CHAPTER IV

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF WOMEN AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

I n th i s Chapter an attempt i s made to analyse , va r ious

aspects of the social s ta tus of the female agr icul tural labourers

such a s the i r age, caste, education, marital s t a tu s , assets ,

migration and income. The heterogenous chardcter t Tndian

Economy and the uneven r a t e s of development, have had vary ing

degrees of impact on the different segments of the labour force.

Therefore, the si tuation i n general , would "not justify aggregation

into a s ingle dimensional magnitude".' The different segments need

to be estimated separa te ly , t ak ing into account such important

character is t ics a s region ( s t a t e ) , sex, age , r u r a l or urban

residence, s t a tu s or c lass of workers and educational at tainments. 2

I f any evaluat ion of women's economic roles i s to be meaningful, it

has to t ake into account the socio-economic s t a tu s of dif ferent

categories of the female workers engaged in different occupations.

The level of socio-economic conditions of women in any society

indicates the i r level of s ta tus . I n a heterogeneous, conlplex and

s t ra t i f ied society l ike ours , the position, the dependence and

disabi l i t ies of workers stem from the i r occupational immobility,

caused by a var ie ty of economic and social factors . 3

1. Report of the committee on unemployment, Ministry of Labour, Government of Ind ia , New Delhi, 1973.

2. Report of the Committee on employment estimates, Ministry of Labour, Government of Ind ia , New Delhi, 1970.

3 . Towards Equali ty: Report of the Committee on s t a tu s of women, Department of Social Welfare, Ministry of Education and Social Welfare, Government of I n d i a , New Delhi, 1974 .

The level of exploitation of women in a society, can

generally be measured by the level of oppression and exploitation

of working class i n general i n the society. This exploitation i n i t s

form content, and intensi ty would comparatively be h:gher when

compared to t ha t of men i n a n equa l society. This would ca l l for

a close examination of the casua l re la t ionship of var ious economic

va r i ab l e s and the s t a tu s of women.

Before ana lys ing the socio-economic si tuation of the female

labourers in the agr icu l tura l sector, the back g r n ~ ~ n d rlata of the

women taken i n samples has been given to highl ight the general

t rends noticed with regard to such aspects a s the i r age , caste ,

education, assets , mari ta l s t a tu s , indebtedness, migration and

income.

The agr icu l tura l labourers general ly come into the i r career

a t an ea r ly age and th i s i s t r u e i n the case of a l l the ta luks

selected for s tudy i n the three p a r t s of t he Palghat d i s t r ic t , namely

Mannarghat, Chittoor, and Palghat t a luk and the same can be

understood from Table 4.1. I n a l l t he three t a luks i n Mannarghat,

Chittoor and Palghat the female ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers come into

the i r ca reer a t an ea r ly age and the sample comprises the m a j o ~ i t y

of female agr icu l tura l labourers in the age group af 7 6 - 4 5 years .

In a l l the three ta luks , the tota l scheduled caste respondents ( a s

well a s scheduled t r i bes ) constitute 42.5 percent while the backward

castes constitute 56.7 percent from the to ta l sample. However, in

thic group there a r e a few householders cominq uncier the ta teqorv

of scheduled t r ibes from the Mannarghat t a luk , especially those from

the t r i b a l settlements (which i s developed by the f inanc ia l support

of State/Central ~ o v t . ) while the to ta l sample constitute of 88.8%

who a r e Hindus and 0.8% a r e in the Christ ian category and the

res t 10.4% a r e under the Muslim category and i n th i s sample the

major population come under the Hindu category.

Table 4.1

RELIGION X FORWARD (BACKWARD) O F THE RESPONDENTS

I N THE SAMPLE

Religion SC/ST Forward Backward Total

Hindu

Christ ian

Muslim 25 25

( l O . f + ) (10.4)

Total 102 2 136

(42.5) (0.8) (56.7) (100)

The women drawn from the lowest rungs of the social

hierarchy a r e not t reated on a p a r with other women in the society

and they a r e debarred from enter ing into a l l types of agr icu l tura l

act ivi t ies . I t is clear ly seen i n the case of scheduled caste women

while backward caste women, a r e engaged in a l l sor ts of act ivi t ies

which a r e open for women; re la t ively they have better social s ta tus

than the scheduled caste population. Despite working together on

the same f ie lds for yea r s together, discrimination between scheduled

castes and backward castes still exis t i n t he r u r a l a r e a s .

I t i s also noticed t h a t child labour i s prevalent in the

sample a r e a s and more so among the scheduled caste households.

As many a s the children a r e drawn from the scheduled caste house-

holds and they a r e followed by the backward caste chi ldren. This

confirms the view tha t children a r e a lso engaged in work to eke

out the i r livelihood in a l l the sample vi l lages ( t a luks ) and

especially children from the lowest rungs of the social heirarchy

a r e more widely engaged i n agr icu l ture t han the children of other

s t r a t a .

Contrary to the par t ic ipat ion of the female agr icu l tura l

labourers the male agr icu l tura l labourers work even in the i r old

age. The male agr icu l tura l labourers remain i n work even during

old age because of necessity while i t i s not possible for women to

do so because of cer ta in physical problems and also owing to the

two roles they have a t home and a t the i r work spot. Further ,

child-bearing and child-rearing throw a heavy burden on the woman

and snatch a l l her energies and a s a resul t she withdraws from

work ea r l i e r t han men.

I t i s observed t h a t a few of the respondents happen to

belong to the forward class . Although women belonging to forward

castes, undertake cer ta in agr icu l tura l operation, their number ts

very insignif icant and incidental ly the sample could cover a very

few. Hence there is more representation from the backward castes

and scheduled castes i n agr icul ture . The forward caste people

ra re ly prefer agr icu l tura l operations owing to the t rad i t iona l and

cul tural taboos.

Literacy:

The level of l i t e racy is one of the important indicators of

social development and process of urbanisat ion and modernisation.

'Though education by itself does not generate socio-economic

progress, the lack of it can cer ta inly be an impediment i n the

developmental process' . 4

Educational system has not so much developed in th i s

backward pocket of the country. I t s economic backwardness, 2ess

mcjal awakening among people, historical iner t ia , i t s interior

location and rough te r ra in a l l have added to i t s low l i t e racy .

The l i t e racy r a t e among the labour c l a s s i s not high.

Table 4 . 2 indicates t h a t among the female respondents about 29.6

percent a r e i l l i t e ra tes who never attended any school dur ing the i r

I lfr-t ime. nut the nctual percentage of l l l i terntcs 1s rnllch higher.

because the 'Sakshara tha ' Programme covers a percent of 43.8, who

4 . Gosal. G.S., 1979, Spat ia l Perspective on Literacy in Ind ia . Population Geography, Vol. 1, (1+2) , p.41.

were previously i l l i t e ra tes , but thanks to the l i t e racy campaign

launched by the State Government they have became l i t e r a t e to 2ome

rlccjrcc. So w e can change the ac tua l i l l l terntc percer~tngc to

become (43.8+29.6) 73.L%. Only about 26.6 percent of the

respondents can be claimed a s l i t e ra tes a s they attended schools for

sometime. I t is s ignif icant t ha t a few of the respondents in

Mannarghat a r e l i t e ra tes while l i t e racy r a t e is very high in

(:hittoor. Significantly except a few the rest of the scheduled t r i be

respondents a r e i l l i t e ra tes i n t he to ta l sample.

Table 4.2

AGE X EDUCATION OF THE FEMALE AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

Age level I l l i te- Primary U.P. H.S. Saksha- Total r a t e r a tha

Columns Total 7 1 46 1 4 4 1 0 5 240

( 2 9 . 6 ) ( 1 9 . 2 ) (5.81 ( 1 . 7 ) ( 4 3 . 8 ) ( 1 0 0 )

Frorn the above table the highest i l l i t e racy is in the category of

46-55 years which is 33.8%. While i n the s aksha ra tha period the

highest r a t e i s in the 3 6 4 5 year category around 142% a r e a t tending

the s aksha ra tha programme, it shows t h a t the middle aged people

i .e. (26 -45 ) a r e very act ive minded people for the s aksha ra tha as

well a s the other development programmes ini t ia ted by the

government or other agency. I t i s a good sign of development i n

t h ~ fema le agr icu l tura l labour level people. While t he age i s going

1 I:h~lir tendencv for educat ion/saksharatha i s growing less in

general , we can assume from the above tab le especially the age

above 45.

Significantly, the majority of the school going children

happen to be the male ones. I t shows t h a t the males even i n the i r

childhood have the edge on the females i n every field including the

field of education.

Further ana lys i s reveals t h a t the majority of the

agr icu l tura l labour housholds a r e unable to spend any money on

education of the i r children and only a few of the i r chi ldren attend

schools. This i s mainly due to the low paying capacity and lack

of intereqt towards education among the parents . Further, they

cannot ,afford to send their children to ,schools a s they a r e a lso the

bread winners. The majority of the paren ts opined tha t education

i s a luxury For them and their miserable economic conditions compel

them to make their children ea rn something for the family. The

major i ty of t h c pa ren t : f r l t t h a t educa t ion is some what u s e f u l to

boys and not to g i r l s ,and they f u r t h e r emphas ised t h a t t h e y , by

send ing t h e i r female chiiclren Lo school canno t a f fo rd t o do without

t h e i r a s i i s t a n c e hot11 -8 : .,nd 13150 a t work spot .

e s p l i t ti?,: ..:~;.Iiold i n t o b a c k w a r d a s well as fo rward

a n d a l s o the SC/ST cc.stc.jory. The following t a b l e shows the

comparison between t h e v a r i o u s c a s t e s (Forward /Backward) a s far

a s t h e i r l i t e r a c y is concerned.

