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CHAPTER - II
THE PROBLEM AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
In this chapter the general meaning of development has been
be discussed. The nature of development in the Third World
followed by development in the Arab World have also been
reviewed. The obstacles in the development of the Third
World countries, particularly in the Middle East, have also
been examined. In the end, political economy approach has
been discussed.
1. DEVELOPMENT
The notion of development is often used interchangeably with
several other terms such as 'progress' , 'advancement' ,
'modernization' and sometimes 'industrialsation.' The use of
these terms perhaps indicates that the countries which have
reached the highest degree of development are those that are
progressive, advanced, modernized and industrialized. 1
1. Jamal Al-Banna, "Development and its Derivatives", The Bulletin of Arab Labour, a special issue, Second conferenence on Manpower Development for Industry (November 1975), p. 177.
29
According to western economic thought 2 which originally
set the indicators of development in an economic context,
the term development means the transformation of a national
economy from a static into a dynamic state through an
increase in the national economic capacity in order to
achieve a substantial annual increase in the gross national
product accompanied by changes
production and in the level of
in the means~nd structure of
employment./Dependence on the
industrial and vocational sectors is increased, while
traditional activities are decreased. This implies the
change of the economic structure into an industrial
economy. 3 Therefore, an annual increase in the gross
national product and a high per capita income are taken as
the essential indicators of development.
2. W.W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non Communist Manifesto (London: CUP, 1960); W.W. Rostow, "The stages of Economic Growth", The Economic History Review (August 1959); L. Curie, "The objectives of Development" World Development, vol. 6, no. 1 (1978); G. Myrdal, The Asian Drama (New York : Pantheon, 1968)
3. Khalid Al-Haamidh, "The Strategy of Industrial Development in the Arabian Gulf", a paper presented at the Seminar on the study of the Economic and Social Dimensions in the Arabian Gulf held in Baghdad. (1979), p.l.
30
A. Economic Development
Viewed narrowly and measured by limited indicators such as
gross national product and per capita income development
often implies economic development. In this sense economic
development has dictated the rules to planners and decision-
makers in the developing countries. Industrialization has
occupied a major portion of the concept of development, and
the aspirations of the developing countries have been to
follow the examples of the industrially advanced ones. 4
However, the concept of economic development itself has gone
through radical and fundamental changes in the last four
decades and has shifted to wider, socio-economically
significant perspectives. 5
Even though the economic indicators are more often used
for measuring economic development, they are not always
valid. For example, gross national product and per capita
income may indicate the general standard of living, yet they
do not accurately signify the individual standard. In most
of the Oil-producing countries of the Arabian Peninsula the
4. ibid, p.1.
5. N. Islam and G. Henault, "From GNP to Basic Needs, A Critical Review of Development and Development Administration", International Review of Administrative Sciences, no. 3 (1979), p.253.
31
per capita income is comparatively very high, yet these
countries could not be categorized as developed ones. Thus,
a higher per capita income is not a real indicator of
development or growth especially when the income is the
result of oil revenues alone and not of an increase in the
productive economic base and activities. 6 Likewise a high
rate of growth does not always indicate development unless
it is continuous and dependent on indigenous advanced
productive capacity.
B. Political Development
From a political point of view, development may means
political stability. Political development could be assessed
in terms of the stabilization and consolidation of
participatory political institutions. Where such development
takes place, the political authority is responsive to the
people; and conversely people have faith in the political
authority and, indeed, have opportunities to participate in
the political process.
6. M. Sadiq, -"Development in the Oil-producing countries of the Arabian Peninsula (OPCAP) ", a study presented at the second Annual Meeting of the Development OPCAP Forum, Bahrain, 24-26 December 1980, p.l3.
32
Significantly, political development can not be
isolated from other forms of development. Although to a
limited extent the political sphere may be autonomous from
the rest of society but sustained political development
wo u 1 d on 1 y take p 1 ace within the context of a
multidimensional process of social change. 7
C. Social Development
It has been emphasized that besides economic problems we
also have social problems. Thus the social indicators should
also be taken into consideration along with the economlc
indicators of development. For this reason it has been
suggested that development should not be measured in terms
of growth only but it should also be assessed in terms of
7. See Lucian pye "The concept of political Development", The Annals of the American Academy of political and social Sciences. March 1965, p. 1-13; Alfred Diamant, "The Nature of political Development" in Jason L. Finkle and Richard W. Gable eds. Political Development and Social change (New York: John Willey & Sons, 1968), p. 91-96; Dirk Berg-Schlosser and Rainer Seiglar, Political stability and Development: A comparative Analysis of Kenya, Tanzania. and Uganda (Boulder: Lynne Reinner Publishers, 1990), p. 21-26. Majid Khadduri, Political Trends in the Arab world ~ the Role of Ideas and Ideals in Politics (Baltimore : John Hopkins press, 1970) .
