CHAPTER IV

DRAMA

CHAPTER IV

DRAMA

4.0. INTRODUCTION

Man is bom with an instinct to observe, imitate and to act and he is fully himself

when he can manifest his thoughts before an audience. Today acting has become a coveted

profession and it is no longer considered a risk to make it one's career. It is this inborn

dynamo that evolved into what we now call theatre and drama and it is the realisation of

this atomic force that moved various drama schools to teach movements, voice modulation,

speech, yoga, mime and aesthetic designs to bom artistes.'*' If Aristotle were to come now

he would be the first to congratulate the masters who push his cause to such proficiency.

For did he not long ago recognise this exquisite divine gift to predilected man?

"...The instinct of imitation is planted in man from childhood, one difference between him and other animals being that he is the most imitative of living creatures, and through imitation learns his earliest lessons; and no less universal is the pleasure felt in things imitated... Imitation, then is one instinct of nature.' ^

Thus drama is one of the most powerful manifestations of the human minds which

comes to life on the stage. Drama's existence is unique, for once written, it transfers its

birth right to society. It thinks and speaks for the public, it exposes the conscience and

aspirations of nations. So dramatists need to caU on their skills and versatility to create a

play that will throb life on the stage. They need to pay attention to the message and tone of

their scripts; to the nexus of the plot and to the sensitivity of the audience they serve so that

the message reaches across successfvdly. Such a task calls also for more than an average

maturity of mind and intellect, clarity and vastness of vision, tenacity of will power and

courage, resourcefulness of ideas and fund and mastery over circumstantial events.

4.1. BACKGROUND AND GROWTH OF KHASI DRAMA

Drama in general, as understood by oitics are meant for the stage where actors and

actresses impersonate the characters ki question. Such perception of drama, no doubt.

' • ' Cf Shailendra Singh's "Acting, a Coveted Profession" in The Teenager, Bombay: St. Paul's Publications, Vol. 31, No. 10, October, 1994, pp. 24-25.

^^^ S.H. Butcher, Aristotle's Theory of Poetry And Fine Arts, 1978, p, 15, quoted by B.L. Swer in Na Pneh Ka Rynsan, Sbillong: Ibani Printing Press, Jaiaw Lann Sona Lane, 1994, p. 3.

232

excludes pre-literate days dialogues and discourses which were vital to life's situation.

However, B.L. Swer, a m o d e m Kbasi critic is o f the view that formal pre-literate dialogues

and discourses, though very elementary, is part and parcel o f the dramatic conventions.

Swer substantiated his proposal by citing examples from the following:

1. The traditional marriage testimonies where the uncle-advocates of the clans of the

brides and grooms formally impersonate their respective nieces and nephews during the ceremony.

2. The preliminary but necessary archery bidding between opponents before they start their game.^^*

Swells assumption that written dialogues are forerunners of drama calls for a closer

examination by more critics at a later stage. Swer sees the dialogue between Ruton and his

mother in John Roberts' Ka Khasi Third Reader^^^ as the forenmner of Khasi written

playlet and Roland Kharicrang another modem dramatic critic offers the later dialogues of

Jeebon Roy in Ka Kitab Khasi Kaba Lai (1899-1900) as the forerunners of Khasi

drama. ^

Swer's and Kharkrang's search for extant Khasi theatre and drama should inspire

more critics to explore the lost dramas which the Seng Khasi in Shillong and the various

clubs in the semi developed villages like Mawsynram, Mawngap, Laitlyngkot, Mawshun

and others had staged. Theatre and dramas were not wanting m the 'shnong' (localities)^^'^,

otherwise it would not have been necessary for U Lurshai to comment:

"But there are things seen by our eyes that tamish the mind as theatre scene pollute society. Just like an excessive consunq>tion of sugar of a child nourishes worms, or like a child who injures himself by using a sharp razor because he imitates his father" . ^5

However, in spite o f the abundance o f tmwritten Khasi plays and playlets, drama

was fatally slaughtered by poverty, low readership and ignorance. Lack o f fund prevented

playwrights from publishing their plays and ignorance blinded them and those who could

have preserved the manuscripts from seeing their importance and values. This fateful

321 B.L. Swer,NaPnehKaRynsan, op. cit,pp. 8-12.

322 B.L. Swer, Na Pneh Ka Rynsan, op. cit.., p. 32.

323 Roland Kharkrang, Theatre Art and Life, New Delhi: Omson Publications, 1994, p. 86.

324 Though the word 'shnong' means locahty, in the present context it carries a different meaning: 'non-Christian' Khasis.

325 ULurshai Vol.III No. 5, September, 1912, quoted by B.L. Swer, in Na Pneh Ka Rynsan,op. cit., p. 35.

233

malady hit Khasi dramas even long after independence. Thus, when the Sahitya Akademi

came in 1977 with a mandate to upgrade the Khasi language to a literary status, it noticed

the conspicuous absence of Khasi dramas.' * Since then, the situation had improved but

was still far below the experts' expectation for when they came again in 1985 the coveted

honour was still denied to Khasi. Nevertheless, this should not be a reason of

discouragement, it should rather be a challenge to scholars and lovers of the Khasi

language alike.