Table 4 . 3

EDIJCATTON X F O I ? ! ' ' ~ : :'..'i?ACK!VARD O F THE F E M A L E AGRICULTURAL . . . . - -- - T.AnOURERS .-

I . d ~ ~ a t i n n a l Ievcl 51: ;.'? Forward Backward Tota l . ~ .-.

I l l i t e r a t e 36 1 34 7 1

C o l u m n To? 3 1 ? 136 240

I . (0 .8) ( 5 6 . 7 ) ( 1 0 0 )

From the above table we understood t h a t the i l l i t e ra te percentage is

high i n the SC/ST household a s well a s i n the backward caste

people especially among the Muslims i n t he Mannarghat and Pa lgha t

t a luks . But to a t tend the s aksha ra tha programme, the backward

caste is i n the forefront and 60/136 = 44.12% of the household , .

people a r e a t tending the s aksha ra tha programme, it i s i n the steps

for the development thinking of t h a t people. So we can f ind out

from the above tab le t h a t cas te i s also a factor for the

encouragement of education among the common people and also i n

the SC/ST caste. The backward including the Muslims a r e also very

i l l i terate .

M a r i t a l S t a t u s : -

Marriage brings an important change in the

l ines of men and women whether they a r e rich or poor. Table 4.4

shows the par t icu la r3 of the mari ta l s t a tu s of t he female

agr icu l tura l labourers.

T a b l e 4.4 T a b l e 4.4

MARITAL STATUS OF THE FEMALE AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS -

Marital s t a tu s va lue labe l

Value Frequency Percentage

Unmarried

Married

Widowed

Divorced

Separated

I t i s evident from the above tab le tha t 82.5% of the fem3le agr icul-

tu ra l labourers in the total sample a r e m ~ r r i e d . Chittoor and

Palghat t a luks contain a l a rge number of married women. Among

the sample, a l a r g e number of scheduled caste female agr icu l tura l

labourers a r e married. The majority of the sample area in

Mannarghat a r e unmarried, belong to backward caste.

Table 4.5 shows t h a t a l a r g e number of the female

agr icu l tura l labourers got married a t a n ear ly age, l i t e ra l ly in

their childhood. Those who got married within the age group of

10-16. constitute a percentage nearer to fif ty or more than tha t .

Mannarghat s tands first i n the matter of ea r ly marr iage.

Invar iab ly , e a r l y marriages a r e prevalent in the majority of

scheduled caste female agr icu l tura l labourers in a l l the ta luks . A

considerable number of respondents had married in their 20 's . The

scheduled t r i be labourers come under t h i s category. I t i s

significant t ha t caste p lays a n important role in deciding the age

for marriage. Despite the poor economic conditions the labour

households perform marr iages i n t he t rad i t iona l pa t te rn incur r ing

heavy expenditure. Many respondents obtained loan a t high r a t e of

interest mainly to perform the marr iages of the i r children, similarly

men a r e a lso victimised by ea r ly marr iages . The scheduled caste

male agr icu l tura l labourers consti tute the highest percentage in

child marr iages and the backward cas te respondents a r e an

exception. The scheduled t r i be respondents got married i n their

ea r ly twenties.

Table 4.5

PERIOD O F MARRIAGE X FORWARD/BACKWARD OF THE FEMALE - AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

~ a r r i a ~ e period SC/ST Forward Backward Total

Since - years 82 112 194

Since - widowed 14 15 29

Since - divorced 1 2 3

Others 2 2 4 8

In comparison with the marr iage of the backward/forward of .the

households, cer ta in points a r e re levant . Since the l a rge percentage

of people (households) a r e married, the family re la t ionship is not

cordial i n several cases, especially i n the scheduled caste

respondents, and also i n the backward cas te respondents especially

i n the case of Muslims. Even i n the forward caste where very few

respondents a r e exis t ing, we can see tha t the i r family relationship

h a s collapsed due to t he a r rogant na tu re of their husbands, who

a r e f a r away from the i r o r ig ina l homes and a r e sett led i n the

newly given l and a rea (Pattayam given i n the la tes t position).

This na tu re exis ts because they a r e socially and cul tural ly

backward. According to the t ab l e we can specify t h a t there a r e 8

cases which is 3.3% of the tota l . But we can s a y tha t the ac tua l

number i s much more than t h a t , a fact which the respondents do

not reveal c lear ly .

Thus the above ana lys i s indicates t h a t Child marriages had

taken place very widely among the male and female ag r i cu l tu ra l

labourers . Although the children were married off a t a n ea r ly age

marr iages i n cer ta in families were considerably delayed for want of

money to be offered i n the shape of dowry to bridegrooms. The

parents dependence to some extent on the earn ing of the unmarried

daughters also contributed to the l a t e marriages i n these families.

But recently the marr iage age of the children i s some what ra ised

upto a level of 20's, because of the better consciousness of the

people for good amenities i n l i fe .

The dowry practice h a s spread l i ke a n epidemic even among

these families. From the major households response shows the

prevalence of t h i s pract ice among the ag r f cu l tu ra l labour

households whose meagre earn ings a r e ha rd ly adequate to meet the

minimum da i ly necessities. It i s s ignif icant to note t ha t major

percent of the female respondents a r e affected by the dowry

practice i n some form or the other. The scheduled caste female

ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers a s well as the backward castes give dowry

i n the form of cash. Also the scheduled caste respondents i n the

sample a r ea gave dowry i n the form of kind. There a r e only a few

agr icu l tura l labourers who got married without becoming a prey to

th i s social ev i l and they constitute a very less percentage of the

to ta l sample. The scheduled t r i be respondents a r e also f ree f r o m

the clutches of t h i s ev i l practice.

The ana lys i s reveals t h a t t he female respondents i n a l l the

three sample a r e a s a r e the victims of t h i s practice. They revealed

tha t dowry is given i n a var ie ty of ways depending on the

t radi t ion and customs of the i r community. Besides giving dowry,

new clothes and some ar t ic les e i ther of b r a s s or steel a r e offered to

the bridegroom though they a r e not i n a position to give anything.

Also, small pieces of l and and ca t t l e a r e offered to t he groom and

ornaments l i ke golden ear - r ings and nose s tuds and anklets and

armlets made of s i lver a r e given to the br ide in some cases. But

about a percentage of near ly 30 of t he female respondents revealed

t h a t their parents , under the burden of poverty and indebtedness

could not offer them anything a t t he time of marriage.

There a r e some divorces among the respondents and many of

the divorces a r e found i n Mannarghat and the border a r e a s of t he

Palghat t a luks . They revealed t h a t a number of factors influence

the marital relation to end i n divorce. Generally men take the

in i t i a t ive i n obtaining divorce and women r a re ly choose to divorce.

Suspicion, t an ta l i s ing na tu re of t he husbands and i l l i c i t re la t ions

of husbands with other women a r e the main reasons pointed out by

the respondents who took divorce from the i r husbands. Depending

upon the i r sensit ivity and power of endurance, women ei ther

continue to suffer a t the hands of the i r ignominious husbands or

divorce them when they find it extremely impossible to put up with

them. Usually people f ind f au l t with women and do not question

men.

The above ana lys i s indicates t h a t polygamy, divorce, and

remarr iage a r e very common among these families. The married

category also includes women who got remarried a f te r t ak ing

divorce from the i r former husbands.

I n these agr icu l tura l families, divorce, forces the paren ts

of e i ther s ide to a r r ange new mar i ta l a l l i ance for the i r divorced

children. But without performing a n y formal r i t e s the new couple

l ive together. Divorce does not b r ing i n a n y formal change i n the

socio-economic l i f e of women. Even a f te r divorcing, she can l ive

happi ly a s she continues to ea rn . She ea rns a s she used to e a r n

before her marriage and hence, she can l ive with her paren ts

without becoming a burden to them. Remarriage also does not b r ing

any qua l i ta t ive changes i n her work cul ture . Thus i n these

families divorce is not a s t r ange a f f a i r and divorces a r e also not

looked down upon by any one.

But t he opinion of some social workers i n Palghat region is

t h a t the dowry system was implemented by the migrant people who

came from cent ra l Travancore and other p a r t s of Kerala. Before

t h a t , there was no systematic implementation of t h i s system . .

functioning very efficiently. But the migrant people l a id the

foundation for the evi l pract ice i n these undeveloped a reas , and it

i s a curse towards the problems occured i n several families ending

into divorce. Especially the Syrian Christians in these a reas , are

the main back bone of t h i s issue, but i n some t r i b a l a r eas they

a r e ignoring a l l these types of proceedings.

LAND OWNERSHIP AND PRODUCTIVE ASSETS

Agricultural labourers i n general do not possess any

productive assets which can provide them with some sort of

livelihood. The income of the sample households desired from

different sources is hard ly adequate to meet their da i ly necessities.

The source of income of their families a r e the i r meagre productive

assets and their own labour power. But the majority of the

respondents do not possess any productive source through which .

they can desire some income. Hence most of them a r e dependent

upon the money earned from their own labour . Table 4.6 gives us

the detai ls of the l and ownership pa r t i cu la r s of the households in

the same a reas .

It is evident from the tab le below that: the major sha re ( ie .

43%) of the female agr icu l tura l labourers a r e landless and

especially i n 39.6% a r e owning the l and of their re la t ives for some

temporary adjustments. And from another tab le we understood t h a t

72.1% of the households a r e owning l a n d s less than 10 cents each

for their household and only a small percentage of 4.6 households

own l ands of greater than 30 cents or more. A very few households

own lands near the paddy f ie ld . Around 81.25% of the total sample

households do not own a single cent of paddy land a s their own

property. Around 7.08% of the total households a r e owning less

than 25 cents of paddy l and in their own level a s the r ight

property for their households. It is s ignif icant to note tha t a

l a rge percentage of the scheduled castes and not less than t h a t of

the backward castes i n the to ta l sample households a r e landless or

owning a land which occurs less than 10 cents. One contrasting

feature is t h a t i n the i r r iga ted a r e a more number of the sample

households a r e landless when compared with the unirr igated a rea .

