amongst the states and their

managers in a given r e g i ~ n . " ~

Pointing out that Regionalism is a new concept mid-way between

Nationalism and Universalisni, and depending on a certain degree of shared

economic, political and ideological interests, one author observed that

Muni, S.D. and Muni Anuradha, Regional Co-operation in South Asia (Delhl: National Publishing House, 1984) p.5.

once the process of integration has started in a particular region, it serve

as a feedback and strengthens its own root^.'^

1.2 South Asia- A Profile

On the underlying unity of the states of South Asia, another eminent

author wrote, "...... India, Pakistan, Ceylon and Nepal belong to the same

civilization area. One or more of the recognised languages of India are also

the languages of Nepal, Ceylon and Pakistan. Both Nepal and India are

predominantly Hindu; the Hindus constitute the most important single

religious minority in Ceylon and Pakistan. Pakistan is predominantly Muslim

but there are more Muslims in India then in West Pakistan, Ceylon has a

small but vigorous Muslim niinority. Mohenjo Daro and Harappa are as

much as a part of India's cultural heritage as Delhi, Lucknow and Aligarh are

of Pakistan's; Tamils of Ceylon are in many ways llnked with their ancestors

in South India, and even the Sinhalese claim that they migrated from

~ e n ~ a l . " "

A broadly accepted view of 'region' highlights such factors as

geographical contiguity, socio-cultural similarities evolving from shared

historical experiences perception of the regional states as belongmg to it, and

the recognition of such a perception by states outside the region

Even within the limited focus of geographical unity, South Asia has

been variously regarded as con~prising of different states-sometimes extendmg

lo Varma, S.P., "South Asia as a Region-Problems and Prospects", pp. 341-355 in Varma, S.P. and Mirsa, K.P. Foreign Policies in South Asia-issues models & methods" (New Delhi: Orient Longmans, 1069).

11 Gupq Sisir, "Power Structure of South Asia", The Round Table, April 1970, pp. 135-136.

to Afghanistan in the West and Burma in the East. Though they have some

common features with the countries of South Asia, Afghanistan and Burma

usually included by most of the accepted classifications in West Asia and

South-East Asia respectively.

Geographical compactness and contiguity, added to the common

legacy of British rule gving birth to similar political and legal systems, and

administrative institutions and the overlapping of religons and languages

cutting across their respective ierritorial boundaries, make the core countries

of South Asia indistinguishable from each other. On this basis, we may

regard the South Asian regon as comprising of the states in India, Pakistan,

Bangladesh, Sr i Lanka, Bhutan, Nepal and Maldives. Any how, it is those

nations which have come together for the South Asian Regonal Co-operation

on the basis of a proposal mooted in 1980 by the then President of

Bangladesh, Zia-ur-Rahman.

These countries have experienced generally similar forms of historical

evolution. For instance, though colonialism that gripped India, Pakistan and

Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Maldives left Nepal and Bhutan formally

unannexed, but in effect, these Himalyan Kingdoms could not escape most

of the undesirable influences and implications of colonial rule. The most

adverse legacy was the artificial isolation of the peoples of the region from

one another and the absence of active ties among them. The economy of

each dependent territory, and their policy, were inextricably linked to the

Metropolitan political economy in the West. The new elites were more

familiar with the language and culture of the 'Mother Country', as well as its

15

political institutions. As a result, the concept of a regional identity could not

develop to any great extent, with each colony either loolung inwards or to the

colonial power for social and cultural interaction.

However, the shared historical heritage of British Colonial rule, and

common ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious traditions, make the South

Asian region a distinct sub-system. Economically, notwithstanding the

differences in the levels of poverty and deprivation the whole of South Asia

is underdeveloped, all the nations being low-income countries and affected

adversely by the unfavourable ~nternational economic climate.

The single most irnpor~ant characteristic of the region is its Indo-

Centric Character, not only because of India's geographical location and

contiguous land boundaries with almost all its neighbours, but also because

of its advantages with regard to economic resource base and growth

potential, military strength, and viability of its constitutional, political and

administrative structures.

The fact had been noted by Nehru and articulated by hlm shortly after

independence. He said: "Indiii is very curiously placed in Asia and her

history has been governed a great deal, by geographical factors plus other

factors whichever problem in Asia you may take up some how or other India

comes into the picture .... Whether it is a problem of defence, trade. or

industry or economic policy, India cannot be ignored. She cannot be ignored

because, as I said, her geographical position is a compelling reason. She

cannot be ignored also becz~se of her actual or potential power and

resources. What, ever her actual strength may or may not be, India is

potentially a very powerful c 2 u n t r y d there can be no doubt in any one's

mind that India's potential wealth will become actual and that is not too

distant a future.12

In fact, the South Asian Region is marked by power disparity between

India on the one hand, and her neighbours on the other. Except during the

60's when she suffered humiliation by the other Asian Giant-China-India's

primacy in the region has been a fact and indications were available, when,

for example India assisted Sri Lanka against the insurgency threat in April

1971 and the role it played in the emergence of Bangladesh later in that year.