33
'social change' along with growth.8 The element of change
brings along with it the process of structural
differentiation, integration as also social disturbances in
the institutional set-ups for a new social order. 9
Development in the social perspective has been
described as an overall process of transforming man and
societies leading to a social order i~ which every human
being can achieve moral and material well-being. 10 Social
Development may also be conceived in terms of progressive
social integration. In other words, social homogenisation is
integral to development. No society can develop, if it is
fragmented into different warring groups or sectoral
cleavages; if there is social discrimination against
minority groups, where one section of society has privileges
8. S.R. Mehta, "Development, Planning and Social Theory" in S.L. Sharma ed. Development~ Socio-Cultural Dimensions (Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1986), p.35.
9. Jan Drewniwski, "The Practical Significance of social Information", Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences (January, 1971), p. 84. see Niel J. Smelser, The Sociology of Economic Life (New Delhi: Prentice Hall of India, 1965)
10. Gerhard colm and Theodre Geiger, "Country Programming as a Guide to Development" in Robert E. Asher and others eds., Development of Emerging countries~ An Agenda for Research (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institutions, 1965), p. 47.
34
but another has social disabilities. 11
Today, there is an increasing trend toward the adoption
of a comprehensive view of development which encompasses the
economic, political, social and cultural elements
interacting with each other. Development is not confined to
economic development alone; nor is economic development
confined to industrial is at ion. In its broadest meaning,
development includes economic, social, political and other
cultural aspects. 12 It is an integrated process concerned
with all societal activities aimed at achieving human
welfare. It is the creation, liberation and orientation of
human potentials toward constructive work. It is the
discovery, improvement and maximum utilisation of all
resources in order to create a continually productive
capacity. 13
11. P. R. Dubhashi, "Development An Overview" in K.S. Shukla ed., The other side of Development~ Social -Psychological Analysis (New Delhi: Sage publications, 1987), p. 21-22.; George M. Beal and others eds., Sociological Perspective of Domestic Development (Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1970).
12. Abdul Rahman Osama, The Dilemma of Development in the Arabian Peninsula (London: Croom Helm, 1987), p. 7.
13. M. Al-Emadi, "Horizons of Development in the Eighties", a paper presented at the Third Seminar on Horizons of Arab Development in the Eighties (Kuwait The Arab Institute for planning, January 1981), p. 195.
35
Although comprehensive development is a widely
understood concept, the definition of development is not
fixed. Development can be seen as not just the improvement
of living conditions, but also a constant target and an
ability to change, grow and advance. 14 It is a relative
issue constantly changing. Therefore, its objective is
social change according to what society needs to achieve and
what can be achieved. Since what is needed and what is
possible vary according to contextual conditions, so do the
objectives and requirements of development. Because of its
inter-relatedness, it is difficult to demarcate development
occurring in one context without repercussions in others.
Development is an intricate, integrated process taking
place within a matrix of complex and constantly interacting
relations among the political, economic, social and other
constituents of society. The significance of these
constituents, their interaction in the development process,
is determined by the prevailing social conditions and by the
level of development reached. For example, economic factor
may play a decisive role at a certain juncture in a certain
14. G. Grant, Development Administration (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1979), p.6
36
country, while political factor may become crucial at a
later phase in the same country 15
2. NATURE OF DEVELOPMENT IN THE THIRD WORLD
The development strategies so far followed by most Third
World countries have not been fruitful. The problems of
developing countries are not only confined to low level of
their per capita income. Developing countries too, are known
to have poverty, much higher level of unemployment; the
facilities of health, nutrition and education too are not
very satisfactory. As far as the growth of per capita income
is concerned, it has never been the only objective of
development policy. More attention has been paid to other
objectives which in some cases did not prove supportive in
accelerating the growth of per capita income. Unemployment
is a serious problem in developing countries, and it is
particularly severe where there is also a population
explosion. 16
Distribution of income in the Third World Countries has
been inegalitarian. Their is evidence to show that the
15. Sadiq, n. 6
16. A.P. Thirlwall. Growth and Development (London: MacMillan, 1983), p.26-27.
37
majority of vast population in the Third World has remained
unaffected by the process of growth and development. The
growth that has taken place has largely benefited a thin
population. Poverty in the rural as well as urban areas is
still widespread. Moreover, the degree of income inequality
within the developing countris has also increased.
The relation between low-income and food intake is a
two-way process Low income is a cause of malnutrition.
Malnutrition in turn is cause of low income by impairing
working capacity and thereby the productivity. Malnutrition
among children in the developing countries is especially a
serious matter since it blocks the growth and mental
development and contributes another element to the vicious
circle of poverty. Lack of proper food supply and nutrition,
combined with poor health facilities leads to low life
expectancy and a high incidence of infant and child
mortality.