This would na tura l ly en ta i l a l a r g e mass of labour force which

depend heavily upon the i r labour power and da i ly wages.

Table 4.6

LAND OWNERSHIP OF THE FEMALE RESPONDENTS

Cumulative Value l abe l Value Frequency Percentage Ownership of land Percentage

Own property 1 137 57.1 57.1

Relatives 2 95 39.6 96.7

Others 3 7 2.9 99.6

enter something 6 - 1 0.4 - 100.0

240 - 100.0 -

T a b l e 4.7

PARTICULARS OF LAND HOLDINGS O F THE FEMALE RESPONDENTS

Value labe l (Dry l a n d )

Cumulative Value Frequency Percentage

Percentage

1 - 5 cents 1 .OO 88 36.7 36.7

Table 4.8

PADDY LAND O F THE FEMALE RESPONDENTS

- -- -

Paddy land Value Frequency percentage

26 - 50

51 - 100

> 101

No paddy l and

Table 4.9

LAND HOLDINGS X FORWARDDACKWARD O F T H E FEMALE RESPONDENTS

Count SC/ST Forward Backward Total

Table 4.10

PADDY LAND X FORWARDDACKWARD O F THE FEMALE RESPONDENTS

Count SC/ST Forward Backward Total

No Paddy 82 2 111 195 (34.17) (46.25) (81.25)

Column tota l

I n terms of the cas te of the household around 75.49 (77/102) percen-

tage of the Scheduled Caste/Tribe households a r e holding a l a n d

which i s l ess t han or equa l to 10 cents and in the backward caste

respondents around 69.1 percentage of the sample households a r e

holding a land piece which i s l ess than 10 cents. But i n a l l these

cases the ownership possibly could be in their own names or other

re la t ives may be possible i n these sample households. There a r e

only two forward caste respondents i n a l l these regions and the two

of them hold land which i s l ess than 5 cents which they got from

the revenue department a s landless agr icu l tura l labourers .

And i n several households especially from the Mannarghat

ta luk and Chittoor ta luk , many got d ry l and or wet l and f r o m the

government as 'Micha Bhoomi" or su rp lus l a n d (excess l a n d ) which

was rendered to t he landless households, by the poli t ical backing

of the local leaders . This l and got by the scheduled caste

respondents, was a special scheme for the Harijan landless agr icul-

t u r a l labourers . But most of the l and i s not a t a l l useful for

agr icu l tura l purposes, because they a r e in a dry a r e a , and it is

not ava i lab le for i r r iga t iona l fac i l i t i es .

And i n the paddy sector a l so the above case is very

similar. Around 80.39 percentage of the scheduled caste / t r ibe

households do not hold s ingle cent of paddy i n their own name,

(82/102) and 81.61 percentage of the backward caste households also

do not own s ing le cent6 of paddy l a n d . This i s a very s ignif icant

example of that, the major section of the people i n the tota l samples

a r e merely depending upon the i r wages a s the i r main source of income.

If they possess cat t le , general ly younger children of the

family r e a r these animals. In case the children a r e not engaged

in cat t le rear ing the animals a r e e i ther kept a t home or sent away

along with other animals of the v i l l age for grazing. They had to

pay some amount a s wages for looking a f te r the i r ca t t l e dur ing the

day time. I n e i ther case i t is the women i n these families who

give fodder to the cat t le . This is t r u e with the sample women

also. Then i f they possess the ca t t l e the burden ultimately l i es on

women and children who bear the brunt of it.

A percentage which i s l ess than 10 of the households

possess some ca t t le i n the i r family surroundings. This cat t le

wealth also includes bullocks. Significantly 90 percentage of the

households do not possess a n y type of movable assets . I t is i n the

unirr igated a r e a s t ha t a very less percentage of the households of

the tota l sample possess ca t t l e wealth while i n the i r r i ga t ed a rea

the percentage is lesser than the above of the tota l sample.

Significantly the backward caste households outnumber the scheduled

caste households i n the possession of ca t t l e wealth, but the majority

of scheduled t r i b e households do not own them a t a l l .

This shows tha t the majority of t he sample do not possess

any type of ca t t l e wealth while they a r e owned by only a fraction

of the sample. This aga in is the revelation of sheer poverty of the

agr icu l tura l labourers whose economic condition deter ioratedover a

period of years .

A few female ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers i n the sample had to

spare the i r t i m e to r e a r the animals l i ke buffaloes, goats, sheep . "

and chicken. Though the money earned on th i s .$i? 'meagre, it h a s

contributed something to economic position of the families. Women

had to bear the brunt of the addi t iona l burden by tak ing ca re of

animals, feeding them, milching them and also sel l ing the milk.

Men r a r e l y come to the rescue of women i n these act ivi t ies .

However, only l i t t l e income i s made out of the t iny b i t s of

land and the animals which they possess. The other respondents

could not claim to have made any profit out of the product. I n

such cases , it h a s considerable impact on the families of

agr icu l tura l labourers . They could a lso withstand to some extent

despite the non-availabil i ty of work dur ing the slack season.

Housing condition

Table 4.11 gives u s t he different types of housing

accommodation uti l ised by the female ag r i cu l tu ra l Labourers i n the

responding household. I n t he to ta l sample 60.8 percent of the

respondents owned t i led houses with mud walls but most of them

were e i ther s ingle room t i led houses or one room ti led houses with

one verandah. 3 6 . 3 percent of the labourers l ive in hu ts .ie.

wooden/mud walls and thatched while 2.1% of the respondents s t ay

in brick walls and t i led houses ie . a very low percentage.

I t is s ignif icant to observe t h a t i n i r r i ga t ed vi l lages such

a s Chittoor and Pa lgha t t a luks , the majority of the respondents l ive

in thatched huts . I t i s i n Mannarghat a n d Malampuzha blocks t h a t

a percentage l e s s t han 10 of the tota l sample resides i n the

government constructed bui lding "One Lakh Housing Scheme" project

and it i s constructed exclusively for the scheduled cas te people.

The remaining respondents lived e i ther i n di lapidated houses or hut

like houses. Significantly the majority of the scheduled cas te

respondents l i ve i n hu ts i n the to ta l sample.

Tabla 4.11

T Y P E O F HOUSE O F T H E F E M A L E AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

House type Va lue F r e q u e n c y P e r c e n t a g e Cumulative Percentage

Wooden/Mud wall thatched 1 87 36.3 36.3

Hrick walls a n d t i led 3 5 2.1 39.2

Mud walls and t i led 6 1 4 6 60.R 100.0

Total 240 100.0

Table 4.12

TYPE O F HOUSE X FORWARDDACKWARD O F THE: FEMALE

AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

Type of house SC/ST Forward Backward Total

Wooden/Mud walls and thatched

Brick wal ls and thatched

Brick wall 8 tiled 1 4 5 (2.1)

Mud wall 8 t i led 67 1 78 146 - (60.8)

Column Total 102 2 136 240

(42.0) ( 0 . 8 ) (56.7) (100.0)

About the cas te division of the

household, we understood t h a t around 65.68% of the scheduled

caste / t r ibe respondents a r e holding t i led houses, which is under the

'one l akh housing schemes' implemented by the Govt. for weaker

sections. Around 3.33 percentage of the responding households i n

scheduled cas te a r e having small hu t s or wooden/mud walls with

thatched houses and which a r e used by about 1/3rd of the

qcheduled people. Andonly a 57.35 '4 of the backward cas te people

from the sample households have a house which i s something bet ter

to l ive in with mud walls and t i led houses, while 38.23% of the

backward respondents a r e only occupying small hu t l ike houses for

their dwelling places because a s t he ava i lab i l i ty of funds i s

smaller t han i n the case of scheduled caste people. But the "One

Lakh Ilousing Schemes" h a s not been implemented properly and t h a t

most of the houses a r e not useful for l iv ing. The low cost

materials and the mismanagements of funds a r e the contributing

factors of th i s . The above ana lys i s shows tha t the majority of

labourers a r e homeless and l i ve i n ruined or s ingle room ti led

houses. The government has not made a f r iendly gesture to a l l the

landless but only a very few respondents were benefit ted. The

government bui l t houses a r e not found in the sample a r e a s of the

i r r iga ted region.

The housing conditions of the

respondents also cause much inconvenience to them. The small

houses which a r e 10 ' x 5' accommodate 6-7members of a family.

I he huts and hut l i ke houses without proper venti lat ion and

adequate accommodation la rge ly impede the social and psychological

bearing of the female ag r i cu l tu ra l l abourers whose reproductive and

domestic functions a r e badly affected. Insani ta t ion around the

colonies creates unhygienic atmosphere. The unhygienic atmosphere

i s due to lack of proper sani ta t ion fac i l i t i es and using of the

.nrl-onnding a reas for toilet nnd washing purposes. Washing the

clothes, cleaning the utensi ls , t ak ing bath i n front of t he house,

also resul t i n insani ta t ion and spread of epidemics. Those who

possess cat t le give shelter to them r igh t i n front of their houses

and th i s contributes to spoil the atmosphere.

The houses a r e constructed without roofing in cer ta in a r eas ,

hence the inconvenience to women. Generally in the absence of

t aps they depend upon wells for water. Even these wells a r e not

many and a r e s i tuated a t far-off places. Hence women have to go

long distances, draw water from the well and c a r r y it home. This

considerably affects the i r heal th and labour power. I n the absence

of minimum faci l i t ies , women have to work hard i n discharging

their domestic work. They a r e the unprivileged section of t he

society and psychologically they feel h u r t . The majority of the

sample women revealed t h a t no one bothered to think about the i r

welfare and provide them with some faci l i t ies to improve the i r lot.