Since then two scholars, B.L. Swer and S. Dkhar of the Department of Khasi had

been awarded with a doctoral degree for their theses on Khasi drama. Their effort should

be boosted by more M. Phil, dissertations on staged dramas, closet dramas (dramas or one-

act plays written and performed during the past four or five decades after independence).' ^

The following organizations provide a wealth of information on this:

1. Tlie Khasi Native Club.

2. The Panora Club.

3. The Shnong/Chnong Club Annual Dramas.

4. The Inter-schools One-Act Plays' *

If more dissertations and theses on Khasi dramas come out and more short plays

like Webster's Ki Drama Lyngkot (1982) are published, the Khasi language will receive its

rightftil recognition.

The reason why Khasi drama made such a slow development were many but the

following are the main factors:

(A) ECONOMICAL REASON

It is a known fact that unless the governments help by subsidies, linguistic groups

smaller than one million would never maintain a healthy literary and dramatic tradition.

Therefore, when the country's or state's economy regresses and when inflations set in,

literature is bound to suffer, because it will get the last slender slice ft'om the national

26 R. Kharkning, Theatre Art and Life, op. cit., p. 84.

327 cf. H. Elias, Ka Hamsala Ki For, Shillong: Modem Printing Press, Mawkhar, 1976 Edition, p. 19.

- Also B. L. Swer, Napneh Ka Rynsan, op. cit, pp. 15-16.

'2« B.L. SyNes,NapnehKaRynsan,Qip. cit., pp. 78-81.

234

budget Of tbe three main streams of literature - poetry, fiction and drama, drama depends

most on society for growth because by nature, it incurs more expenses and involves

personnel. This was the condition experienced by Khasi dramatists who were doubly beset

by financial burdens and poor readership. It is a wonder that they kept the candles burning

during those dark pre-independence days when on account of the two World Wars, "even

in affluent West, small nations or national minorities, faced great difficulty in maintaining

their press, literature and drama"329

(B) POLITICAL REASON

A gliiiq)se on the background and growth of dramas in the Third World countries

where struggles were not simply agaiost the financial penury but also against political

suspicion and inhibition, gives an idea as to why Khasi dramatists shy behind the scene.

Hiird world theatres and dramas that created sensation and instigated rebellion were

drastically nipped in the bud by colonist governments of the globe.' o jijis catacomb-like

existence stifled dramatists' initiatives and talent for centuries. As a result the growth of

theatre and drama became very sluggish and remained stunted in stature compared to other

branches of literature. This could also be the reason why political plays like U Tirol Singh

(1956) by V.G. Bareh, Ka Bniat Namar Ka Bniat{\9^2) by Reginald Nongkynrih and U

Kiang Nangbah (1982) by Remy Phankon were not written earlier by pre-independence

dramatists.

(Q THE ATHTUDE OF THE WELSH PRESBYTEWAN MISSION

Hie Welsh Presbyterian mission which was a lighthouse of Uteracy, had the honour

of focusing its prism on the Khasi Hills' distant mission as early as 1841. As expected, the

Mission had the Benjamin right to shape the future of the illiterate Khasis. Letters of the

alphabet were already introduced, the Bible was translated and many other books with the

exception of drama were written. Though governments tolerated moral and traditional

plays, the Welsh Presbyterian mission managed to keep drama out of the purview of their

Khasi converts frowning it as a pernicious medium'^^ Thus they created a Christian taboo.

' ^ T. Cajee, "Problenis of Tribal Literature, Drama and Fine Arts in Meghalaya" in Rympei Theatrical Centre Souvenir 1973-'82, Laitumkhrah, Shillong: Meghalaya Printing Press, p. S.

330 R. Kharkrang, Theatre Art and Life, op. cit., 1994, p. 66.

33' R.S. Lyngdoh, "A Short Resume on the Development of Khasi Drama in Khasi Literature", in Rympei Souvenir Theatrical Centre (1973-82), op. cit., p. 9.

235

prohibiting Christians to have anything to do with theatre on the ground that they were too

secular and mundane or too degrading for a dignified Christian group. From time to time,

through their journal ULurshai (The Shining Star), they would instruct their flock to be on

their guard against the pernicious influence of pleasure scenes. Gradually the Christian

taboo that differentiated Christians known as "skul" from non-Christian Khasis classed as

"shnong", radically uprooted the converts from their legitimate cultural heritage.

Eventually becoming Christians meant sacrificing theatres and festivals which were so

dear to the Khasi hearts.