Literacy and education are important factors in the
development process. While there has been a major
improvement in the literacy rate in most developing
countries over the last couple of decades because of
increasing population this rate has been surpassed by that
of illiteracy. Barring few very poor countries, most
38
children now have access to some form of primary education,
but the drop-out rate even from primary schools ln many
countries is quite high. Higher education is still a
privilege of few in the Third World. 17
It has been observed that the concept of social
development is more comprehensive than economic development.
One reason for this is that the former aims at the
achievement of certain wider social objectives and ideals.
The picture of social development which has taken place ln
the developing countries is not as much encouraging as lS
desirable. The developing societies are still facing the
spectre of poverty on a mass level and poverty is not the
only problem; it has several interrelated problems. The
elite of these countries, who are the trend setters and
examples for the lower strata of society, initate and adopt
the international styles of high living. Hence, despite
their poverty, these societies also latently cherish
consumerism and promote it wherever it is possible. This
distorted perspective leads to biased priorities in
development planning. Individual consumption for the few
often takes precedence over investment in social services
17. ibid, p.43
39
for the many. For example, production of luxury cars, owned
and operated individually, subsequently leads to giving low
priority to the production of buses for mass transport.
Highly prestigious hospitals have come up and only a few
rich and privileged people can afford them. New ways are
found to distinguish status differences. In this way, a
false world of conspicuous consumption prospers, dazzling
the masses in the process. 18
On the political front in many Third World countries,
a small elite section takes major decisions in regard to the
present and the future while the majority has little or no
say. The institutional structure of society grants them
limited freedom in chalking out strategies for their
futures. Many Third World countries are under authoritarian
and rep r e s s i v e reg i me s ; some have only namesake
democracies. 19
The development process, throughout the world, has not
given due importance to the preservation of environment.
This has had side effects. History is witness that some
18. S.C. Dubey, Modernization and Development ~ The Search for Alternative Paradigms (New Delhi: Vistaar Publications, 1988), p.SO
19. ibid, p. 63.
40
civilizations have been wiped out because of their reckless
exploitation of the environment. A mistaken concept has
developed in most Third World countries that because of
their low level of industrialization, they do not face any
significant environmental problem. 20 Time has proved that
this is not true. Environmental problems are taking a grave
shape in the developing countries today.
Development-action that alters the environment so that
it caters more effectively for human needs -- is essential
if the world is to be free from poverty and squalor, but
then such development must be based on resources that
regenerate naturally and can meet our needs indefinitely.
Destruction of tomorrow's foundations in order to satisfy
today's needs is a self-evident folly. 21
Several developing countries hired international
expertise for policy-making but many of their ideas could
not take root in the new cultural soil. It is said that
their services are part of a package deal and they are under
constraints to safeguard the terms and conditions of the aid
20. ibid, p. 63.
21. D. Michail Warren, et al, eds., The Cultural Dimension of Development: Indigenous Knowledge Systems (London: Intermediate Technology Publications Ltd., 1995), p. 445
41
giving countries. 22 On the contrary, native planners pretty
often neglecting the challenges of their social reality,
tried to follow the models borrowed from developed
countries.
A. Obstacles in the Third World Development
The majority of the Third World States have weak economic
structures characterised by a high proportion of population
em p l o y e d i n t he p r i m a r y s e c t o r , l ow a g r i c u l t u r a l
productivity, fragmentary industrialisation, limited
application of technology, limited purchasing power,
overdependence on a small number of export cash crops which
place the economy at risk from fluctuations in world prices
and terms of trade, dependence on foreign investment capital
and on imports of capital goods such as machinery and
extraction of profits by foreign multinational companies. 23
In addition to these, the Third World Countries also have
the weakness of work ethic; the low level of economic
motivation, the general weakness of propensity to save,
22. See Guy Arnold, Aid and the Third World: The North/South Divide (London: Robert Royce Ltd., 1985).
23. Michael Pacione ed., The Geography of the Third World: Progress and Prospect (London: Routledge, 1988), p.1-2.
42
clogged economic mobility, rigidities is market structure,
an antiquated and inefficient land reforms. 24
In most of the Third World Countries, there is an elite
group which is separated by a diminutive and under-
represented middle class from a massive and increasingly
impoverished and dispossessed proletariat, both urban and
rural. 25 Under such circumstances, political elites
frequently exhibit a close relationship with social elites
and members of these groups often come from the same
families. Moreover, Nepotism, dictatorial rule, corruption,
repression, violence, maladministration are inflicted in
majority of the Third World Countries. 26 In many oil-rich
Th i r d W o r 1 d Count r i e s , a form of "Bureaucratic-
authoritarianism" pertains, in which the state uses the
revenues obtained from oil to provide itself with inordinate
power. This offers the state a large measure of patronage
and control to maintain its own position and that of its
24. Yusif A. Sayigh, Elusive Development: from Dependence to Self-Reliance in the Arab Region (London: Routledge, 1991) 1 p.4-5.