They did not have even the minimum faci l i t ies l i ke water supply,

d ra inage , proper accommodation i n the i r slum a reas . A t times the i r

income was too meagre to feed the i r chi ldren. I n th i s s i tuat ion how

could they expect themselves to be c lean and t idy?

Sometimes i n the absence of the housing fac i l i t i es the

majority of the female ag r i cu l tu ra l l abourers take shel ter i n the

houses of fr iends or re la t ives and pay them rent . Small s ing le

room, or double roomed houses or hu t s ha rd ly accommodate two

families with grea t difficulty. Common kitchen generally causes

tension for the women though they cook food one af ter the other.

It also resu l t s i n unavoidable delay and tension i n the family.

Insant ta t ion i s the major problem faced by the labour women.

This creates some problems for women who a r e affected both

socially and psychologically and which i n t u rn affects the productive

and domestic functions of women.

Occupation of parents:

Since the ag r i cu l tu ra l l abourers had come from poor

families, the i r parents a lso depend on manual labour . It i s

s ignif icant to observe t h a t around 40 percent of the respondents '

parents a r e agr icu l tua l labourers and around 30 percent a r e

engaged i n non-agricultural items of work-like construction,

quar ry ing and pottery. Only a very few percent of them a r e

cult ivators. I t is found t h a t the majority of the paren ts i n

Mannarghat and Chittoor a r e disabled owing to oldage and cer ta in

diseases.

Occupation of husbands:

The husbands of the female agr icu l tura l labourers a r e

engaged i n some manual work or the other to ea rn their livelihood.

I t i s evident from the above survey t h a t the husband of the female

agr icu l tura l labourers a r e engaged mostly i n da i ly wage labour .

I t i s observed t h a t more than half of them sett led a s agr icu l tura l

labourers l ike the i r wives. About below 10 percent of them

cul t ivate the i r own t iny b i t s of l and while only one scheduled cas te

husband i s working a s an a t tendant in a local Govt. office. The

men who cul t ivate their l ands also do manual labour to supplement

their income, some of whom a r e found to be ta i lors and potters.

Some of them chose labour work i n r ice mills and market and a few

have opened vegetables and provision stores.

However, the majority of t he husbands of the female

agr icu l tura l labourers i n Chittoor a r e agr icu l tura l labourers and

they a r e followed by Nalleppally sub division i n Palghat Taluk.

Thus the above ana lys i s reveals tha t l ike the female

agr icu l tura l labourers the i r husbands also depend mainly on

agr icu l ture and a r e not employed i n t he Govt. service because of

wide spread i l l i t e racy , lack of awareness, lack of opportunity, lack

of accessibil i ty to other occupations.

The above ana lys i s also indicates tha t people have been

depending up on agr icu l ture since many generations though they do

not hold any l and to cult ivate. With the decline of cottage and

small scale industr ies and handicraf ts a l a rge number of new

ent ran ts joined the masses of ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers over the years .

This h a s resulted i n s t icking onto agr icu l ture i n the f i r s t

generation ( the i r paren ts ) and it was car r ied over to the second

generation ( the respondents themselves). Though the parents and

husbands of female agr icu l tura l l abourers a r e also found i n cer ta in

occupation other than agr icu l ture the i r number i s quite ins ignif i -

' cant . The th i rd generation ie . , the majority of the children of t he

female respondents a r e employed a s agr icu l tura l labourers , ca t t l e

tenderers , shepherds or se rvant boys. Though a l l the members of a

family work, and ea rn , their to ta l income i s considerably meagre.

Income pa t te rn :

The annua l income of t he paren ts of the female agr icu l tura l

labourers a r e s ignif icant ly low. The income of the parents of the

female agr icu l tura l labourers who a r e working even i n the i r old'age

f a l l s i n the income group Rs.2001-3000 and only a few percent of

the paren ts e a r n Rs.3001-4000 per annum. Thus the income of the

agr icu l tura l labourers a r e very low. The minimum wages act i s

not implemented and they a r e pa id very low wages.

The respondents revealed t h a t some of the paren ts who a r e

above 55 years of age have to work hard to eke out their

livelihood. Lack of assets and l a r g e size of the families force the

old parents to work and supplement the family income. This shows

the pathetic economic s i tuat ion of t he ag r i cu l tu ra l labour c l a s s who

cannot have the i r d a y ' s meal without work.

About the income of the husbands of the respondents, the

ana lys i s reveals t h a t the majority of the husbands of the female

agr icu l tura l labourers ea rn marginal amounts and the earn ing

capaci ty of the husbands of the scheduled caste respondents is

higher than tha t of the backward cas te husbands. Though the i r

ea rn ings a r e better t han those of t he i r wives, t he difference i s only

negligible.

I t is significant to note t h a t i n a l l the three generations

the income of the children of the ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers i s very

low. I n l a rge percent of the families the income of a child labour

does not exceed Rs.1500/= per annum and it remains between Rs.500

and 1200 per year . I n a l l the castes , it i s the backward cas te

children, who a r e found more i n employment. I t i s evident t ha t

the earn ings of t he majority of chi ldren a r e marginal, and very few

cross the l i ne occassionally.

The low barga in ing capaci ty of the agr icu l tura l labourers

i n general and of the female ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers i n par t icu la r

can be a t t r ibuted to the unorganised na tu re of th i s amorphous

group. The children f a l l i n the t h i rd generation, and the i r

ea rn ings a r e s t i l l meagre and they ha rd ly meet their da i ly expenses

with their ea rn ings . This s t a t e of a f f a i r s leaves behind the

di lapidated houses, torn clothes, half-filled stomachs and

continuous indebtedness.

Income pat te rn of f a m i l y :

For the present ana lys i s of the income pa t te rn , the tota l

number of man-days and income a r e taken into consideration.

Accordingly, the i r income is calculated monthwise and it i s then

calculated for a year in cer ta in cases. The children a r e a lso

employed a s cat t le tenderers , and farm labourers whose income

widely differs from each other.

The size of the family i s also one of the deciding factors

indicat ing the income pat tern of the families. In the sample

households the size of the family ranges between 2 and 9 members

(The average number of memebrs of the family i s s i x ) . In the

sample households especially i n t he scheduled caste and backward

caste families, more number of chi ldren a r e found. However, t h e

majority of the respondents revealed t h a t the children were not a

l iab i l i ty for them a s they earned the i r own livelihood.

Par t icu la r ly , t he female chi ldren not only e a r n the i r bread but also

do the household chores and help the i r mothers. Significantly 30

percent of t he sample women have undergone the family planning

operation. I t i s observed t h a t the deterioration of health owing to

a number of confinements might have forced them to limit the size

of the family. Further i t also reflects the growing consciousness of

the agr icu l tura l labourers to provide the i r children with the

requirements. Factors such a s meagre wages, lack of employment

avenues, i n the absence of a n y other movable or immovable assets

might have also influenced them to l i m i t the size of t he family.

Thus i n the agr icu l tura l l abour families, the size of the

family i s marginal and i n most of the sample households nuclear

families a r e formed and 32.9 percent of the sample households l i ve

in joint families. Lack of assets , dependence upon manual l abour ,

lack of accommodation under one roof, a r e probably the reasons to

put up a nuclear family r a t h e r t han s tay ing together and sha r ing

the earn ings . Thus i n the sample households though a l l the

members ea rn , the total income i s not adequate to meet the

necessities.

, . T a b l e 4.13

FAMILY INCOME (PER MONTH) X FORWARDAACKWARD OF THE

FEMALE AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

Count of income SC/ST Forward Backward Round to ta l

Column to ta l 102 2 136 240

The above tab le gives t he de ta i l s of income made through a l l t he

sources i n the agr icu l tura l l abour households. It i s evident from

the t ab l e t ha t i n the majority of t he sample households (about 7 2 . 8

percent) income f a l l s between Rs.4212-6000 per annum. This i s

followed by 12.9 percent of households whose income ranges between

Rs.3012-4200 per annum. The annua l income of about 10.4 percent

of the families falls between Rs.6012-7200. Only 1.3 percent of the

families e a r n a higher income of Rs.12,000 or above per annum.

It is s ignif icant to note t h a t both i n the lower income

group Rs.1-3000 and the higher income group Rs.4200-6000 the

scheduled caste families a r e i n majority and they a r e followed by

the backward caste families while scheduled t r i be families s tand

l a s t .

One significant fea ture is t h a t the majority of t he labour

households fall i n the higher income group Rs.6012-7200 i n the

i r r i ga t ed region and the i r income i s higher when cornpared with

t ha t of the labour households i n the un i r r iga ted region. Though in

the income group Rs.7200-12,000 only one household family from the

scheduled caste category occurred due to the hard work and have

the ambition to progress i n a better position. Though there a r e 3

households from the backward community which a r e included i n the

above category group of Rs.12.000, t h i s is because of t he na tu re of

the i r work and systematic l iv ing , which placed them i n a better

position. From the major category itself the performance of the

scheduled caste households (82/102) 80.39 percent of the tota l

families (SC/ST families) is commendable because of the i r h a r d

working na tu re and a g rea t ambition i n the i r l i fe .

I n t he i r r i ga t ed region the wages a r e comparatively higher ,

yet most of the sample households do not possess any productive

assets . Difference i n the incomes i n the texti le and other regions

i s prominent and high. Due to fe r t i l i ty of the soil , more

employment avenues a r e there i n t he region and the income of the

people l iv ing there is high. But i n t he unirr igated region where

i n the absence of i r r iga t ion faci l i t ies , the employment opportunities

a r e bleak and th i s h a s adverse impact on the i r income.