With such prevailing negative attitude to drama, one wonders how John Roberts dared to swim against the current when he published a translated Act EI scene n from Julius Caesar. According to R.S. Lyngdoh, Roberts faced tremendous opposition because he wanted to follow the dictate of a higher caU - to lay the foundation of drama in the Khasi language.'32

There are critics like S.S. Majaw who are of the opinion that Roberts' translation of

Julius Caesar, might not have been directly from Shakespeare's but rather from the Julius

Caesar that had been edited by Ralph E.C. Haughton, which omitted the first 73 and the

last 10 lines of Act in scene II. Roberts also inserted some dialogues and soliloquies from

Act I scene n like the soliloquy of Cassius.^ '

Julius Kaisar stands like an oasis during the great Khasi famine on drama in the

nineteenth century literary period. Nevertheless, by it the name of Dr. John Roberts will

go down in history as the father of Khasi Uterature including drama, which he nearly

missed by a narrow margin.

The original drama Julius Caesar was written in 1598-9 and published

posthumously in 1623. Basing it on the collections of Lives by Plutarch in the first

century, William Shakespeare (1564-1616) recalled the event that took place in 44 B.C. in

Rome. Caesar, martyred for a good cause could easily be the proto-type of Jesus Christ. In

fact, Shakespeare introduced a number of scenes from the Passion of Jesus Christ to

visualise the passion of Caesar. The dream that tormented Calpumia paralleled the dream

of Pilate's wife. Caesar's death was plotted by the nobles of Rome who were jealous of him

332 R.S. Lyngdoh, Ka Histori Ka Thoh Ka Tar Bynta L op. cit., pp. 59-60.

333 S.S. Majaw, UKpa Ka Thoh Ka Tar Khasi. op. cit., p. 51.

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and the crime committed within the precinct of the council hall as Christ's death was

plotted by the members of the Sanhedrin which comprised 72 elders. Bratus's explanation

of Caesar's assassination to the pubUc also echoed Caiaphas's counsel," that it was

expedient that one man should die for the people" (Jn. 18:14).

Not that I loved Caesar less, but that I loved Rome more. Had you rather Caesar were living and die all slaves, than that Caesar were dead, to live all fixe men? As Caesar loved me, I weep for him; as he was fortunate, I rejoice at it; as he was valiant, I honour him; but as he was ambitious, I slew him.

But Mark Antony testified :

When that the poor have cried, Caesar had wept. Ambition should be made of sterner stuff.

Did not Prov 29:7 also acknowledge that "the righteous considereth the cause of the poor"? Antony knew that true judgement comes from the Lord (Prov. 29:26), but in desperation he cried: O judgement! Thou art fled to brutish beasts!

(D) THE ATTITUDE OF THE SENG KHASI TO THEATRE AND DRAMA

TTie Seng Kut Snem formed in 1899 had among its fonnulated multi-dimensional

activities, the enhancement of literature. But this association took a rather apprehensive

stance towards theatre and drama and felt comfortable in nurturing only moral plays. It

focussed its attention on the acquisition of virtues and righteousness. Its dramatic censoring

forum was instructed to give priority to conscientisation and to tone down the spirit of

entertainment and socialisation. The twelfth Seng Kut Snem states that:

"The end of Seng Khasi theatre is not entertainment, but moral inspiration. Plays were staged to illustrate the triunqjh of good over evil, and of virtue over vice, teachings so dear to the heart of Khasi predecessors or ancestois". '*

As a result, the Seng Khasi sponsored dramas that highlighted only virtues like total

obedience to parents and authorities, deference towards elders, neighbourly love, honesty,

fidelity to traditions and religious rituals.

In its history of theatre, the Seng Khasi could have rejoiced over its achievement if

' ' '• Quoted by J. Kharmih from the report of Ka Seng Kut Snem, 1911 xaKa Thiar Ki Nongthoh, Vol. 1, op. cit., «J. 61.

237

it had been able to publish or preserve the many plays it had staged over the years, but

unfortunately, apart from the translated scripts of ATa iSavtrr/(1910) by Hari Charan Roy

and three original plays Ka SrommotimaiXl912) U Arbnai (1912) and U Tipsngi (1924) by

Dine Nath Roy preserved by their relations, no script had been foimd. The dramas of the

Roy brothers were merged in 3 Tylli H Drama in 1964 and in 4 Tylli Ki Drama in 1979. It

is good to note however, that the pages of each of the three plays start from 1.

THE GROWTH OF KHASI DRAMA

HARICHARAN ROY: KA SA\^TRI

Had Charan Roy was a second child of Jeebon Roy Mairom and of Lakhreh

Sawian. He was bom in 1863 and completed his Entrance examination in 188. Exposed to

and brought iq) in the miheu of Hindu philosophy and mythology, young Roy nourished

his critical mind with Hindu Uterature. He was one of those whom Kynpham Singh

commented upon having delved into and satiated himself with Hindu philosophy.