25. Pacione, n.23, p.282-83.
26. See A. Gilbert and J.Gugler J., Cities, Poverty and Development: Urbanization in the Third World (London: Oxford University Press, 1982) i R. Sandbrook, The Politics of Africa's Economic Stagnation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985)
43
ruling groups.2 7
In addition to aforesaid hurdles, political
participation in most of the Third World Countries is
nominal. Besides this, right to uncensored information,
freedom of speech and the provision of organising trade
unions and political parties too are not available.
Finally, growing socio-economic disparities ---" ctllU
imbalances resulted in widening class cleavages, unregulated
urbanisation, ethnic differences, social stratification,
social hierarchy on the basis of inherited status or
sectarian grounds rather than personal achievement, clogged
social mobility, etc. are the features of the Third World
Countries. These hinder the development of the developing
countries. 28
27. A. Gilbert and P. Healey, The Political Economy of Land: Urban Development in an Oil Economy (Aldershot: Gower, 1985). See William Loehr and John P. Powelson eds., Economic Development, Poverty, and Income Distribution (Boulder: Westview Press, 1977).
28. See Pradip K. Ghosh ed., Development Co-operation and Third World Development (London: Greenwood Press, 1984) See also E.S. Simpson, The Developing World: An Introduction (New York: Longman Scientific & Technical, 1987); K.S. Shukla ed., n.11.
44
3. DEVELOPMENT IN THE ARAB REGION
It is essential to mention that development cannot take
place overnight; rather it is a long and time-taking
process. Furthermore, money cannot buy development. In most
of the Arab countries one can see the improved quality of
the basic amenities of life : food, health services, rising
life expectancy, housing, educational and training
facilities, roads, means of communication and transport,
electricity ahd piped water, and well-equipped buildings,
etc. But development includes many other objectives
mentioned in the following paragraph:
Development should not be limited to the satisfaction of basic needs. There are other needs, other goals, and other values. Development includes freedom of expression and impression, the right to give and to receive ideas and stimulus. There is a deep social need to participate in shaping the basis of one's own existence, and to make some contribution to the fashioning of the world's future. Above all, development includes the right to work, by which we mean not simply having a job but finding self-realization in work, the right not to be alienated through production processes that use human beings simply as tools. Due to upsurge in Arab oil production and massive inflow of revenue from oil export during the 1970s, the Arab region has witnessed development but still the region has to go a long way. 29
29. Johan Galtung, "Cultural identity, self- reliance and basic needs", Johan Galtung, et al eds., Self-reliance: A strategy for Development (London: Boghe - L'Ouverture Publications, 1980), p.397.
45
Although many countries have achieved political
independence and, in many of these countries the right to
independent decision- making has also become possible, yet
in most of the Arab countries political participation and
freedoms is noticeably limited. This has resulted in
curtailment of peoples say in the matter of choice and the
pattern of development they want. Moreover, most of the Arab
regimes lack solid base of legitimacy.
As far as the economy of the Arab region is concerned,
oil has played a pivotal role. Without oil the Arab region
would have been one of the poorest regions in the world.
Because of oil the region has experienced rapid economic
growth. With the help of oil-revenues spectacular progress
has been made in the fields of communication, construction
of modern housing and other amenities, public utilities,
irrigation, light industries and educational and health
services. 30
Undoubtedly the income from oil has fulfilled the
developmental needs of the Arab region to a considerable
extent. The fruits of benefit have been shared by non-oil
30. M. Ayoob, The Middle East in World Politics {London: Croom Helm, 1981), pp. 175-76. See W.M. Stevart, "Oil" in M. Adams ed., The Middle East {London: Anthony Blond, 1971), p. 427.