The female agr icu l tura l labourers receive the i r wages both

in cash and i n kind. They receive the i r wages i n cash dur ing the

time of t ransp lan t ing and weeding and i n kind dur ing the

harvest ing season. I n both the cases , however, the s i tuat ion is

not b r igh t . When they receive cash payment, they had to bear the

burden of purchasing food items. But i n the case of payment i n

kind they loose the i r freedom of purchasing different food ar t ic les .

The mode of payment has served other implications also. ' !

The female agr icu l tura l labourers a r e overburdened with

work both a t home and a t t he work spot. Yet they undertake the

job of purchasing food stuff . After collecting the wages from the

land-owners, they go shopping e i ther s t r a igh t away from work spot

or the next morning. The major items which they purchase for

da i ly consumption includes r ice , oil and vegetables. A s r ice is the

s taple food the major p a r t of the i r wages and the other income of

the family is spent on r ice alone. A s a consequence, they a r e lef t

with only a l i t t l e money. Hence many a time they sa t i s fy

themselves with tak ing the ground red chi l ly powder mixed with

s a l t and water i n l ieu of vegetables. The meagre wages ha rd ly

enta i l s them to go i n for the paddy of good qual i ty . Hence they

always prefer low var ie ty of food g r a i n s for consumption. They

also prefer tapioca or millets to r ice a s s taple food many a time.

I t i s considerably cheaper than r ice and would be easi ly ava i lab le

i n l a rge quant i t ies a t a lower cost.

I n the majority of the households, women discharge the

executive responsibil i t ies of family. The women collect the wages

of the i r husbands to purchase the g r a i n s for a day or a week

depending upon the purse and also market ra tes . Many a time they

re turn home with only a handfu l of commodities due to high prices.

Though they spend the i r en t i re wages they could not get provisions

in the required quant i ty . Generally they purchase one to two

kilogrammes of r ice a day and spend one to two rupees on

vegetables depending upon the size of the family and the money

ava i lab le with them. For t he remaining expenses they have to get

into debt. But their job is not over with the purchase of

provisions. They have to g r ind the maize or wheat and make it

ready for cooking which aga in requires h a r d labour .

During the harvest ing season the female ag r i cu l tu ra l

l abourers receive the i r wages i n kind. They receive food g r a i n s of

low qua l i ty which would b e f u l l of chaf f . Except i n a few cases

where t he women t ake it to t h e r ice m i l l for gr inding, i n the

majority of cases they would do i t on the i r own by undertaking the

addi t ional work. I n some cases they also exchange the paddy to

purchase da i ly requirements l ike sweet oil , kerosene and vegetables.

They a r e exploited even a t t h i s level. The shop keepers offer l i t t l e

amount for the new paddy knowing the i r innocence and dependence.

The scheduled t r i b e ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers a r e eas i ly

exploited. I n th i s way, the female agr icu l tura l labourers a r e

exploited a t two levels despite working hard to eke out the i r

livelihood. The landlords offer them cheap and new paddy which

i s always weightless. A t the second s tage they a r e a t t he mercy

of the shopkeepers where ba r t e r system still prevai ls much to the

disadvantage of the agr icu l tura l labourers .

Expenditure on F w d and other things:

Generally the level of expendi ture depends upon the level of

income. I t is observed t h a t the majority of the female and male

agr icu l tura l labourers , near ly 50% of the respondents spent R s . r j / =

per day for the i r s taple food ie. , for r ice alone. A l a r g e number

of other respondents could spend Rs.5/= a day on s tap le food.

This i s mainly due to unemployment and meagre earn ings of the

family. Adequate in take of calories i s not possible i n these

families. It is significant to note t h a t the female scheduled caste

respondents i n Mannarghat and Nalleppally division (boarder a r e a )

and the backward caste respondents in Chittoor and Malampuzha

block spent the major p a r t of the i r income on purchase of food

items. It is also evident t h a t t he scheduled t r i b e respondents f a l l

under the marginal group. It is observed tha t the majority of the

husband ' s had spent the i r income on items such a s l3quor and did

not support the family e i ther by purchasing food s tuff or by

at tending to a n y of t he family needs. Significantly it I s men who ..

consume the l ions sha re of the food without'" contributing much to

the family. Next preference is given t0:She children i n the family ~

and women s tand lost i n t he matter of co;sumption of st&6b) food. '5 4;

However, t he female agr icu l tura l labourers , despite workiv, ,on p a r I.:.

with men and contributing a l l t he i r ea rn ings for the food, a t tending

to addi t ional work a t home and tak ing care of chi ldren, do not

receive equa l sha re of food along with the i r menfold. Hence they

cannot put up with the s i tuat ion and cannot strengthen the i r

personali ty a s the i r in take i s very low. Though rice i s the s taple

food among these sample households, tapioca and millet a r e also

frequently used by both the female and male agr icu l tura l labourers

a s supplementary food.

The ana lys i s of expenditure on clothing reveals t ha t the

labour households spend very meagre amount on clothing. A s they

ea rn only meagre wages they cannot afford adequate clothing for

a l l the family members. They buy some cheap clothes of cotton.

Women wear handloom sarees even to eight metres i n length

which a r e ava i lab le at cheap ra tes . These sa rees a r e more durab le

t han the mill-made ones. Women wear cotton blouses, men wear

white dhothi and white sh i r t of cheap qua l i ty ava i lab le a t a "low

price. The boys in the i r families a r e seen always half naked in

torn clothes. The g i r l s wear frocks or sk i r t s with blouses.

Generally they buy clothes once or twice in a year mostly on the

eve of some fest ival or the other. I t i s the women i n the i r

families who make purchases. They buy clothes from the s t reet

sellers who sel l on credi t . Women r a re ly go to shops to buy

clothes. A l l the members of the family prefer cotton clothing to

adjust money. More money i s spent on male clothes a s they cost

more. The meagre amount spent on the clothing obviously indicates

t ha t they a r e seen i n torn clothes throughout the yea r . TKese

families i nva r i ab ly get in to debt to buy clothes.

I t i s due to inadequate clothing t h a t they become a prey to

cough, cold, fever , pneumonia, i n the r a i n y season and i n winter.

Their bodies a r e exposed to sun and r a i n a l i ke i n a l l the seasons.

This invar iab ly reveals t h a t woman continues to remain i n

the secondary posi t ion i n the family though she makes economic

contribution for the upliftment of t he family. The cu l tu ra l bondage

and t rad i t iona l outlook may be the reasons for t h i s s ta te of a f f a i r s .

Man continues to dominate h i s woman.

Cinema is the cheapest means of entertainment ava i l ab l e to

the majority of masses. But s ignif icant ly the majority of the

female respondents (about 60%) do not witness movies though the

two sample vi l lages mannarghat and Kozhinjampara f a l l i n the

periphery of the c i ty . I t i s only the remaining 40 percent of the

respondents who see movies every now and then and spend Rs.50/=

a s an average per head per year . But male respondents frequently

v i s i t movies.

The majority of the respondents among the male agr icu l tura l

labourers spend about Rs.50/= every year on films while the

remaining a r e not accustomed to see t he movies. Contrary, to t h i s ,

a different si tuation preva i l s among the families of the female

agr icu l tura l labourers . The male respondents a r e more fond of

films i n Chittoor and they a r e followed by respondents i n

Nalleppally division and Malampuzha block. Significantly the

backward caste respondents vis i t the movies, frequently while the

scheduled caste respondents occupy the second position i n seeing

f i l m s . However, t he scheduled t r i b e respondents do not see movies

a t a l l . The ana lys i s reveals t h a t the male agr icu l tua l labourers

a r e fond of f i l m s t han women. The female agr icu l tura l labourers

opined tha t the household chores and laborious work a t the

work-spot often impede them from witnessing films. Also the poor

economic position reminds them of the i r responsibil i ty towards the i r

family and children a s the i r men a r e quite i r responsible . Hence

women occassionally witness movies unlike their men. But the

female respondents revealed t h a t they witnessed films pr imari ly to

forget the i r miseries i n l i fe .

They saw movies occasionally once i n 2-3 months with the i r

children and in no circumstances they saw more than 5-6 films in a

year while the male agr icu l tura l l abourers revealed t h a t they

witnessed a t l ea s t 10-12 films i n a year . On the average men see

a t leas t one movie a month ei ther alone or with f r iends .

Thus the amusement and entertainment facil i t ies meant for

the people a r e beyond the reach of the agr icu l tura l labourers who

l ive a t the lowest rung of the occupational heirarchy and whose

earn ings a r e not adequate to give them two meals a day.

The majority of the respondents a r e spending 90% of the i r

income for their food expenditure a s well a s their day to day

expenses. The sav ings pa t te rn i s very low in a l l these

respondents. Especially dur ing the off-season they a r e hardened

for the i r da i ly meals, and for t h a t purpose they a r e purchasing the

food materials on credit ba s i s from the nearest shopkeepers.

Saving money is a mirage among the labour households. A s

the i r da i ly earn ings a r e hard ly adequate to meet the day to day

expenses, sav ing is r a the r a n extremely difficult feat for them.

Yet they save some amount to encounter the c r i t i ca l condition. The

majority of respondents who saved money a r e the farm servants of

Chittoor. However, i t was normal procedure i n the ag r i cu l tu ra l

farm. The labour union h a s taken the responsibil i ty of collecting

some of the earn ings of the permanent and casua l labourers once i n

15 days under chi ts . So also the labourers organised themselves i n

groups to collect l i t t l e money ei ther da i ly , weekly or fortnightly

from each labourer who i s will ing to join the association.

The respondents who saved money a t home revealed t h a t i t

was difficult fo r them to contribute regular ly to the chits . Hence

they did not join t h e chi ts . They sa id t h a t they ;ave money

whenever there is no incidental expenditure i n the family. It is

possible to save something only if the da i ly expenditure i s cut.