The emergence of Banglades,h firmly established India's creditability as a

purposive regonal power. The: explosion of a peaceful nuclear device in May

1974, and military intervention the Indian peacekeeping force to check the

ethnic problems of Sri Lank.% in 1987. India's role in thwarting the coup

attempt in Maldives against President Abdul Gayoom; launching of

indigenous missiles and garnering of most sophisticated devices to equip our

military might etc. further reinforced these indications of India's position as

a regional power.

The geographical cent~ality of India in the region has created some

apprehensions among other states. Identity may be eclipsed by the "Indian

giant." Therefore, they have time and again adopted a somewhat anti-Indian

stance and looked to outside powers to counter the natural power-hierarchy

in the regon. Further, a senst: of insecurity has often led the ruling elites in

l2 Nehru, Jawaharlal, "Independerce and After," New Delhi: The Publications Division, Govt. of India, 1949, p. 232.

these countries to subtly freed anti-Indian feeling in order to seek political

support and consolidate their hold on the internal power structure. An

awareness of the nature of the problem has led to the cautious approach

adopted by the Member-States for furthering South Asian Regonal

Co-operation (SARC).

The problems of dive~sity in the South Asian political system and

internal instability in some of the nations of the region, it may be contented,

are not unique to South Asia. Vor the Indo-Centric factor in the regon needs

to be over-emphasised. For India's non expansionist history and its policy of

non-alignment counters the negative impact of its perceived dominance.

However, the regional co-operation has certain constraints due to

divergent-extra-regional connections. Like any other Thlrd World regions,

South Asia faces some difficulties l k e lack of necessary infra-structural

facilities such as communications, information, transportation and banlung

facilities and payment arrangements for regional interactions as well as

poor foreign exchange posii:ion in the path of any meaningful regional

co-operation. There are also sharp differences in regard to political systems.

These systems have variations ranging from parliamentary democracy to

military dictatorship to monarchial systems.

There are also divergences in their security and strategic positions.

This is partly due to historical reason and partly due to present power

structure in the region. Its central geographical position also adds its

predominance in the region. All other countries of the region, except

Maldives have common border with India. The Indo-centric factor of the

region is partly responsible for bilateral issues between India and its

neighbouring countries like border disputes, river water problems and ethnic

issues. India's sheet size .;enerates tendencies of apprehensions and

suspicions on the part of its neighbours. Since India and Pakistan are two

largest countries in the region, both in terms of size and military resources,

the relations between these tv-o countries and the role in the region is vital to

any regional co-operation. Iri fact, the political history of South Asia has

been dominated by Indo-Pak 'conflicts who have fought three wars in a short

span of four decades and the Kargl misadventure later, coupled with cross

border terrorism, arms race, the issues of Siachan glacier etc.

Both these countries have tremendous problems and conflicts with

each other. Therefore, South Asian Regional Co-operation can't be brought

about without solving the problems facing India and Pakistan. Most of the

problems are India-centred, except perhaps a few.

It would be ideal and proper to mention some of the problems

conkonting India and Pakistan because unless these problems are solved,

regional co-operation in South Asia can't be materialized. The Sirnla

Agreement marked a major step establishing a mutually acceptable context

for peaceful political settlennent of disputes between Pakistan and India.

Both sides continue to interpret certain provisions in the agreement

differently. India says that the situation in Kashmir is its own internal

problem. Pakistan treats Kasllmir as an issue still to be settled. The scholars

and theorists argue that Intlia is a nation-state in which any number of

nationalities can be adjusted. There are two ways of modem nation-states

19

came into existence: one is by way of invasion and the other is by way of

consensus. India, in the case of Jammu and Kashmir, went through

consensus and it is very legitirnate and democratic.

In the mid 1970s, a gradual and painstaking process began towards the

normalization of Sino-India relations while China kept busy with Pakistan

and other nations of South Asia. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan resulted

in broader Pakistani military, political and economic co-operation with the

U.S. and China.

