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CHAPTER - I
POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF TRAVANCORE
Travancore and Ay Kings
Among the few maritime States of India, Travancore enjoyed
position of historical importance. In political the earliest rulers of
Travancore were the Ay kings. The Ay Kings were probably ruling over the
region around the Potiyil Hills, the southernmost section of the Western
Ghats.1 Ptolemy states that the territory of the Ays flourished in the South of
the Chera Kingdom and extended from Nelcynda to Kumari and the Pandya
Kingdom laid only ‘Past Komaria’.2 Robert Sewell opines that the Ay were
the rulers of the hill-country of Travancore.3 Ayakkudi near Aralvaymoli,
Idalakkudi and certain place-names near Amsi give some clues regarding the
Ay Kingdom of the Sangam Age.
The important Ay kings who ruled over Travancore are Ay
Andiran, Titiyan, Atiyan II and Nanchil Porunan.4 Ay Andiran is said to be
an independent ruler. His region extended over the mountainous tracts from
the Coimbatore gap in the Western Ghats down to Kanyakumari in the
1 Travancore Archaological Series, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1913, pp. 17 - 19.
2 Rajaraja Varma M., Some Travancore Dynastic Records Kerala Society Papers
Series I, p. 27
3 Robert Sewell, Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, Madras, 1932, p. 361.
4 Sreedhara Menon A., Kerala District Gazetteers, Trivandrum, 1962, p. 104.
24
South.5 Purananuru extols him as a philanthropic king who ruled over the
region near the Potiyil Hill. He is described as Vel Ay and Mal-Vel-Ay in
Purananuru. He patronized the Tamil poets. The most important among
them were Mudamociyar, Kuttuvan, Kiranar and Odaikilar. Another
eminent poet Karikkannanar also refers to him in Nattinai, Ay Andiran
drove the Pandyas from Nanchilnad and came to prominence some time
between 96 and 140 A.D.6
Titiyan is described as ‘Potiyir Celvan’ by the poet-king
Bhutappandiyan. During his reign, the neighbouring Pandya Kingdom was
ruled by king Bhutappandiyan. The Sangam literature does not make
mention of any war between Bhutappandiyan and Titiyan. But the Pandyan
king must have come at least as far as Boothappandy, a place named after
him, and where a temple called Bhutappandisaramudaiyar was founded. So
it may be suggested that the Pandya king and Titiyan come to an agreement
fixing Bhutappandi as the western limit of Pandyan Kingdom, leaving the
region to the North and West of it in the hands of Titiyan.7 In the time of
Atiyan, the Ay Kingdom began to disintegrate.
8 Alakiyapandiyan is said to
5 Elankulam Kunjan Pillai P.N., Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970, p. 66.
6 Pillai K.K., Suchindram Temple, Madras, 1952, p. 15.
7 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol.I, Trivandrum, 1913, pp. 19 - 34.
There is a village named Atiyannoor is Neyyattinkara Taluk even today. The older
name of Alakiapandipuram in Thovalai Taluk was also Atiyannoor. It is quite
possible that these villages were named after Atiyan.
8 Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerla History, Kottayam, 1967, p. 65.
25
have invaded the kingdom of the Ays and defeated Atiyan and reduced him
to the position of a tributary Chief of the Pandya king. Paranar, the Tamil
poet has described this historical fight in the Ahananuru and sings of the
victorious flag of the Pandyas, flying on the top of the Potiyil Hills.9
The Ays after being defeated by the Pandyas struggled in vain
to regain their lost independence and their supremacy over the Potiyil
region. Talayalankanattu Ceru Ventra Neduncheliyan, who came to the
Pandya throne during the reign of Titiyan II, repulsed the latter in the battle
of Talayalankanam. Thus, the battle of Talayalankanam sealed for ever the
fate of the Ay kingdom.10
This heroic fight of Talayalankanam has been
briefly described by Nakkirar in the Ahananuru. As a result of the battle of
Talayalankanam, the Potiyil region was broken up into petty Kingdoms.11
Travancore and the Pandya Kings
After the discomfiture of the Ay kings, certain regions of
Nanchilnad remained under Pandya rule for several centuries. The Pandya
King Sendan (645 – 670 A.D.) invaded Nanchilnad.12
The only reliable
basis for the inference that he undertook expeditions beyond Aralvaymoli is
that Sendan assumed the surname Vanava, the distinctive appellation of the
9 Sangam Literatuer (Tamil), Ahananuru, Stanza - 162.
10 Ibid., 42.
11 Sangam Literatuer (Tamil), Ahananuru, Stanza - 36
12 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol.VI, Trivandrum, 1913, Part.1, p.100.
26
Chera. It is also inferred from certain surviving place-names that he might
have conquered parts of Nanchilnad and commemorated his victories by
bestowing his own villages and temples.13
For instance, at Talakkudi, about
three miles north-east of Kottar, there exists the Temple
Sendanisvaramudiyar. Popular tradition connecting this shrine with Sendan,
a Pankyan, is perhaps based on fact. Again, on the southern fringe of
Alakiyapandipuram is found a temple known as Jayandanarkoyil. Further, a
village in the Agasteeswaram Taluk located about five miles south-west of
Kottar is the village of Sendanputur.
The next king who attacked Travancore and places to the
North of it was Sendan’s successor known as Arikesari Maravarman (670 –
710). He achieved victories at Kottar and captured it.14
It is described in the
Commentary of Iraiyanar Akapporul. So, it is certain that he conquered
certain portions of Travancore which were not under Pandya authority. He
completed the annexation of Nanchilnad to the Pandya Kingdom.
Kochadaiyan (710 – 740 A.D.) who succeeded Arikesari is said to have
defeated Ay Vel, who held sway in the Western Ghats region in the battle of
Marudur.15
The Ay king was forced to acknowledge the Pandya supremacy.
Perhaps, Kochadaiyan extinguished the last vestiges of the authority of the
13 Ibid.,
14 Pillai K.K.,op. cit., p. 21
15 Elankulam Kunjan Pillai P.N., op. cit., p. 49.
27
Ays in Travancore and thus completely asserted the Pandya supremacy over
the whole of Travancore.