Only one respondent h a s opened a bank account.

Thus the above ana lys i s reveals t h a t the majority of the

labour households could not save any money for future requirements

because they were sunk i n debts and were depending solely on

the i r labour power.

Purpose and source of loan:

Table 4.14 furnishes t he de ta i l s of var ious sources of loan

ava i lab le , and the purpose for the female agr icu l tura l labourers .

I t i s s ignif icant to note t ha t around 20 percent of the

sample women took loans from the landlords . Some took loan from

the money lenders while some borrowed from f r iends and rela t ives .

Only 40 percent of t he women approached banks to waive loan;

s ignif icant ly i n a l l t he three sample v i l l ages except i n Pa lgha t the

respondents took loan from the landlords while the majority of them

i n Mannarghat approached f r iends and re la t ives to obtain loans.

Table 4.14

PURPOSE OF LOAN X AMOUNT OF THE FEMALE AGRICULTURAL

LABOUR FAMILIES

Amount i n Rs. Purpose of 0 0 - 1001 - 2001 - 3001 - 4001 - > 5000 Total

loan 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000

No loan (0) 117 117

Housing (1 ) 8 2 4 6 17 37

Ki-Tho- zhil (2 )

Dowry ( 3 ) 2 2 2 6

Cattle (4 ) 3 6 2 9 9 8 37

Other (5 ) 8 11 3 3 4 29

Column Tot a1

The above ana lys i s reveals t h a t the majority of labourers (117/240

ie. 48.75%) had not taken any of the loan from a n y of the

inst i tut ion, landlords/Pvt. banks, for bettering their f inancial

position. The major section of the households had taken loan for

e i ther housing/purchasing ca t t l e e i ther from banks or other govern-

mental f inanc ia l ins t i tut ions l i ke Housing Board, or other fac i l i t i es

for the Harijan or SC/ST households. Most of the housing loans a r e

sanctioned by the above sa id f inanc ia l insti tutions while most of

the ca t t l e loans sanctioned by the nationalised banks through the

I R D P schemes, or other beneficiary schemes for the weaker sections.

From the the to ta l households a percentage of 15.4 only have got

both these benefits , while the major segments of the households do

not get any of the benefits from any f inanc ia l ins t i tut ions . And

for the purpose of Ki-Thozhil a percentage of 5-8 households got the --- -

benefit and from th i s itself only 4 households got a n amount less

than Rs.5000/=. Most of the time th i s benefit was got by the

guarantee of the i r property or the l and they owned. For the

purpose of dowry, the major loans sanctioned a r e given from the

co-op. banks with the gold loan guarantee or the property

gurantee. For other purposes l ike , immediate needs, the percentage

of households is 12.1, from th i s t he major p a r t of the households

a r e dependent on the pr iva te bankers / landlords for the i r immediate

purpose and only a percentage of 1.7 have taken a good ca l ib re

amount of above Rs.5000/= and they were collected from the

nationalised banks with the f inanc ia l guarantee programme.

I n to ta l , around 19.58% of t he respondents have collected a n

amount which is much less than 2000 for the various purposes

connected with the i r household needs. While only 13.75% of the

respondents had taken a considerable amount of Rs.5000/= and above

from the f lnancial insti tutions or from the pr iva te banks/landlords

themselves. This i tself shows tha t the f inancial position of the

ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers i n the f ie lds , especially i n the region of

Pa lgha t d i s t r ic t was very weak.

The above ana lys i s reveals t h a t the majority of the

labourers i n general and the scheduled caste labourers in par t icu la r

were i n the clutches of the landlords . The reason for t h i s seems to

be t h a t t he labourers do not own anything and they depend wholly

upon the i r labour power. Hence they approach the landlords who

a r e immediately ava i lab le to them and seek f inanc ia l ass is tance by

pledging the i r labour power. However, the landlords i n the i r own

interest offer loans to these labourers and use them a s pawns,

especially dur ing the peak season when the demand for l abourers i s

qulte high. Tho banks do not play any ~ l g n l l i c n n t role In this

aspect. Only a small percent of the respondents were benefitted

from the banks. Many of the labourers have not approached the

banks a s they fa i led to ass ign the banks any assets for obtaining

loan. Thus except i n f e w cases, banks have not come to the rescue

of the ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers . Further it is diff icul t to get loan

from a bank. The procedure i s quite cumbersome. One h a s to

encounter hurdles r igh t from the s t a g e o f processing of the

application to the s tage where the loan amount i s actual ly paid to

him. Thus the banks a r e not within the reach of these people,. so

they have no other a l te rna t ive t h a n to depend upon money lenders

and landlords . t . - I

Work-situation a n d number of working days :

The peace and t ranqui l i ty of the work-spot and the

efficiency of a labourer depends to a considerable extent upon the

wage s t ruc ture and the amenities provided a t the field or

work-spot. Further the psychological conditions of the ag r i cu l tu ra l

labourers a r e influenced by the s i tuat ion prevai l ing a t the

work-spot. Since a l a rge number of the female and male

agr icu l tura l labourers a r e engaged i n agr icul ture , which i s the

major unorganised sector, the matter of improving the i r working

conditions assumes paramount importance.

I n t h i s portion a n attempt i s made to evaluate the working

conditions of the female and male agr icu l tura l labourers i n the

field of agr icul ture . The factors l i ke the working hours, type of

work, wage s t ructure , mode of payment of wages, debt bondage and

the d i spar i t i es facing the female headed households in the var ious

act ivi t ies per ta ining to agr icu l ture a r e examined.

The level of par t ic ipat ion of women i n agr icu l ture var ies

from one mode of production to the other. I n the complex and

mixed mode of production l ike ours i t va r i e s from region to region.

I n the very sparsely populated region where shift ing cult ivation i s

practised men do l i t t l e farm work while women do the maximum

work. I n some what more densely populated region where

agr icu l tura l system is t h a t of extensive cul t ivat ion, women do l i t t l e

farm work and men sha re t he major p a r t of the work. And i n t he

region of intensive cult ivation of the i r r i ga t ed land both men and

women work ha rd i n order to e a r n enough to support a family on a

small piece of l and .

Throughout the Himalayan region the major role i n the

ag r i cu l tu ra l production is played by woman. I n the a r e a s where

shift ing cult ivation i s i n vogue the role of men i s res t r ic ted to a '

few ac t iv i t i es i n agr icu l tu re while women a r e concerned with a l l the

act ivi t ies from sowing a n d t r ansp l an t ing to harves t ing . I n the

p la in a r e a s men a r e engaged i n bunding and ploughing of the soil

while women do sowing, t r ansp l an t ing , weeding, harves t ing ,

threshing and winnowing. Though women a l so take up ploughing i n

some regions l ike Himachal Pradesh it i s not widely done by women

i n other p a r t s of the country.

Lack of pract ice on the p a r t of women i n cer ta in items of

work l ike ploughing and harrowing segregated the na ture of work i n

agr icu l tu re and gave men a n upper hand i n t h i s f ie ld . As a

resu l t , women continue to work for l e s s number of d a y s t han men i n

the d r y region. This g a p is much wider.

Table 4.15

AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

- --

' Working days . Frequency Percentage Cum. Percentage

This tab le reveals tha t the major section of t he women

household get only upto 80 days of work, i e . below t h a t range , t he

cumulative percent of 85.9% of the households remain i n t h i s ~

category. And especially the category of 70-80 working days the

major portion ( 4 6 . 3 ) of the households remain i n th i s p a r t . And

the portion of above 80 days a percentage of 14.1% of the household

s i tuated i n t h i s category and is a very meagre number i n

comparison with the to ta l households. So i n the s lack season, the

women labourers a r e forced to choose other work i n 'the

non-agricultural sector l i ke construction work which i s also a

tedious task to eke out the i r livelihood. And i n th i s time

especially some landlords a r e i n better barga in ing position, to give

loan and get the labour in cheap cost for the peak season period.

This i s creat ing more trouble i n the dry region especially i n

Mannarghat.

Some special features in female headed households:

The l i f e cycle s tages a t which women become household

heads whether through establ ishing a n independent household or

through divorce, desertion or widowhood, a r e neglected i n most

l ifecycle studies. Yet these s tages a r e very important i n

appropria te development planning. Many development s t ra tegers

involve schemes which t r ea t the family, represented by the male

household head a s t he basic un i t to receive services such a s access

to credi t , settlement schemes and t r a in ing programmes. Indeed

opponents of t r a in ing and other development projects for women

often a rgue t h a t it is more eff ic ient and f a i r e r to concentrate upon

males, who a r e household heads, and bread winners responsible for

families. Similarly i t is claimed t h a t male wages should be higher

t han female wages because males have families to support (a l though

no matching discrimination aga ins t bachelors is proposed). Apart

from the i r general inequi ty these arguments ignore the f ac t t h a t

many women a r e both bread winners and household heads with

responsibil i t ies for families of the i r own. The assumption t h a t

every women is cared for by a fa ther , husband or son i n

inva l ida ted by the s ta t is t ics . Yet women headed households remain

a n ignored factor i n development planning. 5

I n these sample households, we can ana lyse various different

a t t i tudes of the female headed households. Especially i n the wage

pa t te rn , and i n the number of working days and the purpose of

loan ass is tance from var ious governmentalffinancial insti tutions.

I n the tota l 240 households, around 61 households a r e

identified a s female headed households. From the above 61

households, 16.39% of them a t t a i n wages below the r a t e of Rs.18/=

per day . They a r e forced to do the job, for susta ining the i r

livelihood. There is exploitation prevai l ing among the female

headed households.

5. Buvin1c.M.. et . a l : Women - Headed Households: The Ignored Factor i n Development Planning. Report submitted to AID, Washington.