46
exporting countries too. A workforce estimated at 3-4
million drawn from various non-oil providing countris have
moved to the oil-rich countries to take part in the
construction and development activities which the expanded
oil revenues have permitted. This workforce is estimated to
remit back home, or to save, an estintated $ 3-4 billion
every year- over the years 1976-87. 31
However, little efforts have been made to diversify the
economy of the Arab world. The growth of productive forces
outside the oil sector has been quite modest, and in some
cases, it has even declined. The other obstacles in the
economic development of the Arab world can be listed as low
productivity and high population growth, the weakness of
work e t hi c , the l ow l eve l of e con om i c mot iva t ion ,
insufficient mobilization of the financial resources
available and hence insufficient capital accumulation,
rigidities in market structure, low level of technical skill
and inefficient land tenure system, etc. 32
31. World Bank, World Development Report. 1989.
32. A. Guecioueur ed., The Problems of Arab Economic Development and Integration (London: Westview Press, 1984), p. 10-11. See Sayigh, n.24, p. 4-5. See also Ibrahim Saad-eddin, The New Arab Social Order ~ g study of social Impacts of oil ~th, (London: Westview Press, 1982)
47
Social Development in the Arab World is also related to
oil. Revenues earned in the region contributed in building
institutions, expand educational opportunities, provide
social services and health care and introduce social and
economic changes. 33 Change has also affected the tribal
societies of the Arab world, in their social spheres as well
as in other quarters. But, still these societies are plagued
with several disadvantages and drawbacks; for example,
social stratification based on ascription rather than
achievement, favouritism and partiality, ethnic problems,
neopatriarhy, and clogged social mobility, etc. 34
33. Abdul Rahman Osama, The Dilemma of Development in the Arabian Peninsula, (London : Croom Helm, 1987), p. 20-21.
34. Hisham Sharabi characterized the societies of Arab countries as Neopatriarchy. He stated that patriarchal structure of Arab society, far from being truly modernized, have only been strengthened and maintained in deformed, 1 modernized 1 forms. Neopatriarchy is neither modern nor traditional. See Hisham Sharabi, Neopatriarchy: A Theory of Distorted change in Arab Society, (New York : Oxford University Press, 1988).
Ethnicity: Several Ethnic groups are launcing a quest for self-assertion in many Arab countries. For instance, the civil war in Lebanon have been continuing since 1975 due to class and ethnic divisions. Ethnic problems also exist in Iraq (Kurds, Sunni, Shi 1 a), syria (Sunni, Alawi) and also in Sudan, Algeria, Morocco, Egypt. See Ibrahim, Saad-Eddin, n.32, p. 172. See also Edmund Burke III ed., Struggle and Survival in the Modern Middle East (London: IB Tauris & co., 1993).
48
The gist of the matter is that even after being a part
of the Third World, the Arab region specifically has had
greater opportunities of making fast progress and
development. Obviously oil has played a major role in this
development. Nevertheless the overall development has not
taken the shape which one would have desired; it has, at
times, been marred by some internal problems like social
stratification, ethnic problems, favouritism, neopatriarchy
etc.
4. A REVIEW OF DEVELOPMENT THEORIES
There are a number of theories of development. In the
present study these will be reviewed in connection with
their relevance to the Third World. The discussion shall be
based around three broad paradigms of development;
modernisation, dependency and nee-Marxism.
A. Modernization Theory
Modernization is the process of social change whereby less
developed societies acquire the characteristics common to
more developed societies. Western writers describing
modernization have projected it as a process which is mostly
49
associated and identified with structural, economic and
technological changes and with changes pertaining to certain
attitudes (for example to time, rationality, etc.). This
process, they opine, is basically ladden with values which
themselves do not lay emphasis on humanistic considerations
and notion of social justice. Hence, the term involves no
normative orientation, except the overall one that
modernization is desirable. 35 Important theoretical works on
modernization include those of Bernstein, Dare, Hagen,
Lerner, Apter, Eisenstadt_36
Modernization has become a common term for describing
the process of industrialization, urbanization,
bureaucratization and rationalism which are seen as
correlated and interdependent processes, emanating from the
more general process of structural differentiation.
35. Yusif A. Sayigh, The Determinants of Arab Economic Development (London: Croom Helm, 1978), p.15.
36. H. Bernstein, "Modernization Theory and the Sociological study of Development", Journal of Development studies, 7 (2), 1971; R. P. Dore, On the Possibility and Desirability of a Theory of Modernization, 1969; E.E Hagen, On the Theory and Social change (Homewood Ill : Dorsey Press, 1962); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society (New York : Free Press, 1958), David E. Apter, Rethinking Development: Modernization, Deoendency and Postmodern Politics (Newbury Park: Sage Publication, 1987); S.N. Eisenstadt, Modernization: Protest and Change (Englwood Cliff: Prentice Hall, 1966).
50
Moreover, in contrast to models related only with change,
modernization models are concerned with problems of
development and growth and culminate in the direction of
change with the emphasis being on those processes which
result in transitions from the simple to complex, and from
traditional to the modern. 37
In the context of the the Third World countries the
modernization theory assumes that the less developed
countries can more or less follow the same path of
development which has been followed by the industrially
advanced countries. Simultaneously, it was also believed
that aid in the form of technology, capital and expertise
from the developed countries-to the developing oneswould
expediate the process in the developing countries.
Modernisation theory also relies on the evolutionary
concept of "social differentiation'' which, in a sense, is a
definition of social change. According to this model,
through successive processes of social differentiation and
37 Daryl J. Hobbs, "Some contemporary Sociological Perspectives Regarding Social change" in George M. Beal et al eds., Sociological Perspectives of Domestic Development (Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1970) 1 p. 22-23.