During the reign of Maran Chadayan (765 – 815 A.D.), the Ay
ruler again seems to have reasserted his independence in the neighbouring
region to the North, including South Travancore and the Pandya king had to
wage a war with Ay Vel. Later he was defeated and his country annexed.16
Not satisfied with this victory the Pandya king marched against the Ay king,
Karunadan, probably the successor of Ay Vel. The result of this battle is not
known, but it is unlikely that the Ay ruler was completely subdued by the
Pandya ruler. In this encounter, Karunadan was assisted by the Cheras, and
the Pandya army was driven back as far as Karaikkottai which is identified
with Aralvaymoli.17
It appears that Viranarayana Chadayan, who ascended the
Pandya throne about 880, had also been actively connected with Travancore.
Some of his inscriptions are found in the temple of Suchindram that was one
of the sacred places patronized by him. The fact that the Suchindram
inscriptions of his period bear the regnal years of his reign is a clear proof
that the locality was under his sway. Veera Narayana Seri and Veera
Narayana Mangalam, two villages located within a few miles of Kottar,
16 Travancore Archaeological Series, No.XII, Trivandrum, 1913, pp.188 - 189.
17 Ramanatha Iyer A.S., ‘The Aruvaymoli Pass or the Open Gateway of Travancore’,
Journal of Indian History, April, 1925, p. 7.
28
perhaps owe their names to the particular Pandya sovereign.18
Again in 900,
Raja Simha II succeeded Viranarayana and that he continued to be in
possession of Nanchilnad is attested by his inscriptions which are found in
large numbers in this region.19
However, Rajasimha’s power, and along
with it, the supremacy of the early Pandyas, was crushed by Parantaka
Chola.
Travancore and the Chola Empire
About the beginning of the tenth century A.D., South
Travancore was annexed to the Chola Empire by Parantaka I (907 – 955
A.D.). His inscriptions are found in Travancore; especially in Suchindram.20
He defeated Maravarman Rajasimha, the Pandya king. Parantaka captured
Kanyakumari and extended his kingdom up to Suchindram as is testified by
the Suchindram inscription of Parantaka Chola I, which records the gift of
fifty sheep for maintaining a perpetual lamp before the God of the temple at
Suchindram.21
But, it was only in the reign of Raja Raja I, the greatest of the
Chola rulers (985 – 1016 A.D.) that Chola authority was firmly established
over the whole of the Pandya Kingdom including Nanchilnad.22
His
hegemony was accepted even beyond the northern boundary of Nanchilnad.
18 Sreedhara Menon A., op. cit. p. 213.
19 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol.IV, Trivandrum, 1913, pp. 120 - 123.
20 Ibid., Vol. XIC., pp. 237 – 238.
21 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1913, pp. 237 - 238.
22 Nilakanta Sastri K.A., The Cholas, Vol. I, Madras, 1955, pp. 104 - 105.
29
Several inscriptions in the Cholapuram Temple near Kottar
bear witness to the Chola conquest of Travancore.23
The temple itself was
built by Arayan Madhurantaka Cholan a native of Tanjore, who after serving
as a military commander under the Cholas appears to have settled down in
Nanchilnad as a subordinate chief.24
In commemoration of his great vicoty
over the Pandyas, Raja Raja renamed Kanyakumari as Rajarajesvaram.
RajaRaja seems to have consolidated his southern conquests by constituting
the newly acquired places into a separate administrative unit called RajaRaja
Pandinadu. Kottar which was the southern most military outpost in the
Chola dominion was named Mummudicholanallur and a Chola garrision
(nilappadai) was permanently stationed there.25
Thus by the end of the reign
of RajaRaja Chola, South Travancore became an integral part of the Chola
kingdom.
Raja Raja was succeeded by his son Rajendra I. Rajendra I
made Cholapuram as his capital26
and governed the farflung provinces
through Viceroys. He appointed his son Jatavarman, the first Viceroy over
the Pandya territory, the southern part of the Pandya region, including
Nanchilnad came to be governed by the Chola Pandya Viceroys lasting for
23 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. VI, Trivandrum, pp. 1 - 6.
24 Ibid.,
25 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, Part I, Trivandrum, 1913, p. 2.
26 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. III, Trivandrum, 1913, p. 198.
30
nearly sixty-five years, at the end of which period this system was finally
abolished by Kulottunga I.27
Kulottunga I (1070 – 1118 A.D.) the first of the Eastern
Chalukya Chola emperors came to the throne and was closely associated
with Travancore.28
An inscription of Tirukkalukkunram refers to his
victories against the ‘Five Pandyas’ and capture of the region round the
Potiyil Hill and also the destruction of Kottar.29
He was opposed to the
sharing of power with the Viceroys and hence unified it under greater
control from the centre. He introduced a new system of opening military
cantonments at various strategic places with a view to maintain law and
order and to prevent attempts by the outlying regions at breaking away from
the empire. One such unit was kept at Kottar in South Travancore. An
inscription at Cholapuram dated in his 9th
regional year mentions ‘Kottaru
Nilappadai’.30
In the reign of Kulottunga, the Western Chalukyas and
Hoysalas achieved several victories over the Cholas and the northern portion
of the Chola Empire passed under their sway. Taking advantage of this
disaster, Parantaka Pandya overran Kanyakumari easily.31
He is also said to
27 Nilakanta Sastri K.A., op. cit., p.231.
28 Travancore Archaeological Series, No. XI, p. 293.
29 Pate H.R., Madras District Gazetteers- Tinnevelley, Vol.I Madras, 1917, p. 50.
30 Travancore Archaeological Series, No. XIV, Trivandrum, 1913, p. 247.
31 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, No. 3, pp. 5 - 6.
31
have occupied Travancore and even marched up to Vilinjam and Kandalur
Salai. In the words of K.K. Pillai, Parantaka did not occupy Nanchilnad, but
only marched his army from Kanyakumari to Travancore; nevertheless it
must be conceded that he captured Vilinjam and Kandalur Salai during his
march through these places.32
Depending on the Kanyakumari inscription of
Parantaka Pandya one cannot contradict the conclusion that the Pandya king
was successful in his campaign against Nanchilnad and even against
Kupaka, the Venad ruler. The loss of Nanchilnad in the South appreciably
weakened the Chola power, which was soon dislodged by the Venad
rulers.33
Travancore andVenad Rulers
The history of Nanchilnad during the transition from the Chola
authority to that of the Venad rulers is covered by a thick mist of historical
uncertainities. On the strength of an inscription on the Pandiyan Anai or the
dam on the river Parali, Nagam Aiya records also mention the achievements
of Kupaka ruler. This inscription and the records tell that a Kupaka ruler
conquered Kottar and seized the whole of Travancore in 1116.34
The later part of the twelfth century, Ravi Varma Kulasekhara
(1299 – 1311 A.D.) of Quilon, not only brought the whole of Kerala under
32 Pillai K.K., op. cit., p. 29.
33 Kerala Soceity Papers, Vol. III., Series 4, pp. 200 - 208.
34 Nagam Aiya V., The Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1906, p. 25.
32
his sway, but also took advantage of the internecine quarrels of the Pandyas
and the hopeless effect of the Cholas to push his conquests as far as the
Chengelpet District and crown himself Emperor of the whole of South India.