Purpose of A s s i s t a n c e (Loan) x H e a d of the H.H. of the fern*

respondents:

Similar things a r e happening i n the field of Assistance

( loan) for the female headed households. The char t below shows

the negligence towards the female headed households.

Table 4.17

PURPOSE OF ASSISTANCE X HEAD O F T H E H.H. O F T H E F E M A L E

RESPONDENTS

Purpose Male head Female head Round to ta l

No loan

Housing

Kai-Thozhil

Dowry

Cattle

Others 25 4 29

We can identify through the above da t a the negligence of the

off ic ia ls of Govt. ins t i tut ions/f inancial ins t i tut ions . About 57.37%

of the female headed households avoid tak ing any loans for the

Assistance programme of the government/financial ins t i tut ions , a s

they have to face many hurdles and restrict ions while applying for

the loan. This may have several reasons including the capaci ty of

repayment a s the basic reason. While proclaiming the several

programmes by the government which help in the upliftment of the

weaker sections, have not been ca r r i ed out i n ac tua l pract ice . And

about t he ca t t l e dis t r ibut ion programme it i s only i n the interes t of

the female group, only a percentage of l e s s than 15 of the female

headed households a r e sanctioned the ca t t l e development projects.

'This i tself may be given by the guaran tee of the i r l a n d or

property, which is i n the i r own name. This is a lso t he negligence

of the deserved community for e rad ica t ing poverty to some level .

About the income i n the family of the

respondents a l so t he s i tuat ion becomes more c lear . The tab le below

i l l u s t r a t e s the following.

Table 4.18

FAMILY INCOME X HEAD O F T H E H.H. O F T H E FEMALE RESPONDENTS

Monthly income i n Rs. ~~l~ head Female head Round Total

Column tota l 179 6 1 240

This a lso shows t h a t about (16/61) 26.22% households from the female

headed have their income below Rs.350/= per month, ie. about 1/4th

of the female headed household a r e l i v ing i n the per ipheral l ine i n

their annual income which does not exceed Rs.4,200/=. And from

the above tab le a lso, around 67.21% of the female headed

households get a n income between Rs.351/= - 500/= per month. And

the other category, they a r e i n the range above Rs.601/= per

month. There i s no single household from the female headed

category who do not f a l l i n the above range. And from the male

headed household about 74.86% of the households come under the

Category of Rs.351-500 range, i e . the major p a r t of the male headed

households a r e s i tuated i n the better range category. These

d i spar i t i es a r e widening the gap of the very neglected community of

the female headed households in a strengthening position.

Table 4.19

NUMBER O F WORKING DAYS ( I N A YEAR) X HEAD OF THE H.H. - O F T H E FEMALE RESPONDENTS

Working days Male head Female head Round to ta l

Column total 179 61 2 40

From t h i s t ab l e also we can unders tand the tota l number of working

days attended by male headed a s well a s female headed households

also. Though the wage r a t e is very low, around 52.45% of the

women headed household a r e forced to a t tend on the agr icu l tura l

f ie lds , while around 44.13% of the male headed households attend

between 71-80 working days per year i n the paddy field or

agr icu l tura l f ie ld . And the most important thing from th i s t ab le is

tha t though the wage r a t e is very low, number of working days

above 81 days per year is attended by a percentage of 13.11 women

headed household, a r e i n the agr icu l tura l f ield, to eke out the i r

livelihood. Though there a r e low wage r a t e s i n these categories,

they a r e forced to attend on the agr icu l tura l f ie lds , to avoid the

circumstances t h a t would lead to their ch i ldren ' s a s well as their

fami ly ' s pathet ic s i tuat ion. And the l and lords of each sector a r e

exploit ing th i s portion of the household i n a peculiar manner.

Table 4.20

MALE WORKING MEMBERS I N T H E FAMILY X HEAD O F T H E H.H. - OF T H E FEMALE RESPONDENTS

Male members Male head Female head Round tota l

Total 179 6 1 240

From the above t ab l e we can unders tand tha t a percentage

of 27.86 of the female headed household a r e l iv ing without any

income from the male member. i e . women headed household a r e

l iv ing with the i r own labour . And i n the second case also, around

44.26% of the women headed households a r e l iv ing with the help of

only one male member e i ther the eldest son or a son-in-law, for the

wnole income of the family. The other members i n these families

a r e minor children, and they cannot help the family i n the income

structure.

Table 4.21

F E M A L E WORKING MEMBERS X H E A D O F T H E H . H . I N T H E

F E M A L E R E S P O N D E N T S F A M I L Y

Female working Members

Male H

Female H

Round Total

Total 17 9 6 1 240

From the above t ab l e also we f ind t h a t around 39.34% of the female

headed households a r e l iv ing on the sole income of one female

member alone ie., the mother of the family. If she i s inflicted with

any disease, the family i s i n fu l l poverty and there i s no

a l te rna t ive step to avoid this severe s i tuat ion. And from the

second s tage , a percentage of 34.42% of the women headed

households depend on the income of 2 persons especially of females

e i ther the i r elder daughter or a daughter-in-law to help th i s

s i tuat ion. While i n the male headed families, 53.63 percentage of

the households a r e assisted by a female person, so t ha t the family

income i s s table and some what better position than the other one.

'This is a par t icu la r si tuation faced by the women headed

household, i n the field of agr icu l ture alone. So the Govt. must

take special steps i n order to a l ienate poverty eradication

programmes i n t h i s par t icu la r a r ea alone by special emphasis given

to the plans or programmes bounding by the s ta te a s well a s

Central Govt. The following t ab l e s t e l l openly about the problems

facing the women headed households.

Table 4.22

PARENTS L I F E BETTER X HEAD O F T H E H.H. OF T H E

FEMALE RESPONDENTS -

Position better Male H Female H Round to ta l

- -

Yes

No

Total 179 6 1 240

Table 4.23

PENSION X HEAD O F T H E H.H. O F T H E FEMALE RESPONDENTS

About pension Male H Female H Round to ta l

Yes

N 0

Total 179 61 240

Table 4.24

CO-OPERATION O F T H E O F F I C I A L S X HEAD O F T H E H.H. O F T H E

FEMALE RESPONDENTS -

Satisfied Male H Female H Round to ta l

Yes 137 4 0 177

NO 4 2 2 1 6 3

Total 179 6 1 240

-

From the above tab les we can f ind out the separat ion of the women

headed household a t a pa r t i cu l a r level . Around 55.73% of the

women headed households f rankly give the opinion tha t paren ts led

a better l i fe than the i r s . About the pension, and the co-operation

of the off ic ia ls the position is the same. Around 77.04% of the

women headed householdsdo not get any pension, and the officials

dealing with it, do not help them i n a n y manner. This was fe l t by

the 34.42% of the women headed households. These a r e the

negligence felt by the weaker sections, especially of the women

headed households.

T a b l e 4.25 - a

a EDUCATING THE DAUGHTERS X HEAD OF THE 1 I . H .

O F THE FEMALE RESPONDENTS

About Educat ion Male H Female H Round t o t a l

Yes 154 48 202

No 22 10 32

Tota l 179 6 1 240

T a b l e 4.25 ' b

b) AGE OF PENSION X HEAD OF THE H.H. O F THE

FEMALE AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS -

Age of Respondents Male H Female H Round t o t a l

Tota l 179 61 240

T a b l e 4.25 - c

c LAND OWNERSHIP X HEAD O F T H E H.H. OF T H E

FEMALE RESPONDENTS -

About ownership Male H Female H Grand to ta l

Own property 109 28 137

Relatives 65 30 95

Others 5 3 8

Total 179 6 1 240

Table 4.25 - d

RELIGION X HEAD O F T H E H.H. O F THE

FEMALE RESPONDENTS -

Religion Male H Female M Round total

Hindu

Christ ian

Muslim

Total 179 61 240

Table 4.25 - e

e FORWARD/BACKWARD x HEAD OF THE H . H . OF THE

FEMALE RESPONDENTS -

About caste Male H Female H Round tota l

Forward 2 2

Backward 101 35 136

Total 179 61 240

From the above tab les we can ident i fy the pathetic s i tuat ion faced

by the women headed households. From the tab le ( a ) around 16.39%

of the women headed households a r e not ab le to send the i r children

to school for education while a major portion of 48 households

s t ruggle to send the i r children to the school i n a nearby locali ty.

From the t ab l e 4.25 ( b ) about t he pension, to ta l number of

61 households a r e e l igible for a n y kind of pension, but the pension

schemes do not cater to the i r needs, a s some of them a r e over 60

years , People do not get old age pension on time. From the

tab le 4.25 ( c ) about the l and ownership, around 49.18 of the women

headed households severely face issues re la t ing to property.

Some times the si tuation becomes worse and they a r e i n a position

to vacate their l and i n which they a r e now l iv ing , due to some

repercussion a r i s ing i n those families.

And also from the religious side, the advanced position i s

similar in a l l those religions which exis t in the sample, while

polygamy i s prevalent i n the Muslim community, it i s also a th rea t

to the Muslim community, especially i n the lower s t r a t a , it may

worsen to a c r i t i ca l condition.

While i n the Forward/Backward categories around 23.52% of

the SC/ST categories households a r e included i n the women headed

households because the cordial re la t ionship does not exis t i n them.

This was also relevant i n the backward a s w e l l a s forward

category. This i s also the case i n the relationship exis t ing i n the

economically poorer sections of the people among the agr icu l tura l

sector.

Table 4.26

EDUCATION X HEAD O F THE H . H . O F T H E FEMALE - AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

~ d u c a t i o n a l level Male H Female H Round to ta l

I l l i t e ra te 43 2 2 71

Primary

U.P.

H.S.