As India consolidated its position of predominance in the region and

built up its defenses, largely with the help of the Soviet Union, and enhanced

its international prestige, the U.S. began changing the accents of its South

Asian politics. In 1971, during the most acute period of the regonal

conflicts, the U.S., continuecl its arms supplies to Pakistan and sent even

warshlps into the Bay of Bengal.

Once again the source elf tension between India and Pakistan has been

Kashmir. The experience of the past few decades shows that the Kashmir

problem has its own internal, regonal, and global dynamics. According to a

few Indian scholars, the rniscalculations and mistakes by the Union

government, the state govemnent and Farooq Abdulla personally, especially

in socio-economic policies have held to social tensions and outbreak of

popular uprising against Indian rule in Kashmir. Popular resent was skillfully

manipulated by fundamentalist and separatist groups, which enjoy the

support from Pakistan and the: Jamrnu and Kashmir Liberation Front.

Pakistan has accused India of suppressing the Muslim population in

Kashmu and of denying the legitimate right to self-determination. It has also

demanded that a plebiscite beheld there under international supervision. In

comparison to the previous situation, the sharp Indo-Pakistan confrontation

nowadays does not lead to military conflict and it is determined by

something very important external and internal factors.

The essence of the nuclear problem in South Asia is that both Pakistan

and India have the pre requisite technical capabilities to turn their nuclear

programme from peaceful to military purpose. Utihzation of these capabilities

now depends upon political decision. Till today both the countries refuse to

sign the Nuclear Non-pro1ifer;rtion Treaty.

Therefore, it is not surprising if their differences are so conspicuous in

their respective foreign po1ic:y strategies and perceptions of international

problems. These factors are hi~ving major impact on the security and stability

of the regon. In fact, arms built up are increasing in geometric proportion

both qualitatively and quantit.atively. Notwithstanding the divergence in the

system or in the level of' development, difference in their security

perceptions, which are no cloubt of major consequence, there are many

similarities and commonalities of interests. These are in the form of

problems they face in moving towards higher level of development and

productivity and hgher rate of growth. Many common factors have also

been at work, notably sharp increase in population, pressure on limited

resources, excessive depencience on agriculture, general state of low

productivity, unemployment ;md underdevelopment.

2 1

Notwithstanding the progress so far achieved for building up of

infrastructure, one cannot igncre the fact that it is not the lack of machmery

of co-operation but the extent of political willingness, which remains the

crucial point. Here one canno: ignore the fact that divergence and security,

or, threat to security percepti.ms remains severe constraints. Although the

leaders of South Asia, seek, so it seems to insulate it from bilateral and

contentious issues, these issues cannot be brushed under the carpet. That is

why these issues continue to surface in the SAARC progress and will also

continue to constrain the futuri: process until these issues were settled.

1.3 Statement of the Problem

South Asia has been one of the great cradles of human civilisation,

where lives a quarter of the human race. Thls region - passing through a

difficult situation - has been the ground for conflicts and struggles of a large

mass of humanity. The worst was the trauma of events, which accompanied

partition of India where the bulk of South Asia lived. Even today the spectre

of cross border terrorism looms on the horizon and difficulties are thus

created between the countrit:~ of the region assuming new and complex

forms. External forces are also impinging upon the region in ever more

powerful ways. Interaction between the two trends are making each more

pretensions. At the same time, the countries of the region are also malung the

efforts towards regional co-operation, enduring South Asia's dubious

distinction that it was hthert's the only area of such size and importance to

be without any regional instihitions.

22

1.4 Significance of the Study

This attempt to portray the regional political events in South Asia

coupled with regional co-operation and its various upward and downward

trends has become very sensitive and draws attention inside and outside of

this region. The bilateral issues and other relations with India and Pakistan

and the relationships with other South Asian countries itself indicates the

significance of &IS study. The media hype and other means of modem

communication devises have generated much interest in public and people

are very keen to these developments in this region.

1.5 Objectives of the Study

In this context, the smooth functioning and effective regional

co-operation in this repon is very much relied on the countries' combined

effort without initial suspicior~ and distrust. A cordial relationship with all

members in general and Indo-Pakistan in particular has become a pre-

requisite of peace and prospt:rity in South Asia. But the experience and

general trend of development in the region has always been against this basic

dream. Due to various reason::, compulsions and interests, the relationships

between the two nations are never smooth and at times this has slipped into

more complex and comp1icatt:d situation. This peculiar trend raises some

relevant questions and demand serious political and academic attention.