True to the mandate entrusted by the Seng Khasi and dictated by his conviction to

safeguard the fragile values of his tradition, Hari Charan Roy translated and transcreated

his only drama Ka Savitri. Incidentally when he premiered this drama in 1910, the Seng

Kut Snem completed its first decade of yeomen service and his younger brother Dino

Nath Roy was its theatre-drama secretary. H.C. Roy worked as a cleric in the D.C.'s office

but after a short while resigned in Ueu of his business in the lime quarry at Shala and Majai

with a base at Dubia-Tharia. His father's extensive zainiudari gave him enough capital to

run the business. E. Weston Dkhar, however, is of the opinion that H.C. Roy tendered his

resignation for other reasons. One such reason was tfie prevailing condescending attitude of

Roy's contemporaries who equated salaried jobs 'Doima' or 'Dorsha' with that of a slave, an

abhorred concept for free dignified Khasis. ' He died in 1913 before he could publish TJ

Kausik, another translation with elements of a fiction or novel.

Ka Savitri, is a six-act play based on portions of tlie Mahabharata. Through this

play, H.C. Roy propagated the supremacy of righteousness. His motive was to entice the

audience to follow the example of the characters of the drama. The secret of Savitri's

33 E. Weston Dkhar, "Ka Jingim U Rangbah Hari Charan Roy Bad u Synniang jong u Sha Ka Thoh Ka Tar Khasi" in Ka Thiar Ki Nongthoh, Vol. 1, op. cit., p. 45.

238

success was the humble path of virtuous life she le<i. Her bUnd obedience to her father's

will and her total self-abnegation enabled her to change destiuy. Her righteousness

liberated Satyavan's parents from their double bondage of slavery and blindness. Again her

virtues, won for her parents a hundred princes more to perpetuate the dynasty.

The virtues practised and acquired by Savitri may be said to be paralleled to the

Biblical principle found in the ten commandments but the author was never influenced by

Biblical precepts when he wrote the play. Therefore, this drama catmot be analysed in

depth in the present study.

DINONATH ROY'S: KA SROMMOTJMM TIPSNGL UARBNM

Dino Nath Roy is the fourth son of U Jeebon Roy Mairom and of Ka Lakhreh

Sawian.336 jjg ygg hwa. on 22nd June, 1869. There is very limited information about his

life, his grandson, Justman Kharmih atfributed Ins inability to give a full account of the Ufe

and deeds of D.N. Roy to his young age to the fact that he was only 9 when his

grandfather died. Even K.W. Nongrum who left no stone mitumed to unearth the lives of

Khasi authors got no information about D.N. Roy's school days and early life. However, if

it is true that one's greatness lies not iu the amount of education and gifts one received and

possessed but in the amount of good one contributed that count, Dino Nath Roy deserves

the recognition for he was an active member of the Seng Khasi association by holdiug the

responsibility of its theatre-secretary for a number of years. It was during those years that

dramatic interests spurred him to transcreate and write plays for the association: Ka

Srommotimai (1912), Tipsngji (1924) and "U Arbnai" (1979).337

Walking in the footprints of his father and influenced and fascinated by Hindu

philosophy and mythology, Dino Nath inculturated Hindu philosophy in his Khasi dramas

reflecting the Seng Kut Snem's biasness towards Hindu philosophy and Uterature.

Compared to H.C. Roy, Dino Nath Roy had a longer life. He died on the 9th of June 1935.

The drama Ka Srommotimai (1912) 338brought out tlie deep longing of man to

overcome the tyranny of deatli by resurrection and everlasting Ufe. The emperor is the

^3* K.W. Nongrum, Ki Nongthoh-KotKhasi Bynta 1, op. cit., p. 11.

3 ^ This drama was never published in the life time of the author. It was printed in 4 tylli Ki Drama and U /irau.si*;Shillong: Ri Khasi Press Printers and Publishers, 1979.

'3* "Sroramotimai" in 4 Tylli Ki Drama Bad UKausik,op. cit., pp 1-37.

239

hero. He is presented as a charismatic person who viewed Ufe like a philanthropist, a sage

who reaUsed that the gifts of wisdom and knowledge were meant for the benefit of others.

The virtues increase in their intensity as the receiver generously uses them for others. The

drama also sees life as a struggle between the forces of good and evil. Therefore the hero

discarded undeveloped and unused wisdom and knowledge as barrenness.

In his quest for knowledge, the emperor and his companions were vested with new

powers - to raise the dead to life the power that separated them for a while leading the hero

to meet Srommotimai and the man-eater giant. Dino Nath Roy chose to express the sohtude

of the emperor with a song that may have reference to Exodus 15:21-22,33' where he

alluded to the divided sea (Red Sea) and the overshadowing cloud that carried him into a

trance.

Tragicl here alone to roam, Separated; Like the divided sea.

Exposed to dry land, Overshadowed by daik cloud. Walking I dream.

Tlie emperor's search for knowledge ended Srommotimai's bondage culminating in

their well-earned marital happiness.

The drama "U flrbnai" (1912)3*', QU t^e other hand, gives credence to the behef

that neighbourly love transcends all boundaries. Prince Arbnai consumed by love crossed

the boundary of casteism. He offered his life to save the poor widow's son and was

himself amply rewarded. This kind of love may be referred to the biblical precept that

"Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends" (Jn.

15:13).