Sakskharatha 77 28 105

Total 173 61 240

The above tab le shows the educational backwardness

especially of the women headed households. ie . , 36.60% of the

women headed households a r e under the category of i l l i t e ra te

persons, while another 45.90% of t he women headed households a r e

just a t tending the s aksha ra tha programme i n order to e rad ica te

i l l i teracy i n a pa r t i cu l a r level. I n the male headed, there i s not

much difference i n the above level, though the p a r e n t ' s education

i s much less i n the ag r i cu l tu ra l labour households, the par t icu la r

section of the people a r e special ly commendable due to t he

stagnation they a r e facing in the developmental sector.

Table 4.27

SUGGESTIONS X T Y P E O F F A M I L Y O F T H E F E M A L E - AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

Suggestions Nuclear Joint Extended Round total

Not sufficient 6 3 9

Increas ing wages 91 47 19 157

About current/water 17 12 3 32

Unity of labours 15 7 4 26

Balwady needed 1 3 4

Above all 1 2 3

About pension 1 5 3 9

Column to ta l 132 79 29 240

-- -

I n the above tab le var ious suggestions a r e included for the betterment

of their l i f e , the major section of the respondents suggested tha t

(65.4%) increasing their wages according to the Govt. rules and

orders i s the major action to be taken by the authori t ies for the

existence of the agr icu l tura l sector i tse l f . And i n 13.3% of the

total households think about the developmental aspects i n their

l i fe and they feel t h a t t h i s is the major obstacle for the betterment

of thelr l i f e , especially the need for electrici ty and water. And a

portion of 10.8% of the to ta l households think: t h a t the disuni ty of

labour movements is a curse for fur ther betterment i n public l i fe .

This ca l l s for immediate attention of the concerned labour union

leaders , so t ha t there i s a better fu ture for this down trodden

community.

About the wages the Govt. h a s implemented a pa r t i cu l a r

scale of Rs.40/= for men and Rs.30/= for women, but th i s wage r a t e

i s not ava i lab le i n any p a r t of the agr icu l tura l sector in

Palghat d i s t r ic t . This i s a g rea t shame for the labour union a s

well a s the government authorit ies for the basic development of the

agr icu l tura l sector. Especially, the union i s not taking any steps

to implement the new fixed wages for the fellow beings, because the

major p a r t of the section of the labourers a r e women, and they a r e

a feel- t h a t they a r e unorganised.

Table 4.28

M E M B E R S I I I P I N LABOUR W E L F A R E X FORWARD/BACKWARD -- O F T H E F E M A L E R E S P O N D E N T S

Membership taken SC/ST Forward Backward Round tota l

Yes 70 1 105 1 7 6

No 32 1 3 1 64

( 2 6 . 7 )

Column total 102 2 136 240

And about the labour welfare membership, the major section of the

respondents have joined the welfare board, because they think tha t

i t i s a good step taken by the Govt. for the improvement of their

l iv ing conditions. But a percentage of 26.7 have abstained from

the 1,abour Welfare Board act ivi t ies , because some do not know the

procedure, and some were absent dur ing a par t icu la r period when

the board authori t ies were present i n the Panchayat level or

vi l lage level act ivi t ies . Though the i r act ivi t ies a r e good, the

Govt. does not t ake much ca re about t h i s Board and they have not

yet collected the farmers sha re for the Labour Welfare Board. This

is a major set back of the government for the upliftment of the

weaker sfction of the society, especially in 13 very important sector

l ike agr icul ture . Most of the labour welfare offices a r e run by the

l a rge scale people par t ic ipa t ing from the labour union set up . Not

enough s t a f f pa t te rn i s appointed there to c lear the membership of

a n ordinary agr icu l tura l labour .

The work si tuation and the l iv ing conditions of the female

and male agr icu l tura l labourers deteriorated over the years with a

g radua l but s teady decline i n the i r ea rn ings . The factors l ike the

seasonal na ture of employment i n agr icu l ture , preference of men

over women, absence of sk i l l s , landlessness , migration, lower wages

etc. contributed considerably for the depressive work si tuation of

the agr icu l tura l labourers i n general and the female agr icu l tura l

labourers i n par t icu la r .

The provision of the i r r i ga t iona l faci l i t ies and introduction

of new commercial crops i n agr icu l ture did not improve the basic

l i fe styles of the agr icu l tura l l abourers , and discrimination a t work

and in the payment of wages continued to remain unchanged. The

s l ight ly better employment avenues ava i l ab l e i n the i r r i ga t ed a reas ,

did not b r ing i n any change i n the i r economic condition but i n a

way introduced new modes of exploitation.

The strenuous work they did for long hours did not fetch

them any good returns . The position of the attached male

ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers also is i n no way better than tha t of the

female agr icu l tura l labourers . The system of dif ferent ia t ing the

labourers according to the i r sex, remained almost s ta t ic over a

period of the pas t ten years and the female labourers continued to

be paid lower wages. The r i se i n wages was nominal and was in

tune with the r i s e i n prices but i t was decided by the employers

who belonged to the land-owning class .

The system of dai ly payment of wages in cash or kind

during the harvest ing season depended upon the mercy of the

employers. Advances taken from the landlords resulted in cuts in

their wages and s tarvat ion for some days . Perpetual bondage of

the husbands of the female agr icu l tura l labourers plunged the

families into gr ief and sorrow.

Added to th i s poverty, drought and famine forced the

ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers to sh i f t the i r place of work. They generally

moved to the i r r i ga t ed a r e a s for surv iva l . The migration of the

female agr icu l tura l labourers to the neighbouring vi l lages for

f inding agr icu l tura l and non-agricultural jobs during the lean

season i s common i n both the i r r i ga t ed and non-irrigated regions.

The factors l ike sex biased na ture of work, the absence of

minimum faci l i t ies , au thor i ta r ian na ture of the employer made the

l ives of the agr icu l tura l labours miserable and pathetic. The

emergence of nuclear families created new problems for the working

women in the absence of creches and community centres.

Though the female agr icu l tura l labourers , facing many

difficult ies, work hard and contribute to the r u r a l development,

they a r e not shown any consideration ei ther by their employers or

by the government.

I t is evident from the ana lys i s of the socio-economic

condition of the agr icu l tura l labour households t h a t the agr icu l tura l

labourers have not witnessed any r ad i ca l change in their l i fe s tyle

over the years . Poverty and lack of sk i l l s had compelled the

female and male agr icu l tura l l abourers to join the work force in

the i r ea r ly age. This i s c lear ly seen i n the case of the scheduled

caste and scheduled t r ibe respondents. As the social c l a s s and

economic s ta tus go hand i n hand , the labourers from the backward

castes , scheduled castes and scheduled t r ibes constitute the major

fraction of the work force when compared to others. The majority

of the agr icu l tura l labourers a r e i l l i t e ra tes and have not attended

school even for a short period in the i r l i f e . A l a rge number of

them have joined the service when they were below 12 years just to

eke out the i r livelihood. Further i n the matter of sending children

to school, male children were given pr ior i ty over the female

chi ldren. This i s one reason for the low ra t e of l i t e racy found

among the female agr icu l tura l l abourers .

Early marriages a r e very common among these families.

Marriages a r e held when they a r e just i n the i r mother's arms.

Divorce and remarriages a r e a lso common even t s in the i r l ives.

Despite the prevalence of the custom of the ear ly marriages,

considerable number of female ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers remained

unmarried due to their inab i l i ty to pay the required amount of

dowry to the bridegrooms.

I n the absence of any type of movable or immovable assets

to their credi t , the agr icu l tura l labourers absolute dependence on

labour power was unavoidable. Hence even the younger children

were forced to contribute their mite to sus ta in the family. Further,

the inadequate and di lapidated housing hard ly accommodated the

members of the i r l a rge families. I n the absence of s an i t a ry

faci l i t ies women had to sha re even common kitchens and l ive i n

unhygienic surroundings. Further the i r addi t ional responsibil i t ies

were increased a s they had to fetch water from f a r off places ea r ly

in the morning.

Items of work l ike purchase of food, groceries, and

purchase of other home needs kept the women busy round the clock.

Though a l l the members i n the family contributed the i r mite to

sus ta in the family, unequal in take of food la rge ly affected women

very badly. Despite spending the major p a r t of their income on

food, women had to ea t only the left-over food a f t e r their men ate

the l i on ' s share .

The economic position of the agr icu l tura l labourers i s

fu r ther deteriorated with man's addiction to alcohol and smoking.

The majority of the male members i n the family spent a

considerable amount of the i r income on l iquor and smoking which i n

t u rn , affected the i r women. I n the drunken s ta te , men beat their

women for no faul t of the i r s . The helpless si tuation i s discontent-

ment among the family members and also plunged them into

indebtedness. The majority of the agr icu l tura l labourers of e i ther

sex a r e sunk i n heavy debts ra i sed for different purposes. The

exhorbitant r a t e s of interest charged by the money lenders and the

landlords resulted i n their continuous bondage. Meagre wages, non

ava i lab i l i ty of work during the lean season resulted in perpetual

bondage for which they pledged a high value. Pledging of ar t ic les

i s also not uncommon for r a i s ing loans. Significantly i n most of

the cases, borrowed amount i s spent on unproductive items r a the r

than on productive ones. I t resulted i n a n unhappy l i f e .

Dilapidated housing conditions, shr inking physical appearance.

inadequate clothing, deteriorated social conditions exhibit the poor

socio-economic s ta tus of the ag r i cu l tu ra l labour community.

I t is obvious tha t socio-economic s t a tu s of the agr icu l tura l

labourers declined, though they workgd ha rd . Their sheer , $9 c!. '

dependence on labour has a g q P a t e d the s i tuat ion. The social

conditions i n which they l ive continue to be traditional. exploitative

and anti-women in character and impede the development of the

agr icu l tura l labourers in general and of the female agr icu l tura l

labourers i n par t icu la r .