Ravi Varma was also a distinguished poet and patron of letters. He was
popular as ‘Samgramdhira’ or firm in battle. The possessions of Venad,
however, were lost in the deluge of the Mohammedan inroad that swept the
Carnatic shortly after.35
But when Kampana of Vijayanagar drove the
Mohammedans from Trichinopoly and Madurai in 1371 A.D. and the
Pandyas returned to power, it became possible for Venad once again to
extend her conquests as far as Kayal, a sea-port in the Tinnevelly District in
the middle of the fifteenth century, as testified to by the Mohammedan
traveller Abdur Razzack.
Udaya Marthanda Varma surnamed Bhutalavira, who ruled
over Venad at the beginning of the sixteenth century, was a sovereign of
singular prowess and may not be aptly compared to Edward III of England.36
He ruled over large portions of Tinnevelly and exacted tribute even from
Ceylon.37
He also married a Chola Princess, just as Ravi Varma had married
a Pandyan princess in the fourteenth century and the Chola kings Parantaka I
and Parantaka II had married Kerala princesses in the tenth century. A
35 Taylor W., Historical Manuscript Translation, Vol. I, Madras, 1951, p. 226.
36 Ulloor Parameswara Aiyer S., Progress of Travancore under H.H. Sreemoolam
Tirunal, Trivandrum, 1989, p.18.
37 Ladislas Michael, Francis Xavier, Kandi, 1910, pp. 20 - 24 and William Vogan,
Malabar, Vol.I, Madras, 1951, p. 310.
33
treaty was also entered into with the Portuguese in 1516 A.D., this being the
first treaty of Travancore with a European power.38
In 1532 A.D., Achyuta
Raya of Vijayanagar over-ran South Travancore, and Venad had to make
peace with the great Hindu Empire.39
In 1544 A.D., there was another
invasion of Travancore by Vittala Deva, son of Rama Raya of Vijayanagar,
apparently for the recovery of the tribute left in arrears by Venad and with a
view to chastise her for being an ally of Portugal.40
The impending calamity
was averted by a timely peace with Vittala. When the Nayaks of Madurai
stepped into the shoes of the Vijayanagar kings after the eventual overthrow
of the latter at the battle of Talaikotta in 1565 A.D. Muthuvirappa Nayak in
1606 A.D. and the great Tirumalai Nayak himself in 1635 A.D. led
expeditions against Travancore.41
It is said that Francis Xavier, the Catholic priest and
missionary marched in front of the Travancore army with a crucifix in his
hand and his sudden appearance produced a panic in the ranks of the enemy.
The enemy was beaten back with great loss. The Maharaja received Francis
Xavier and said, “They call me the great king, but hereafter for ever they
will call you the Great Father”.42
38 Velu Pillai T.K., The Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1996, p. 156.
39 Ibid., pp.165 - 167.
40 Diocese of Kottar, Directory – 1983, Nagercoil, 1982, pp. 60 - 65.
41 Panikkar K.M., Asia and Western Dominance, Newyork, 1922, pp. 187 - 188.
42 Abraham M.V., A Concise history of Travancore, Tiruvalla, 1942, p.4.
34
During the reign of Unni Kerala Varma, Thirumalai Nayak of
Madurai sent an army to invade Travanore about the close of 1634 A.D.
Eravi Kutti Pillai, the matchless soldier, was the commander of the
Travancore army. He fought bravely to the last though he was treacherously
attacked by an assassin from behind. His head was to be sent to Thirumalai
Nayak, but one of his soldiers rescued it from the enemy and placed it before
the Maharaja. The Maharaja attended his funeral procession and then called
on the hero’s mother and consoled her. As a result of the invasion, crops
were destroyed, houses plundered and the ryots suffered heavily. The
southern parts of Nanchilnad remained under the rule of the Nayaks for
sometime more. Unni Kerala Varma granted to the English merchants a site
for a factory at Vilinjam.43
Travancore and the Feudal Nobility
The feudal nobility in Travancore had become very powerful.
The king’s power was reduced to nothing. Sri Padmanabhaswami Temple at
Trivandrum owned most of the lands in the State.44
By a settlement, the
management of the temple was assumed by a council consisting of eight
Brahmin priests and the Maharaja. The Maharaja had only half a vote while
the other councilors or Yogakkar had eight votes. The Yogakkar divided the
43 George Schurhammer, Francisce Xavier – His Life and His Times, Vol.II, Rome,
1907, pp.439 – 449.
44 Elamkulam Kunjam Pillai P.N., Chila Kerala Charitra Prasnamgal (Malayalam),
Kottayam, 1963, p.74.
35
lands owned by the temple into eight districts. Over each district a
nobleman was appointed for the collection of revenues. These noblemen
came to be known as Ettuveettil Pillamar – ‘Lords of the Eight House’ K.M.
Panikkar in his Malabar and the Dutch says: “During the reign of Rajah
Aditya Varma who ruled from 1661 to 1677 A.D. the feudal anarchy in the
State took the most violent forms. The palace of the Rajah was set fire to
and later on the ruler himself was poisioned.”45
As there was no male heir to
Aditya Varma, Umayammai, the Queen of Attingal, succeeded to the throne.
Attingal was one of the five branches of the Trippappu family. The others
were Travancore Desinganad, Elayadathu Swaroopam and Nedumangadu.46
A Mughal soldier of fortune known as Mukilan invaded the
southern part of Travancore in 1680 A.D. The invasion is known as
‘Mukilan – padai’ (Mughals invasion). The Yogakkar and Pillamar did not
oppose him. He therefore advanced on Trivandrum and encamped at
Manakad.47
The Rani herself left the capital. Thus the Mughal soldier
became the master of the country between Thovalai and Edava. The Rani
appealed for help to Kerala Varma, the Raja of Kottayam. Prince Kerala
Varma was a great soldier and great poet. He collected a large army and
defeated the Mughal chief at Thiruvattar. Mukilan fell down in the battle.