In his last play U Tipsngi (1924)3''i, tlie hero was beset by much suffering and

misunderstanding. Tipsngi, though well-to-do materially, was not corrupted by wealth and

ambition to be famous but instead he channelised them to compassion and charity.

339 "U Arbnai" in 4 Tylli Ki Drama Bad UKausik, op. cit., pp. 1-61.

3'"' "U Arbnai" in 4 Tylli Ki Drama Bad UKausik, op. cit., p. 19.

3'*! "U Tipsngi" in 4 Tylli Ki Drama Bad UKausik, op. cit, pp. 1-46.

240

RASHMOHON ROYNONGRUM'S DAYAMANTlBADUNOL

According to Kynpham Singh, a drama based on Rash Mohon Roy's story Ka

Jingiathuhkhana Shaphang Ka Dayamanii and Not (1927) was also staged by the Seng

Khasi but its scripts were not preserved. ^

Dr. R.S. Lyngdoh also was informed that Rash Mohon Roy had written many

plays staged by the Khasi Native Club and a special mention was made of his standard

drama "U Saimuka Ka Du l t a r a " but till date again, no one had seen it. ''

(E) ATTITUDE OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH TO DRAMA

In 1911 the first principal of SL Anthony's M.E. School, Father Herribert Winkler

(1875-1967) made use of entertainment as one of his pastoral techniques as he discovered

that Khasi youths had a good ear for music and were exceptional for dramatic performance.

Thus, he became the founder of the CathoUc Cathedral Band. The evenings of the then St.

Anthony's M.E. School gathered a regular audience of not more than 40 to enjoy the

performance of Fr. Winkler's troupe between 3 and 5 pm., daily. A raised open platform

was their improvised stage and discarded materials including gmrny bags were their

tailored costumes.

The First World War, however, put an end to Fr. Herribert Winkler's mission in

India. His work was continued by the ItaUan Fathers of the Salesians of Don Bosco (SDB),

who replaced the Salvatorian Pioneers in 1922. This mission also patronised theatrical

ministry and formed dramatic clubs and oratories, thereby channelising youth excess

energy into talents. Under tlieir patronage, the catholic communities staged comedies and

religious plays from time to time.

Fr. A. Correngia contributed extensively to Khasi by translating a number of plays

staged by Khasi CathoUc Youtlis on a regular basis. But the bulk of his translations were

after Independence. "U Diengduh U Kfii", {Uncle's Walking Stick), 1936, the only pre-

independence play but it has no bibUcal elements in it. Therefore, it will not be taken for

analysis. Most of Correngia other translated comedies and religious plays are in the

possession of the Rympei Ibeatrical Centre. According to the appendix of Roland

'*^ Kynpham Singh, "Ka Jingim U Rash Mohon Roy" in Ka ThiarKi Nongthoh Vol. 1, op. cit., p. 64,

'•3 R.S. Lyngdoh, "U Rangbah Rash Mohon Roy Kum U Nongthoh" in Ka TJiiar Ki Nongthoh Vol. 1, op. cit, p. 65.

241

Kliarkrang, the following is a list of some of Correngia's dramas i"*

1. 1936 - "U Diengduh U Kni" a comedy translated from the English

play "Uncle's Walking Stick"

2. 1952 - "U Doloi ha Sor" (A Duke in the City)

3. 1954 - "Ka Tiket Khalai Nusib" based on the English play "Lottery Ticket"

4. 1954 - "Ka Dohnud Ksiar" (A Heart of Gold)

5. 1955 - "U Blei Vishnu" (God Vishnu)

6. 1956 - "U Slatlai ha Pynthabah" (Pahns in the Valley)

7. 1956 - "Ha Ka Eiiong" (In the Storai)

8. 1961 - "Ka Dor Ka Snam" based on the English play " The Price of Blood"

9. 1965 - "KaPhatok" (Prison)

Correngia was not the only missionary who found time for drama, but Fr. Igino Ricaldone, the First Principal of St. Anthony's College in 1935, Fr. Giulius Costa, Fr. George Vanni, Fr. E. Usai, Bro. Santino Mantaro while working in the Cathedral Parish became the founding pillars of Khasi Dramatic Society. Many boys surrendered their evenings and free time to avail themselves of the training given by the experienced missionaries. Kenny Shympa, one of the founding members of the Rympei Theatrical Centre poised his dramatic talent to the theatrical floor from those infonnal training sessions. Another living artiste, Mihsuk Nongrum calls the Salesians, tlie fatlieis of Khasi dramatics and theatrics. ^^

CATHOLIC PRIVATE INSTITUTIONS AND HOSTELS

Almost every major Catholic institution in Shillong started a system of performing

at least one standard play annually which involves most of the students and boarders for

their annual celebration. The plays were always staged for a number of days to benefit

neighbouring schools and institutions of the town. This practice gradually shaped itself into

a tradition and inspired young boys and girls to come out as artistes of the locaUties. It is

good to note too that it was the influence of these regular habits of acting that move the

members of the Rympei Theatrical Centre (RTC) to publish their staged plays and dramas.