51
integration, the society increases its adaptive capacity and
consequently evolves towards higher and developed stages. 38
A.l Criticism of Modernization theory: Numerous criticisms
of the various aspects of modernisation theory have been
made by a number of scholars. Some of them are listed below.
Firstly, modernization theory was seen by its
protagonists as an evolutionary, transitional process which
moved with unilinearity, hence transforming societies from
traditionalism to modernity in stages, In other words this
process is a lengthy one. Secondly, it failed to explain
adequately the social backwardness of certain peripherial
societies despite the application of modernization policies
and reforms. Thirdly, it was criticized as a whitewash which
obscured the brutal facts of western exploitation of the
erstwhile colonial societies. Hence, the real cause of the
Third World underdevelopment was present, not in the
backward mentality of peasants, but in the unequal exchange
38. S.N. Eisenstadt "Social Change, Differentiation and Evolution", American Sociological Review, 29, 1964, p.375-386; N.J. Smelser, "Towards a General Theory of Social Change", in N.J. Smelser, ed., Sociological ExP-lanation (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1968); P.C. Jain, "Sociological Theories of Development: A Critique in the Third World Context" , Man ~Development, Dec. 1991, p.12-20.
52
that exists within the global pattern of production and
trade. 39
Fourthly the, ethnic conflict which is more significant
than class conflict in case of the Third World countries
finds no place in the theory of modernization40 .
Fifthly, Andre Gunder Frank who is supposed to happen
one of the most harsh critics of the so called ;Sociology of
development; based on the modernization theory seemed it
"empirically invalid, when confronted with reality,
theoretically inadequate in terms of its own classical
social scientific standards, and polity wise ineffective for
perusing its supposed intentions of promoting development of
the under developed countries". 41
39. Samir Amin, Accumulating on a world Scale (London, 1974) See Bryan S. Turner, capitalism and class in the Middle East (New Jersey : Humanities Press, 1984), p. 3 see also Yusif Sayigh, n.24, p.46-47.
40. H. Bernstien "Modernization Theory and Sociological study of Development", Journal of Development studies 7(2), 1971.
41. Andre Gunder Frank, Sociology of Development and Underdevelopment of Sociology (London: Pluto Press, 1971), p.2. See Andre Gunder Frank, Latin America_ Underdevelopment or Revolution (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969); See also Andre Gunder Frank On Capitalist Underdevelopment (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1975).
53
Eminent Arab Economist, Yusif Sayigh opines that
modernization paradigm is open to one basic criticism. This
is:
Even when they show awareness of the conflict between the old and the new, or the traditional and the modern, or of the cultural, social and psychological costs of modernization, they fail to suggest what safeguards can be established in order for modernization to have built- in concern the masses and protection for the poor and the weak (be they individuals, groups, or nationStates) versus the rich and the strong. 42
These above mentioned criticism alongwith several
others had paved the way for the establishment of the theory
of dependency.
B. Dependency Theory
If modernisation theories were the Western theorists answer
to the plight of the underdeveloped countries, dependency
theory was the product of the application of Marxist
theories of imperialism. The original version of 'dependency
and underdeveloped' theory as outlined by first Paul Baran43
42 Yusif A. Sayigh, The Determinants of Arab Economic Development, (London: Croom Helm, 1978), p. 41.
43. Paul Baran, The Political Economy of Growth (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1987).
54
and next m o r e pop u 1 a r 1 y by And r e Gun de r F rank 4 4 ,
concentrated on locating the causes of backwardness of Third
World Countries.
Underdevelopment - it was claimed, is not due to some
'original state of affairs', as modernisation theory had
viewed it, but is the result of the same world historical
process in which the now developed capitalist countries
became developed. Thus, from the very beginning, the
dependency approach has been a world-system approach,
explicitly rejecting the concept of the unified state as
actor and the notion of the global system as a collection of
nation - states. 45
Baran was the first to make the point that,
'development and underdevelopment' is a two way street: the
advanced capitalist countries had become developed by
expropriating economic surplus from those overseas countries
with which they first traded and which they later colonised,
while the overseas countries became underdeveloped by aiding
44. Frank, n.41.
45. James A. Caporaso, "Dependence and Dependency in the Global System", International Organization, vol.32, 1, January, 1978, p.2. See also Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Falletta, Dependency and Development in Latin America (Los Angeles : University of california Press, 1979) .