45 Travancore Dynastic Records, Kerala Society Papers, Series 6, Trivandrum, pp.340-
345.
46 Ibid.,
47 Velu Pillai T.K., op. cit., p.217.
36
After restoring the Rani to her former position, he built two palaces at
Trivandrum and lived in one of them. But Kerala Varma was assassinated in
his palace by the agents of the Ettuveetil Pillamar. Umayammai Rani was a
famous and fabulous queen in Travancore History. In 1684 the English East
India Company obtained permission from her to build a factory at
Anjengo.48
The English had established their factories in Travancore viz.,
Anjengo, Vilinjam and Kovalam.
The Dutch East India Company which was formed in 1502 had
progressed steadily. They formed many settlements on the Malabar Coast
after driving the Portuguese from most of their possessions. In 1653, they
drove the Portuguese from Cochin. The Portuguese influence disappeared
from Malabar by the year 1663 and the Dutch became masters of the entire
commerce of Malabar. By 1664 A.D., the Dutch had concluded treaties of
alliance with the chief princes in Travancore viz., the Rajas of Kayamkulam,
Travancore, Quilon, Porakad and Kottarakarai. The main object of these
alliances was to secure a monopoly for the trade in pepper and opium. The
chief Dutch settlements in Travancore about 1667 were Quilon,
Kayamkulam, Purakad, Karunagappalli and Thengappattinam.49
48 Shungunny Menon P., History of Travancore, Madras, 1878, p.75.
49 Letter to Batavia, 12th May 1741, also Gallati, The Dutch in Malabar, (n.d), Madras,
1878, p.83.
37
Rulers of Travancore
Ravi Varma, the youngest surviving son of Umayammai Rani
having attained his 16th
year was crowned king in 1684 A.D. Two princes
Unni Kerala Varma and two princesses were adopted from the Kolath
family. Ravi Varma was an able ruler. He defeated and annihilated the
Nayak army of Madurai that attacked Travancore Kingdom.50
When the
news of the disaster reached Mangammal, the Queen Regent at Madurai,
sent her minister Narasappa with a large army to Travancore in 1697 A.D.
and Maharaja’s army gallantly defended the country.51
The Madurai army
was not able to defeat the Travancore forces. Narasappa then plundered the
outlying portions of Nanchilnadu. Unni Kerala Varma, the elder of the
princes adopted from Kolathunad, succeeded Ravi Varma. He was weak
and unpopular; the people looked upon him as a stranger. The pillamar
became so powerful that the king removed his residence to Neyyatinkarai.52
Rani of attingal a sandy spit of land at Anjengo for the location
of a factory. In 1690 they also obtained permission to build a fort at
Anjengo. The fort was completed in 1695. The acquisition of Anjengo was
a substantial gain to the English, for the place commanded the line of water
communication to the north and provided ample facilities for trade.53
A
50 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp.78 - 79.
51 Gallati, The Dutch in Malabar, Madras, 1878, p.83.
52 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp.78-81.
53 Anjengo Consulations, Vol.III A, 1750, p.3
38
depot for military stores was also opened here and before long Anjengo
developed into the most omport English possession on the west coast next
only to Bombay. It also provided a convenient foothold from where the
English East India Company could extend its sphere of influence in south
and central Kerala. However, the grant of concession to the English at
Anjengo provoked of concession the wroth of the local population and in
1697 the factory at Anjengo was subjected to a violent attack by the local
people, but it proved abortive.54
In April 1723 A.D., a formal treaty was concluded between the
English East India Company and the king of Travancore. It may be
mentioned that this is "the first treaty negotiated by the English East India
Company with an Indian State". Under the provisions of this treaty, the chief
of the Trippappur Swarupam undertook to construct a fort at Colachel for
the English at his own cost and the company undertook to supply the
artillery and ammunitions of war for the fort.55
This treaty which laid the
foundations of friendship between Travancore and the English East India
Company was signed by Prince Marthanda Varma and Dr. Alexander Orme,
the commender of Anjengo, representing the two parties. In August 1723
A.D., Dr. Alexender Orme formally communicated to the Raja the
Company's willingness to render all help to him in suppressing the power of
54 English Factories in India, 1642 - 45.
55 Kerala Society Papers, Vol.I & II, 1997, p.45
39
the pillamar and the fendal nobility.56
In 1726 A.D., the Rani of Attingal
gave the English the site for a factory at Edava. The policy of friendship and
alliance between the English and Travancore was further developed during
the reign of Marthanda Varma.
Unni Kerala Varma died in 1724 A.D. He was succeeded by
his brother Rama Varma.57
In 1726, Rama Varma on the advice of his
nephew Prince Marthanda Varma was arrived at the most important dicision
in the history of Travancore. This was to pay homage and allegiance to the
new Mughal Governor of the Carnatic and to seek his aid for the destruction
of the Yogakkar and Pillamar.58
With this object, the king went to Trichi
and entered into a treaty with the Governor of the Carnatic. He agreed to
pay an annual tribute of Rs.3000/- to the Nawab of Carnatic. The Nawab
took him under his protection and sent an army of 2000 infantry and 1000
cavalry to crush the refractory nobles. The Maharaja was to meet the
expenses of the army which was to remain under his orders. The Pillamar
and the Yogakkar fled for their lives.
In 1728 A.D., a party of men sent by the Ettuveetil Pillamar
attacked the senior Rani and her little son Rama Varma on their way from
56 Ibid., V.I., p.6, & Travancore Archaeological Report for 1923 - 24, p.50,
57 Kusuman, K.K., A History of Trade and Commerce in Travancore, New Delhi, 1987,
pp.85 – 86.
58 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.81.
40
Trivandrum to Attingal.59
The Rani’s consort, Kerala Varma Koil
Thampuran, saved them by sacrificing his life. He belonged to the
Kilimanur House. The Kilimanur Estate was conferred upon the Koil
Thampuran’s family as a free-hold grant in recognition of his heroic services
to the Royal family. Rama Varma died in 1728. The early history of
Travancore closes with his reign.60
Marthanda Varma and the Modern Travancore
Travancore attained its territorial configuration during the
reign of Maharaja Marthanda Varma (1729 – 1758 A.D.) who enlarged the
kingdom of Venad, consolidated the royal authority, reorganized
administration and founded the modern Travancore. He reintroduced the
land tax in 1739. When the kingdom expanded and administration became
unwieldy, the Maharaja formed a ministry, headed by Dewan.