Roland Kharkrang Usted 26 plays staged by the RTC between 1979 and 1989 and out of

3** R. Kharkrang, Theatre Art and Life. op. cit., appendix.

3''5 Mihsuk A. Nongrum, Tip la La Ka Kaml982, p. 2, quoted by R. Kharkrang, op. cit., p. 102.

242

them 21 were translated and written in Khasi, but out of them, only 2 have direct biblical

titles: "O Jerusalem" and "Prodigal Son".3*5

Lately, another troupe consisting of some past pupils of Catholic institutions

founded another association that focuses its aim in furthering Khasi humour on the stage as

part of social entertainment. The name of the association is "Ka Seng Buia U Khasi"

[(SBUK) or The Khasi Humorist Society].

KA SKIT (ONE ACT PLAY)

Dramas and plays are very much part of the educational activities and have entered

the school premises by the introduction of inter-school one act play competitions. The

Syngkhong Kyntiew Ri (The Nation's Development Association) holds annual skit

competitions and gives awards to the best school and best artistes. This development is no

doubt an influence which schools run by Christians get opportunities to explore bible-based

plays and inculturate them to suit the Khasi milieu.

THEATRE CULT AMONG THE SHNONG'

In spite of prohibition by the Presbyterian Mission and the partial censorship of the

Seng Khasi, theatres were very popular among the Khasis. The Khasi Native Club and

later the Shillong Panora chib were formed as autonomous promoters of theatre and drama.

Ahnost every village staged its own annual indigenous dramas during the sterile winter, a

season for village picnic and merriment.

PEACE ROY PARIAT (1918 -1910^^^

Peace Roy Pariat was bom of poor parents, Ka Desi Pariat and a certain U Leng at

Jaiaw Laitdom just after the First World War but circumstances did not favour Pariat with

much formal education. However, growing up amidst contemporaries of tiieir elite

localities: Jaiaw, Mawkhar, Wahingdoh and Umsohsun, Pariat was exposed to theatres

which were becoming popular among the Khasis. Thus when he got interested in theatre

and drama, he associated himself with the Khasi Native Club. It is said that most of the

dramas staged by the Khasi Native Club in which Peace Roy Pariat took part were mainly

of non-Khasi themes. Pariat reacted strongly to such practice, but to no avail. It was only

^^ R. Kharkrang, Theatre Art and Life. op. cit, pp. 109-110.

3'*'' R. Khaikiang, Theatre Art and Life, op. cit., p. 91.

243

then that he started contemplating founding his own club that would patronise dramas with

Khasi flavour and within a short time he foimded another rival club, the Shillong Panora

Club.

Peace Roy Pariat wrote and staged many plays, but with the exception of Ka

Shangkhawiah Ki Rang [The Seductress (1947)], none were published. This unhappy

mishap is due to the fact that the club had some objectives which might have originated

from Pariat himself. "An infonnant who was a one-time member of the club says, that once

a play had been written and passed, it was bought by the Club, for two reasons:

a) to help the play-writer Hnancially

b) to become flie property of the Club"^^

Tlie investigator does not find any bibUcal element in Pariat's Shangkhawiah Ki

Rang; therefore, it shall not be analysed in this study. The following is the list of Pariat's

dramas staged by the club during the pre-independence period.

1.1943-"KaRonuIy"

2. 1944 - "leit, leit, ym dei Jingieid Shet Khiew Jakai" (Love, Love, It is not a game)

3. 1945 - "Ka Bor Ksuid Pyrshah Bor Blei" (Diabolical Power versus Divine Power)

4. 1945 - "Kyrsan" (Invoking Luck)

5. 1946 - "Ka Rhah" (Viciousness)

Its other name is "U Almacava bad ka Wesselina"

6. 1947 - "Na Nongkyndong sha Sor" (From Village to Town)

7. 1947 - "Ka Shangkhawiah Ki Rang" (The Seductress)349

8.1951 - "Ka Maryngod" (A timbrel).

Besides Peace Roy Pariat's plays, the Shillong Panora Club also produced:

1. "U Borsing Bad u Borkusain" (1945)

(a shadow-play written by Bashai Rai Dohling for the KJP High School).

2. "Ka Tiewlarun" (Larun flower), anonymous.

3. "U Tirot Sing" (1952) by Bashai R. Dohling for AIR.350

^^ R. Kharkrang, Theatre Art and Life, op. ciL,p. 99.

349 TJiis (jiama was published by J. R. Khongwii in 1979.

350 R. Kharkrang, Theatre Art and Life. op. cit, p.lOO,

244

PRINROSE GARFIELD GOTPHOH'S "KAMAI IA KA HOK".

The Radio Play "Kanai na ka Hok" (Earn Righteousness) written by P.G.

Gatphoh for the All India Radio in 1950 had been inserted by him in the second edition of

SawdongKa Lyngwiar Dpei, 1950. However, due to oversight some scholars have dated it

1933.35^ Therefore, though this drama refers to the Book of Ecclesiastes 1:2 ff, Matthew

6:25 and Luke 1:51-53 it will not be examined since it does not fall within the period of

this study.