It is presumed that the reason for this complex and negative trend is

purely of regional in character and there are several related reasons as well

blocking the desired regional co-operation and especially the relationship

between India and Pakistan. It is worth to analyse the political initiatives

23

made by India and Palustan to resolve the bilateral issues in the positive

environment of South Asian realities. Otherwise, it is significant to assess the

political sincerity and integrity of the political leadership of all the South

Asian nations in their effort tc~ settle the bilateral issues among them against

the background of their domestic compulsions. Hence, this study focuses on

the various political and bilateral moves and efforts made by the South Asian

nations for effective regional -0-operation and its implications with the lack

of momentum and little success due to the major bilateral irritants between

India and Palustan, whlch keeps away from the desired destination of peace,

progress and development in tl~is regon.

1.6 Hypotheses

The main th% of this study is based on the following assumptions.

1 . The South Asian regicnal forum - the SAARC has launched some

impressive range of actlvities for the seven countries to move towards

effective regional co-operation since its inception in 1985.

2. The South Asian countries with great expectations, are gradually realising

that the cost of hostility are great and earnestly believed that fiiendly

relations with neighbouring countries can help to reduce tension and

spending in the region, and thus provide opportunity to channelise scarce

domestic resources to urgently needed development programmes.

3. However, despite strong rationale for co-operation, the extent and

nature of it in the effective sense has been quite minimal. Initially, it

was the asymmetq issue in which there are apprehensions that India's

size would lead to her domination over others in any economic co-

operation initiatives.

4. India's intention in this regon towards normalisation of relations with

its neighbours, especially the smaller neighbours are looked upon with

suspicion at times. The bilateral as well as the contentious issues

between India and Paldstan has been the major constraint towards

effective regional co-operation in South Asia, despite, the dialogues,

deliberations and moves to establish co-operation in the non-political

as well as non-controvc:rsial terrains. Pakistan's deliberate attempts to

inculcate anti-India seritiments among other South Asian nations by

projecting Indo-centric nature has met with some positive results in

favour of Pakistan.

5 . In a scenario where In'iia's relations with its neighbours are strained

and there is a tendency for bilateral relations to affect the overall

relations not in a positive manner. Therefore, the political willingness

with a positive frame clf mind is needed to tackle the bilateral issues

also along with other non-political areas i.e, economic and trade

related paradigms for an effective regonal co-operation in South Asia.

In this sense SAARC has a permanent political relevance to these

countries individually, t)ilaterally and regionally.

1.7 Methodology

The study is materiali~ed basically on the basis of the case study

method. However, various riecondary sources are also incorporated. In

addition to this, document analysis methods as well as the historical and

analytical methods are also ev nced in this attempt

1.8 Universe of the Study

The terrain of this studj. concentrates on the domestic compulsions of

member nations and their aspi:ations destined for the overall co-operation in

the South Asian region. Mainly, the focus is at regional developments and its

implications at international level later. The regonal interaction among these

nations claims the utmost importance.

1.9 Limitations of the Study

There are multifaceted areas, which caused many constraints while

completing this attempt. The difficulty in the non-availability of primary

sources has been a major constraint. The turbulent relationships among

these nations especially between India and Pakistan and its immediate shifts

of policies are also created rr.uch difficulty while analysing the events and

incidents. Hence, the researcher tried the level best to do justice to

this study despite the limitatic~ns and sans any claims regarding its scholarly

brilliance.

1.10 Sources of Informatic~n

The researcher hinges on primary as well as secondary sources of

information. But the major share of information has been incorporated from

the secondary sources.

Therefore the question arises, why, in spite of a shared history,

geographical contiguity, cultural links and potential gain from co-operation,

attempts at co-operation has been so elusive in this region? What are the

factors, which impelled other nations to come together to evolve a structure

of co-operation? To what ex1:ent have institutional arrangements facilitated

26

the process? What are its achievements facilitated the process? What are the

basic issues whlch hampering; the smooth functioning of co-operation in this

region? The bilateral relations between India and Pakistan - India and other

members of SAARC. Is th:re any relevance of the theories of regional

co-operation and integration to our South Asian context? Answers to these

questions would be attempted through an in-depth study on SAARC and

Indo-Pak relations prior to S h N C and after; through the following chapters.

1.11 Organisation of the Thesis

This study is divided into the following seven chapters.

Chapter 1 Introduction

Chapter 2 History of bilateral issues between India-Pakistan prior to SAARC.

Chapter 3 The experience of regional co-operation and framework in the

South Asian context.

Chapter 4 Structural functional aspects of SAARC.

Chapter 5 Bilateral issues ccafronting regional co-operation - A case study of

Indo-Pak relatioris.

Chapter 6 Relations of Indi.3 and Pakistan with other SAARC countries.

Chapter 7 Conclusion