Administration was now centralized. In addition, he shifted his capital from
Thiruvitamcode to Padmanabhapuram in 1756. Marthanda Varma
modernized administration but along with it, the State was transformed into
a ‘Hindu State’, where Brahmins reigned supreme.61
To quote the words of his illustrious descendants, the late His
Highness Visakham Tirunal Maharaja, as great in letters as his ancestor had
59 Ibid. pp. 80 - 81.
60 Kunjan Pillai, Annathe Keralam (Malayalam), Kottayam, 1965, p.37.
61 The Martas State Directory, Cochin, 1934, No.VIII, p.3., Travancore Land Revenue
Manual, Vol.IV, p.365.
41
been in arms. “Marthanda Varma succeeded to a heritage as thorny as it was
poor. The feeble rule of a series of his predecessors had fostered the greedy
of the surrounding chieftains and the turbulence of internal malcontents to
such an extent that their kingdom was almost a misnomer and their authority
little better than a mockery. But Marthanda Varma was one of those whom
the world produced, but at rare intervals. He was born to command and
conquer. He had the best of schooling, that of hardship he had the best of
teachers- foes". He was served by one of the ablest of ministers (Ramayyan
Dalwa). Sully did not serve Henry IV of France more ably and faithfully as
Ramayyan did Marthanda Varma.62
The Baron de Rosny was the very man
to remedy this state of matters; rude, obstinate and haughty, but at the same
time resolute, active, indefatigable and wholly devoted to his master’s
interests. Ramayyan was unrelenting, unsparing and often unscrupulous to
his master’s enemies, but himself was merged completely in that of his
master. He was as fearless in the council room as he was in the battlefield.
With such a minister at his right hand, and with a strong will, abiding
patience, and indomitable courage, the Raja not only won back what his
predecessors had lost, but subjugatd one after another the neighbouring
chiefs who were a perpetual source of trouble.63
62 Accompaniments to the Letters from Coromandal, 1738 – 1739, Notes on Travancore,
Madras.
63 Ulloor S. Parameswara Aiyer, op. cit, p.20.
42
The Maharaja, assisted by Ramayyan Dalawa, his trusted
minister, added Attingal to Travancore, conquered the principalities of
Kottarakkara, Quilon, Kayamkulam, Ambalapuzha (Chempakasserry),
Tekkumkur and Vadakkumkur, and severely defeated the Dutch at Colachel,
compelling them to conclude a treaty with him at Mavelikara in 1753, under
which they agreed to recede from all engagements entered into by them with
other Malabar princes and on no account to interfere in their quarrels.64
The
1741 battle fought at Colachel gave a shock treatment to the Dutch designs
in Kerala.65
The Dutch thought of packing themselves off from the Kerala
coast after this battle. This is the first defeat of a European power at the
hands of an Asian power Travancore. The Zamorin of Calicut was repulsed
and treaties were entered into with the Raja of Cochin and the Nawab of the
Carnatic. This remarkable career of conquest and annexation was followed
by consolidation and reform. The suppression of internal dissensions and
the establishment of peace had been accomplished from one end of the
country to the other, from Cape Comorin to Mamala near Udayamperoor in
Cochin, but the order thus restored could not be considered stable in view of
sedition within and jealously without.66
He resolved to signalize his reign by
a great act of State. On the 17th
January 1750, he publicly dedicated the
entire territory to his family Deity Sri Padmanabha. This epoch making
64 Velu Pillai T.K., op. cit. pp. 320-322.
65 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit, p.100.
66 Cover File No.15184, Boundary Disputes, Correspondence between Maharaja Veera
Kerala Verma of Cochin and Colonel Munro register 1811 to 1814.
43
event was one of supreme significance in his devotion. It meant the
collection of revenue in the name of God and the expenditure of the same in
the interests of the people.67
The solemn religious character thus stamped on
the constitution of the State has never been lost sight of by his successors on
the throne, every one of whom has loyally and faithfully striven to discharge
the sacred trust”.68
Travancore and the British
Maharaja Marthanda Varma was, in every sense, a great ruler,
but the crucial test of his greatness lay in the attitude of faith and friendship
which he adopted towards Englishmen. The English had established a
factory at Vizhinjam in about 1644 A.D., followed by another at Ruttera
(Valiyaturai) a few years later. In 1684, they obtained a piece of land at
Anjengo from the Rani of Attingal, where a factory was built in 1695.69
These concessions exasperated the malcontents, who apprehended a check to
her career of organized brigandage in the presence of those powerful
foreigners. They attacked the Anjengo factory in 1697 and murdered the
foreigners in 1721 A.D.70
67 Selections from the Records of Travncore, Part.I, p.16, Shungunny Menon P., op. cit.,
pp.125-127.
68 Selections from the Records of Travancore, Part.II, Trivandrum, p.16.
69 Ulloor S. Parameswara Aiyer, op. cit., p.22.
70 Anjengo Factory Records, and Diaries, Vol.V, Part.I, p.22-30.
44
The English in their turn resolved to put down all enemies and
subject the country to the ruling dynasty. A spirit of mutual attachment thus
grew up between the Maharaja of Travancore and the English East India
Company, which was strengthened by the helpful solicitude of Marthanda
Varma. In 1757, in a letter to the Governor of Madras, he is found referring
to the Company as his ‘old and faithful friend’ from whom he was receiving
great favour.71
How sincere he was in the profession of this friendship may
be seen from the solemn and prophetic death-bed advice that he gave to
Rama Varma, the heir apparent to the throne, in the very next years. He
called his heir to his bed-side and advised him with all the emphasis he
could command. There Englishmen appear to be destined to rise to such
power and glory as are hitherto unparalleled. Let it be your constant aim
and endeavor to secure their friendship and support.72
The subsequent
history of Travancore has proved how far this advice has been cherished by
the Maharajas of Travancore as their most priceless heir-loom.
His successor Karthikai Thirunal Rama Varma (Dharma Raja)
reigned during the period 1758 and 1798. During the fag end of his rule, he
entered into a treaty of perpetual alliance with the English East India
Company in 1795. It was he who permanently transferred the capital from
Padmanabhapuram to Trivandrum. He was assisted by two able ministers
Ayyappan Marthandan Pillai and Raja Kesavadhas. 71 Panikkar K.M., History of Kerala (1498 – 1801) Annamalai Nagar, 1960, p.239.
72 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.130.