4.2. ANALYSIS OF MONDON BAREH'S KA DRAMA UMfHSNG/

Mondon Bareh's incomplete Ka Drama U Mihsngi was rescued from obUvion by

his youngest son, Hamlet Bareh. The latter gave a fmishing touch to the last Act by adding

"Ka J i n g l e h Kaba L a i " <Act I I I > , pp . 87-94. Mondon Bareh had written the

play prior to his death in 1932, therefore, although the drama was published only in 1966,

it belongs to the pre-independence period which necessarily calls for examination in this

study.

Ka Drama U Mihsngi is a satire that exposed the vicious life of church leaders.

I.M. Simon also classes it as a satire that reflects the corrupt life of the erstwhile nation that

was noted for its righteousness and integrity. 2 ^nd Hamlet Bareh sees the drama

"...as a satire on degrading moral conditions depicting a characterisation of clownish, henpecked and dubious husbands as also domineering and self-centred women..." ^

The following passage is Paul's counsels how to scrutinise church elders.

"For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain elders in every city, as I had appointed thee: If any be blameless, the husband of one wife, having children not accused of riot or imruly. For a bishop must be blameless, as the steward of God; not self-willed, not soon angry, not given to wine, no striker, not given to filthy lucre; but a lover of hospitality, a lover of good men, sober, just, holy, tenoperate; Holding fast the faithAil word as he had been taught, that he may be able by sound doctrine both to exhort and to convince the gainsayers" (Tit. 1:5-9).

351 B.L. Swer, Na Pneh Ka Rynsan, op. cit, p. 68.

352 I.M. Simon, "I Babu Mondon Bareh Kum U Nongthoh Nongtar", In UMondon Bareh Birth Centenary Souvenir,op. cit, p. 49.

353 H. Bareh, A short History ofKhasi Literature, op. cit., p. 89.

245

But Syntan, (Bareh's sitting presbyter in the drama) who was holding the key

position in the church was the antithesis of the above instruction and of 1 Timothy chapter

3. He was a complete failure and by despising the Scripture be became a big stumbling

block to God's work. Under his leadership, his own family became the cradle of atrocity

and criminality. His fellow-Christians lost their credibility. They were like sheep without a

shepherd, because Syntan gave more importance to his legal profession as a lawyer and

grossly neglected his pastoral duties. He not only exposed the flocks to innumerable

dangers, but he himself was a wolf in sheep's clothing.

Mihsngi was a type of dubious church leaders and evangelists who wasted their

noble career in wine and women. According to Serin (the nurse who looked after Alls in

the hospital), it was Mibsngi's infidelity and clandestine relationship with Hui that sent his

heart-broken wife early to the grave. Even Mukta (Syntan's driver) accused Mihsngi of

over- familiarity with Symbriah (Hui's own sister).

As a preacher, Mihsngi, prided himself in beiug the top preacher of the presbytery.

His only aim was to impress listeners with his pedantic sermons which ironically fell on

deaf ears. Hui, his second wife, told him once:

"Sennons do not interest me. I attend church service for socialisation, they are opportune occasions for advertising my fashionable clothes." ^*

However, in spite of Hui's blatant comment, Mihsngi continued to believe that his

sermons were in^)ressive by saying :

"I accept that people gather more for sight seeing and for outing than to listen to boring sermons of Larsing and Sorbong, but they should know the difference when a famous preacher like Mihsngi who had impressed the elite and enUghtened believers of Mawkhar"355

'Mawkhar* too had been satirised because it was the residence of the cream of

society - mostly only the members of the elite class. Mawkhar was the Presbyterian brain

of Khasi- Pnar. Anybody praised by Mawkhar was definitely a 'star- preacher'. Tlirough

his drama, Bareh made Mihsngi the object of ridicule for the obsession of the time: -

Aping the West was the 'in thing' of the day. Mihsngi was the spokesman:^^*

'^^ Mondon Bareh, Ka Drama UMihsngi, op. cit., p. 42.

'5^ Mondon Bareh, Ka Drama UMihsngi, op. cit, p. 43.

^ ^ Mondon Bareh, Ka Drama UMihsngi, op. cit., p. 61.

246

"Do you not think that befitting my position I should walk with my wife as Westerners do? ... Common people may wonder, but educated people always take the populace by surprise...' ^

Money, fame and comfort were the obsessions of some corrupt church-leaders.

Even Syntan, the Presbyter, encouraged corruption and commended exploiters. In other

words, Bareh painted Mihsngi's society as a Babylon.

The drama begins with an evening scene where Syntan was already intoxicated

with alcohol. His widowed daughter Hui was disgusted with his manners and she showed

no respect to her father at all. Embarrassed by her reprimand, Syntan made an allusion to

scripture. "It is not right that you expose your own father like Lot's daughters"^** He was

referring to Lot's state of inebriation (Gen. 19:32-38) where he committed incest with his

own daughters.