55
the ascendancy of the west. 4 6
Andre Gunder Frank postulated three 'laws' of motion of
the process of development and underdevelopment and coined
the twin concept 'metropolis-satellite' to characterise the
native of imperialist economic relations. 47 Frank said, the
ties of dominance and dependency, run in chain like fashion
throughout the global capitalist system, with metro-politan
states appropriating the surplus from the satellites, their
towns removing the surplus from their hinterland, their
landlords from their peasants, their merchants from
shopkeepers, and finally the shopkeepers from their
customers. 48
B.l Criticism of Dependency Theory : This theory holds
colonisation and peripheralisation responsible for the
under-development of the developing countries, but Yusif
Sayigh has noted that some countries of the Arab world,
although did not experience direct foreign domination are,
less developed than others in the region, which had
witnessed colonial penetration.
46. Baran, n.43.
47. Frank, n.41, Introduction.
48. See Frank, n.41.
56
In the Arab region , for instance, by the end of the Second World War the only two countries that had not come under direct foreign domination or experienced notable economic and cultural penetration were Saudi Arabia and North Yeman. Yet these two countries were distinctly far less developed than the rest in the region, notably less than the Maghreb countries (Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia), and the Mashreq countries in general, but Egypt and Lebanon in particular, This judgment is true whether it is related to levels of education and sophistication, the development of journalism and literature, the establishment of physical infrastructure, manufacturing industry or technological capability. 49
Frank had also invited several criticism. For example
leys stated that Frank theory is a mechanical, economistic
deterministic explanation of dependency and underdevelop-
ment. 50
The dependency theory has also been criticised for
ignoring internal factors which are responsible for the
situation of underdevelopment is the Third World Countries.
49. Sayigh, n.24, p.80-81.
50. See Colin Leys, "Underdevelopment and Development: Critical Notes", Journal of Contemporary Asia, vol.7, no.1, 1977, pp.82-115. useful criticism of dependency theory from the point of view of 'empirical• usability of the concept can be found in Christopher case-Dunn, "The Effects of International Economic Dependence on Development and Inequality: A Cross-National Study"? American Sociological Review, Dec.1975 see also Gabriel Palma, "Dependency: A Formal Theory of Underdevelopment or a Methodology for the Analysis of Concrete Situations of Underdevelopment?", World Development, vol.6, 1978, pp.881-924.
57
The major setback to the development process in the
Third World Context are ethnic/racial and other conflicts
among primordial collectivities. Neither the modernisation
theory nor the dependency theory dealt with these problems.
Modernisation theories have blamed mainly the culture and
traditions of Third World countries as hindrances in the
process of modernisation. Dependency theory too did not deal
with the internal factors responsible for the
underdevelopment of Third World Countries. 51 However, neo
Marxism gave due consideration to these issues which have
been neglected by the protagonists of modernisation and
dependency theories.
C. Neo-Marxism
Neo-Marxism differs from traditional Marxism in several
aspects such as inevitability of the dictatorship of the
proletariat, disappearence of middle classes and the
withering away of the state.
Nee-Marxism propounds the thesis that, in a given
social formation at a given time, there is one dominant mode
51. Jain, n.38, p.l2-20.
58
of production which produces complex effects of conservation
and dissolution on other modes of production. The same case
applies at the international level too. Since the days of
the Industrial Revolution, the capitalist 1node of production
had occupied a dominant role in the West while imperialism
and international trade have facilitated its growth in the
developing countries. Depending on the nature, agents and
the degree of penetration of the capitalist mode of
production in the Third World countries, the pre-capitalist
mode of production varyingly resists the former, which leads
to various forms of class and ethnic conflicts. The state
not only intervenes in these conflicts but also gets
transformed in the process. The major problem of development
in the Third World Countries lies in understanding the
contradictory effects of the articulation of the modes of
production, class dynamics and attaining them with the
economic growth and distributive justice. 52
In the peripheral capitalist societies the state plays
much more significant role than its counterpart in
52. Nadia Ramsis Farah, 11 The Social Formation Approach and Arab Social Systems 11
, Arab Studies Quarterly, 1988, 10 (3), pp.261-82; A. Foster-Carter, 11 Neo-Marxist Approaches to Development and Underdevelopment 11
,
Journal of Contemporary Asia, 1973 391), p.7-33; Jain, n. 38.
59
capitalist societies. Moreover, nee-Marxism also focusses on
internal factors which are a setback to the development
process in the Third World Countries, such as racial/ethnic
conflicts. 53
C.1 Criticism of Nee-Marxism: The neo-Marxists reference to
class relations was a serious point of disappointment,
particularly when they accused labour in centre countries of
taking part in the process of exploitation. In other words,
capital and labour in the centre exploited capital and
labour in the periphery, although labour was in its turn
subjected to exploitation by capital within the centre as
within the periphery.54
Sayigh, also expresses his doubts whether the Third
World Countries can achieve development based upon the neo
- Marxist thesis.