45
Balarama Varma (1798 – 1810 A.D.) the weak successor of
Karthikai Thirunal Rama Varma came under the influence of the three
ministers, Jayanthan Sankaran Nambudiri, Sankaranarayana Chetti and
Mathu Tharakan.73
These ministers raised forced contributions from the
people to improve the finance of the State. The most important event that
occurred during this period was the rise and fall of Velu Thampi. Velu
Thampi supported by large body of men revolted openly against the practice
of exhorting money from the people. As a result, the Dewan was suspended.
Velu Thampi became the Dewan of Travancore in 1801. During this period,
a revolt in the barracks forced Travancore to conclude a modified treaty of
alliance and friendship with the East India Company and to become a
subsidiary ally.74
As per the treaty of 1805, Travancore had to pay a tribute
of Rs. 80,000 annually to the Company. The insistence on prompt payment
in spite of a bankrupt economy forced Velu Thampi to raise the banner of
revolt along with Paliath Achan, the Dewan of Cochin who also came into
conflict with the Resident on grounds of interference of the company in the
internal affairs of his State. The uprising was crushed and Velu Thampi
committed suicide in 1809.75
With his death, Travancore practically lost its independent
status even its army was disbanded. From then onwards the British interest
73 Panikkar K.M., op. cit., p.240.
74 Sobhanan B., Dewan Velu Thampi and the British, Trivandrum, 1978, pp.52-57.
75 Agur C.M., Church History of Travancore, Madras, 1903, pp.528 - 529.
46
became the main plank of the administration. All succeeding Rajas and
Dewans were satisfied with one aspect of sovereignity, viz, the internal
sovereignity.76
It was in the year 1810 that Colonel Munro took up office as
British Resident in the court of the Raja of Travancore. He was expected to
render yeoman service to the cause of the consolidation of British power in
Travancore and this was expressed by A. Falconer, the Chief Secretary to
the Madras Government, in his letter to Colonel Munro informing him of his
appointment as Resident on 23rd
March 1810, “The nature of the past
transactins and the existing state of affairs in that quarter render the situation
of the Resident in the court of Travancore in a high degree important,
difficult and delicate, and His Lordship in Council is satisfied that, in
selecting an officer possessing all the requisite qualifications for an office so
arduous, he fully provides for the public interests in confiding his trust to
you”.77
Within a few years he had by cautious, enlightened, intelligent, and
liberal policies thrust Travancore on a new course. His period was one of
great activity and progress to which the people trace the origin of everything
good in the state and considered it the golden age of Travancore.78
76 Company Government Proclamation, dated 17
th January, Fort St. George, 1809.
77 Ulloor Parameswara Aiyer S., Colonel Munro, Kerala Society Papers, Vol.II, Series 7,
(November, 1931) p.41.
78 Ibid.,
47
When Munro came to Travancore in Octorber 1810 A.D., he
found the Maharaja Balaramavarma, a weak ruler, overshadowed by
Ummini Tampi, who had been appointed Dewan on 15th
March 1810 A.D.
He saw that the country was in a state of extreme anarchy and confusion.
No progress had been made nor any disposition manifested to secure by a
system of Judiciary and retrenchment the means of retrieving the Rajas
affairs.79
The State had to pay a heavy debt to the Company towards the
expense incurred by the military operations of the Madras Government
consequent on the insurrection of Velu Thampi in 1808 – 1809 A.D.
Besides, even the annual subsidy due to the Comapany had fallen into
arrears.80
The Dewan Ummini Tampi, failed to adopt measures for tiding
over the crisis and the immediate interference of the paramount power was
becoming increasingly imperative.81
The death of Balaramavarma on 7th
November 1810 A.D. made Rani Lekshmi Bai ascend the throne in 1810,
which ushered in a new change.82
Her Highness Lekshmi Bai
Her Highness Lekshmi Bai commenced her reign in a manner
quite different from that of her predecessor, and which could scarcely have
79 Minutes of Evidence taken before the selected committee on the Affairs of East India
Company (ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, 16 August 1831) VI –
Political, p.275.
80 Ibid.,
81 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.363.
82 Gopala Panikkar P.T.K., Malabar and its Folk, Madras, 1900, p.101.
48
been expected from two persons of her age and sex. Though young, Her
Highness was possessed of a cultivated mind, was gifted with a sound
judgement, had sagacity to discern what was good for her kingdom, and to
adopt such measures as were calculated for its improvement. She possessed
an additional advantage in being wedded to Rajah Raja Varmah, Koil
Thampuran of Changanacherry, who was an accomplished Sanskrit scholar,
well versed in the institutes of Manu, as well as in all the Puranas.
Thampuran, who was only a year older than his royal consort, was the best
counselor of Her Highness in all matters, both domestic and public.83
Her Highness's good qualities are too numerous to be
described here, and the writer thinks that he would not be to do justice in the
narration, where he had to undertake such a task for, his inquires lead him to
the conclusion that a full volume might be written regarding the life and
career of this accomplished Rani, though her reign lasted only for a short
period.84
Her Highness, young as she was, had observed the weak points of
her deceased uncle’s character the self-interested proceedings of Dewan
Ummani Thambi, the disorganized state of the Government resulting from
the mismanagement of affairs, and therefore Her Highness was most anxious
to correct these evils, and which alone she knew the credit of her
Government could be regained and the welfare of her subject promoted.
83 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.65.
84 Ibid.,
49
With this view, Her Highness resolved to entrust the Government of her
kingdom into the hands of Colonel Munro, the Resident of Travancore.85
Rani Lekshmi Bai commenced her glorious reign in a manner
quite different from her predecessor.86
She declared her perfect reliance on
and respect towards the Company and placed herself under the guidance and
support of it whose bosom had been an asylum for the protectin of an infant
like Travancore. Since the time Sri Padmanabha Swami had effected an
alliance with such a respectable company of the European nation.87
Rani
Lekshmi Bai entrusted everything connected with Travancore into the hands
of Munro and called him her elder brother,88
which changed the course of
the history of Travancore.
Ummini Thampi
After her accession to the throne, she wanted to dispense with
the services of Ummini Thampi, the Dewan whose incapacity and vices
brought the affairs of the country to the greatest disorder and confusion, and
had destroyed and ruined the inhabitants by his injustice and extortions.89
She wrote a letter to the Resident censuring the Dewan: "The Dewan
85 Taylor W., op. cit., p.201.
86 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit. p.363.
87 Memorandum delivered by the Principal Tampuratty to the Resident, For.Pol.Proc.,
Fort William, 10th January 1815, Sl.No.377, No.6, FF.128-29.