The totally corrupt Presbyter, diverted the harsh criticism of his daughter, by

encouraging her to ensnare and seduce a rich man like Mihsngi who was also a popular

preacher.

"You see, bis salary is enough for us. He earns Rupees One Hundred and Fifty... I am old, you cannot count on me for long. Try to woo him cluld.'' '

Syntan continued to persuade Hui by making more sarcastic comments. He made

her aware that Mihsngi as an evangelist and eloquent preacher was very much revered by

the Christian community. But he also shrewdly pointed out Mihsngi's naive weaknesses:

his feminine elegance, his clandestine involvements and his drunkenness.

"Mihsngi's homilies flow like manna fromheaveiL.. At the pulpit he puts on the face of an angel. But in life he mesmerizes ladies".'**''

Serin a relation of Mihsngi's infinued daughter, Alis, had a very low opinion of

Mihsngi.

"He holds a praiseworthy job and he puts on his piety like an angel of light in the prayer gathering; but many know him as a debauchee and a scoundrel" *

^5' Mondon Bareh, Ka Drama UMihsngi, op.cit, p. 37.

^ * Mondon Bareh, Ka Drama UMihsngi, op.cit, p. 4.

^5' Mondon Bareh, Ka Drama UMihsngi, op.cit, p. 5.

3**'Mondon Bareh, Ka Drama U Mihsngi, ibid.

**Mondon Bsteh,Ka Drama UMihsngi, op.cit., p. 10.

247

SYNTAN'S FAMILY

Syntan, as expected, had no control over his family. The drama also outlined the

gruesome atrocities and the horrifying avarice and greed of his two daughters. Hui and

Symbriah though baptised Christians were brought up as heathens. Both indulged

themselves in promiscuity and witchcraft. They represent the whores and immoral women

who could not bear to see others doing well in life. The irony of it all is that their vicious

lives were protected under the umbrella of Syntan's influence in society and his position in

the church. Mukta who had pre-marital sexual relationship with Symbriah was imprisoned

and silenced for good in order to present to the world an unspoiled image of his younger

daughter and he shamelessly got her remarried to another rich evangelist, Sorbong. In the

same way he directed Hui to turn Mihsngi into a henpecked husband and to usurp all his

property dragging him to a tragic death. Dr. Liaw and Alls too had their own share of

persecution from the murderous seething plot of Hui.

Bareh did not hesitate to expose the sacrilegious use of scripture by Mukta when he

eloped with Symbriah. The following is his allusion to Genesis 2:23:

"Into the paiadise of Adam and Eve, beloved 'Briah, Who was there to bless Adam and Eve's matrimony? You are bone of my bone. Yes, my bone has found its rightful place" ^

By way of contrast, however, Bareh allowed Alls to remain virtuous. She and Dr.

Liaw honoured the Christian sanctity of marriage and love.

In exposing the duplicity of some influential church-leaders, Bareh did not fail to

bring in the true picture of life. As Jesus Christ wisely once said that just as in the com

field, com and weed grow side by side, so too in life, good and bad people co-exist Bareh,

therefore, brought in some good Christians like Larsing to counteract the wickedness of the

likes of Syntan and his daughters. Larsing's lamentation represents the feeling of frustration

of many:

"Oh! What conihsion! Dishonesty and corruption dominate over virtues and righteousness in our laud. Who can unsettle Syntan? With his wealth and intricate maimers he brainwashed the single populace who blindly voted for him even for another term. Konrai the deserving candidate got only 15 votes compared to Syntan who bagged SO soUd votes. The holy office of the church will become hell of life... We ourselves will have to resign from our ministries for we will never be able to acquiesce to this devil's policy". '*

^2 Mondon Bareh, Ka Drama UMihsngi, op. cit., pp. 31-32.

3*' Mondon Bareh, Ka Drama UMihsngi, op. cit., pp, 23-24.

248

4.3. SUMMARY

The chapter mentions the dramas of the two sons of Jeebon Roy, Had Charan Roy

and Dino Nath Roy who translated and staged plays for the Seng Khasi between 1910-

1924 and takes note of the effort made by the neutral theatrical clubs and the 'shnoog*

(localities) and the contribution of Peace Roy Pariat's between 1943 and 1952. Similarly,

though the chapter records P.G. Gatphoh's "Kamalia Ka Hok" (Earn Righteousness), 1950,

it does not examine the play as it belongs to the post-independence period. The chapter

also took note of the different reasons and attitudes why the various agencies did not

promote the growth of drama and theatre during the period.

Mondon Bareh's Ka Drama u Mihsngi, is the only drama taken for analysis because

though it was completed and published in 1966 by Hamlet Bareh, his youngest son, it was

in actual fact, written between 1928 and 1932 before Mondon Bareh's premature death in

1932. Ka Drama u Mihsngi, deals with the hypocrisy and evil that enter in the lives of

some church leaders and on the pretensions prevailing among some of the educated Khasis.

249