An argument can be made for precedence to be accorded in the context of underdevelopment to the
53. See Stuart Hall, "Race, Articulation and Societies Structured in Dominance" in Sociological Theories: Race and Colonialism (Paris: UNESCO, 1980); Walter Rodney, ~ History of the Guyanese People. 1881-1905 (London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981) P.C. Jain, "Exploitation and Reproducton of Migrant Indian labour in Colonial Guyana and Malaysia", Journal of Contemporary Asia 18(2), 1988, pp.189-206.
54. Sayigh, n.24, p.69.
60
promotion of productive capability, rather than to distributive justice and the speedy narrowing of the income gap between socio - economic classes. This is not to deny the causal link between the level of wages and social services of the lowerincome state and economic performance, but the translation of the causality into wage and income policies can be so exaggerated as to make these policies counter productive.55
In the preceeding pages, the three theories of
development v1z. the modernisation, the dependency and the
neo-Marxism have been reviewed. Precisely, the protagonists
of modernization theories viewed that developing countries
can not progress without the help from developed countries.
Wh e r e a s , t he de p end en c y t he o r y h o l d s c o l on i s a t i on
responsible for the present situation in the Third World
Countries; the neo-Marxism reflected various problems of
Third World such as ethnic and violence.
D. Political Economy Approach
The present work would be based on political economy
approach. This approach emphasizes, "the inter-meshing of
the so-called 1 political 1 , 1 economic 1 and social factors of
change in an ongoing historical process. The dynamics of
55. ibid, p. 81-82
61
such change emerge from the continuing interplay of economic
forces and related social classes; and those dynamics are
reflected and furthered through institutional innovation and
change." 56 In a nutshell, political economy could be defined
as, "exploration of linkages between the economic system of
a country and its politics." Emerging political
considerations shape the economic policies of any country.
Against this backdrop Hopkins notes that:
Those who sponsor development programs are interested not only in the potential economic benefits, but also in the political consequences. The outcome is thus to create a different kind of society, or perhaps to reinforce imaginatively an existing one, in which their own role and position will be enhanced.5 7
Structural T ransfOl'mation
State Structure and Policy Class
Source : A. Richards and J. Waterbury, A Political Economy of the Middle East: State, Class and Economic Development (Boulder, Westview Press, 1990), p.9.
56. Steve Langdon, "The political economy of dependence Note toward analysis of multinational corporation in Kenya." Journal QL Eastern African Research and Development. 4(2), 1974.
57. Nicholas S. Hopkins, "Development and Centre Building in the Middle East" in Louis J. Canton and Iliya Harik, Local Politics and Development in the Middle East, (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984). p.7.
62
Let us assume that the structure of political
economy can best be shown as the product of the
interaction between the following three variables:
1. Economic growth;
2. State structure and policy; and
3. Social class.
Economic growth means simply the increase overtime
ln total output in the economy. Because this concept is
related to the welfare of the populace, generally per
capita growth is also implied. It is worthy to note
here that in a state it is most likely that a
particular group's wealth and power may increase quite
faster than other's and also some sectors may grow
relatively faster than the others. These
characteristics of unbalanced growth are called
Structural Transformation. State Structures and Policy
mean the organization of the monopoly of coercive means
within society; the interventions into the economy that
such a monopoly makes possible; and the institutions
through which interventions is carried out. This
intervention may be carried out by state itself. Social
class represents groups of people who share a certain
set of property rights. Class defines, primarily, the
63
ownership relations. 58 The role of three main aspects
of the political economy may be summarized as follows.
The process of economic growth and structural
transformation creates unintended results for which
state must be ready to respond. Significantly, the
state policy affects the rate and form of economic
growth whereas classes mould state policy. It is
noteworthy that throughout the Third World, including
the Middle East, the states not only shape but even
create social classes. At the same time, the process of
economic and structural transformation also shape
classes and finally, classes affect the rate and form
of economic growth.59
Most Middle East societies, because of their
colonial heritage, their relative backwardness, the
role of multinationals in the control of world trade
and the strength of international competition, have
opted for some form of state management, usually state
58. A. Richards and J. Waterbury, A Political Economy of the Middle East; State. Class and Economic Development (Boulder, Westview Press, 1990), p.9.
59. ibid, 9-10.
64
capitalism with an Arab Socialist ideology. 60 Except
Lebanon , the m a j or i t y of Mid d l e East soc i e t i e s
especially Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Algeria and
Tunisia have begun the process of industrialization
under state intervention without a phase of competitive
capitalism. This is a typical development strategy. 61
60. Bryan S. Turner, capitalism and class in the Middle East _ Theories of Social change and Economic Development (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1984), p. 61-61. See Karon Farsoun, 11 State capitalism in Algeria 11 MERIP Reports, 35(1975), p. 3-30.
61. Turner, ibid, p. 62.
65