88 Letter from Colonel Munro to the Chief Secretary to the Government, Fort St. George,
dated 12th October 1812, Ibid., pp.128-29.
89 Letter from Rani Lakshmi Bai to Colonel Munro, Fort William, 17th July 1818,
No.F.104.
50
appointed for the affairs of the country should in all his proceedings
manifest attachment to the Rajah, to me, and to the people – but he acts
contrary to this principle – in a manner calculated to inspire fear and distrust
both in my mind and among the people. On this account, it is incumbent on
the Company to sanction such as arrangement as may conduce to my
satisfaction and to the prosperity of the country”.90
She complained to the Resident that the Dewan was
endeavouring to excite disorders and troubles. She sent a letter on 15th
April, 1811 A.D. requesting the Resident to protect and help her. She
concluded the letter evoking sympathy, thus: “As I am a woman, it is not
becoming to write more: but I earnestly trust that my wishes may be taken
into serious consideration, and the present Dewan may be removed from
office”.91
Munro felt that the removal of Ummini Tampi was essential to the
restoration of order and improvement of the State. Therefore, he took steps
to that end. With the approval of the Madras Government, the Dewan was
relieved from office. The Rani then requested Munro to assume charge of
the administratin and conduct the duties of the Dewan along with that of the
90 Memorandum delivered by the Principal Tampuratty to the Resident. 10
th January
1815, No.6, p.129.
91 Letter from Rani Lakshmi Bai to the Resident, dated 6th April 1811, 24 July 1812,
No.16, pp.87-88.
51
resident. She dismissed Ummini Tampi and in his place appointed Colonel
Munro as her Dewan.92
Colonel Munro - the first Resident
Colonel Munro found no person qualified for the office of
Dewan in the State. The British Government repeatedly declared their
anxiety to rescue Travancore from the difficulties in which it was involved,
and to maintain the integrity, independence and dignity of the State as a
British ally. Munro was sincerely solicitous to second these benevolent
views.93
Therefore he found nothing unjust in assuming the powers of
Dewan, and he thought of using that power to conduct the affairs of
Travancore to the object of promoting in common with the interests of
England, the permanent prosperity and happiness of the people of
Travancore.94
Likewise, the arrangement announced by the Supreme
Government of assuming, the entire management of the revenues and
administration of the country was to him harsh and severe step considering
the interests of Travancore and England wanted to avoid it. “It appeared to
my judgement that the temporary employment of the Resident as Dewan
was the most efficacious and unobjectionable measure that would be
adopted for that purpose. It would combine the requisite degree of authority
92 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp.528-529.
93 Letter from Colonel Munro to the Chief Secretary to the Government, Fort St. George,
dated, 7th March 1818., Ibid., 17
th July 1818, No.20 F.31; Letter from Rani Parvati
Bayi to the Resident, dated 26 Tye 992 (1817). Ibid, p.106.
94 Ibid.,
52
in the executive administration with the preservation of the general form of
the Government, and the power and dignity of the Rajah, and could be
discontinued at once when the objects of its adoption had been fulfilled."95
The persuasions of the Rani went beyond all expectations. She
had stated in her letter to Munro, requesting to assume the administration,
that, there was no person in Travancore that she wished to elevate to the
office of Dewan and that her own wishes were that the Resident should
superintend the affairs of the country as she had a degree of confidence in
his justice, judgement and integrity, which she could not place in the
conduct of any other person. She added that she regarded the resident as her
brother and was convinced that the Resident should always act for the good
of herself and her people.96
There was no alternative for Munro except to take the entire
administration of Travancore on his shoulders. In the words of Munro: “I
know no person in the country qualified for the situation of Dewan, and the
history of the transactions in Travancore for the last ten years would not
admit of my placing much confidence in the conduct of any Dewan that
might be nominated to office, for of two Dewans appointed by the British
influence, one was guilty of open rebellion against its authority and the other
of numerous instances of mismanagement and oppression. It appears
95 Letter from Rani Parvati Bayi to the Resident, dated 26
th Tye 992 (1817) FF.31-32.
96 Nagam Aiya V., Kerala Society Papers, Vol.II, series, 7th November, 1931, p.69, op.
cit.,Vol.I, p.485.
53
therefore to be desirable that the office of Dewan should be discontinued,
and that the Resident should superintend the administration of affairs, if that
measure should be agreeable to the wishes of Her Highness the Rani and of
the people. I had the best reasons for knowing that the measure would be
highly acceptable to Her Highness and to a great majority of the people and
its adoption was further recommended by a variety of considerations drawn
from the past history and actual situation of Travancore. The history of this
country exhibits a course of low intrigues, a jealous policy which could not
be effectually suppressed under the administration of a Dewan and which
might not only influence the Rajah’s conduct, but foster a spirit of
turbulence and faction in the country. The administration of Travancore has
been capricious, oppressive and cruel and could not be radically corrected
while it remained in the hands of a person located under its operation, and
familiarized to its vices. The situatin of the country full of abuses, would be
ameliorated, the attachment of the people secured, and future commotions
prevented by the justice, moderation and humanity of an authority
possessing the confidence of the Rani and acting under the immediate
direction of the British Government. The introduction of this arrangement
so conductive in my judgement to the future prosperity of Travancore was
facilitated by exisiting circumstances for the evils long suffered under the
Dewan and a general aversion to the administration of Ummini Tampi
rendered the people desirous of being placed under the protectin of British
54
Justice”.97
The combination of the powers of Resident and Dewan in
Colonel Munro gave him a free hand to use his sharp-edged zeal for social
reform which was very much needed in Travancore.98
A very keen observer of men and things, Colonel Munro
studied the character of the people of Travancore and formed his own
opinion about them. It was in no way a favourable one at the same time it
was injurious to Travancore’s prestige and dignity to a very great extent.
The undisputed success of Munro in Travanore lay in his correct
understanding of the people and affairs of the State.99
He thought that it was his duty to change this set up, which
came into being as a result of long course of internal misrule and agitation
and continued alternations of sanguinary and unqualified tyranny on the part
of the sovereign and of turbulence, treachery and revolt on that of the
people.100
He stepped into the arena to lay the foundation of a modern
Travancore, entirely different from that of the past, with a correct
understanding and proper assessment of the character and manners about the
people.101
97 Nagam Aiya V., op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 458-59.
98 Cover File, 13401, Education “Sastri” and ‘Upadhyaya’ Examinations, 1814, p.3.
99 Pillai K.K., op. cit., p.50.
100 Letter from Colonel Munro to Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated
7th March 1818., Ibid., 17 July 1818, No.20, pp.22-23.
101 Ibid., pp.35-36.
55
The savage idea of suppression did not appeal to Munro. He
approached problems in a very liberal, enlightened and humanitarian
manner: “The principle of my proceedings was to conciliate both the Rajah
and the people, and this could be accomplished only by conferring authority,
dignity and revenues should be maintained unimpaired and especially that
the burdens of the country should be speedily removed and to please the
people it was requisite that the oppressions, the onerous imposts, and
ruinous monoplies under which of course decrease the revenues, and paying
the means of debt.”102
But it was not an easy task for him to attain all that
was in his mind. He was confronted with a government which was feudal in
character and outline. It was not of the people, by the people and for the
people, but of the privileged, for the privileged and by the privileged.
The Raja contended himself mainly with the protection of the
Kingdom from external enemies while real power was shared among a
number of petty chiefs. The supreme feudal lord was the Raja whose
authority was limited and controlled by the feudal aristocracy.103
Their
power consisted in the number of their followers and dependents who were
at their reach always.104
In the old feudal days, the political and social
powers were blended and chieftaincy was the symbol of this combined
102 Padmanabha Menon P., History of Kerala, Vol.I, Ernakulam, 1924, p.256.
103 Ward and Conner Lts., Memoir of the Survey of Travancore and Cochin, Trivandrum,
1994,, Vol.I, p. 95.
104 Gopala Panikkar K., Asia and Western Dominance, Newyork, 1922, pp. 187-188.
56
authority. The chieftains exercised such power that they could give life or
death. People paid dearly for their delinquencies. On the slightest
provocation and often at the despotic aim of those in authority they were
decapitualated.105
The feudal chieftains who were mostly Nairs106
had
separate estates and rights set apart for them by their feudal lords in return
for services they were obliged to render the latter when required. “The
chiefs held their lands on feudal tenure undertaking to follow their liegelords
at the head of their men to defend them whenever necessary. The whole
Nayar community formed the milita of the land, liable to be called for active
service by the feudal chiefs at any moment. There were no standing armies
then.”107
This reservation of rights, privileges and liabilities made the
feudal chieftains big land owners invested with powers of oppression and
domination in the country. Thus through the powers which they wielded as
landlords, the chieftains managed to indulge in an effective exercise of an
unquestioned social supremacy inside their feudal jurisdiction so that, it is
tempted irresistibly to reflect upon the likelihood of safety remaining for
such downtrodden people if the scepter of political authority were also
wielded by such despots.108
105 Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society, Vol.LXXXII, 1952, p. 76.
106 Ibid.,
107 Padmanabha Menon K.P., op. cit., Vol.I. p. 263
108 Gopala Panikkar K., op. cit., p.101.
57
The powers of feudal chieftains penetrated even in the
personal matters of individuals. The people belonging to lower classes were
not allowed to raise their buildings beyond the first floor. Certain kinds of
conveyances such as the palanquins and dholies were exclusively reserved
for the carriage of feudal heads or chieftains.109
Colonal Munro understood
that the power of the sword and the severe exactions often made the people
turbulent, of the governmental authority was over and above them which
oppressed their plans and movements.110
There was insecurity of person and
property. The cry of the people was not as regards equality of rights and
representative institutions, but for the preservation of the most fundamental
elements for human existence – life and property.
Colonel Munro had the distinction of being the most loved and
venerated of the British Residents in Travancore. The reason for that love
and veneration lies in his reformist policies and humanitarian activities in a
period of great political and social tension. His idealism, his
resourcefulness, his championing the cause of the common man and his
extreme resentment against the privileges enjoyed by a few feudal barons,
earned for him the respect and adoration of the great majority of the
people.111
He performed the arduous task of raising Travancore from the
109 Ibid, p. 98.
110 Ward and Conner Lts., op. cit., p.95.
111 Letter from Rani Parvathi Bayi to Colonel Munro, the Resident, dated 26
th Tye 992
M.E.
(January 1817). For.Pol. Proc. Fort William, 17th July 1818, No.20, FF.106-11.
58
state of declension into which it had sunk and established the fame and
authority of the British. As the Resident and Dewan of Travancroe, he
brought peace and prosperity, and introduced a progressive government,
which helped her to attain eminence and popularity. He started a
reformation in the ideals and administration which earned for him the
people’s gratitude. The imperishable name he left in their hearts for justice
and probity made even the ignorant peasant call him ‘Munroe Sahib’.112
Colonel Munro was the first Resident who established the fact
that a Resident had a mission to perform in an enlightened way. “The
natural tendency and bias of the Government leads to cruelty and oppression
and this must be counteracted by the moderate and wise but vigilant form
and unremitting exertion of the Resident’s influence and Counsels. On this
depends in a great degree the efficiency of the whole system. His
administration thus conferred great and unnumbered benefits to the State and
the people".113
In a wider sense Munro set in motion forces for long term
social and political change. To the people of Travancore he was a symbol of
Travancore’s social awakening and the outstanding spokesman of equality
and freedom. He had heralded a new society – liberal, humanist and
112 Nagan Aiya V., The Travancore State Manual, Vol.I, p.467, The Common People
speak of Munro Munrole sahib with respect in Malayalam.
113 Letter from Colonel Munro to Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated,
7th March, 1818, Ibid., 17 July 1818, No.F.85.
59
equalitarian. An elightened administrator, he had fathered important
reforms and changes in Travancore. Above all, he was a man who, with all
his mind and heart loved Travancore and her people. And they, in turn,
were indulgent to him and gave him love most abundantly and
extravagantly.114
He undertook a state tour and personally assessed the
performance of the officers. The system of recruitment of officers for public
services was improved. The economic status of the State was also improved
by abolishing the unnecessary establishments and expediting collections of
long fallen arrears of taxes and simultaneously the oppressive taxes were
abolished. An effective system of accounting and audit was introduced. He
built up a centralised system as it was in practice in Madras Presidency. The
reforms of Munro considerably influenced the future political system of
Travancore.115
Rani Lekshmi Bai died and was succeeded by her sister Gowri
Parvathi Bai (1815 – 1829 A.D.) during whose regin also Colonel Munro
continued to be the Diwan; she too opened a period of administrative and
social progress in Travancore.116
114 Augur C.M., op. cit., pp.528-529.
115 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p.291.
116 Velu Pillai T.K., op. cit, Vol. III, pp.37 - 46.