C H A P T E R O N E

In the course of writing history an increasing emphasis

on micro-studies has come into existence because of a

distinct set of characteristics found in certain regions or

aspects in the process of history. It is a fact that these

types of regional studies are essential and useful for

macro-study. Until recently, the area from the the r~verine

basin of North Pennar to Cape Comorin called Tamilakam had

not been intensively researched area-wise. This region had

an extensive coastal front for maritime activities and the

research scholars have started paying due attention to this

area of study. Tamil speaking part of this eastern coast

of India attracted the attention of the Roman traders in the

first century B.C. and the findings of the excava~ions

suggest that commerce flourished at various centres on the 1

coast like Arikamedu in the vicinity of modern Pondichorry, 2 3

Karaikadu near Cuddalore, Vasavasamudram situated at the

mouth of river Palar about ten kilometres south of 4

Uahabalipuram, Vellaiyanirruppu located close to

Kaveripoompattinam. Other Rollan trading marts such as

Vellallur, Karukkakurichi, Alagankulam and Soraiyapattu-

madurakottam near Tirukoyilur in the hinterland were famous 6

for trade and commerce . Kaveripoompattinam was the

dominant port of trade and it possessed large quantities of

merchandise in big warehouses marked with tiger emblem of 6

the ancient Chola king . As a result of this Roman trade

the native Indian merchants were driven to Southeast Asian

countries for the procurement of the required volume of

spices in order to supply them to the Roman traders.

Further, the involvement of the Tamil merchants in the field

of maritime activities on the eastern coast of India with

Southeast Asia during these days could be corroborated by

the Anthologies of early Tamil poems, collectively known as 7

G&km literature . The commercial relations thus st.arted

by them did not disappear even after the withdrawal of the

Roman traders from the eastern coast of .the subcontinent and

the decline of the Roman commerce in the third century A . D .

Coins issued by the Satavahanas and Ishvakus containing the

motif of a two-masted ship speak of the uninterrupted 8

maritime activities of the region . The first appearance of

the Indian settlements in Borneo during the fifth century is

mentioned in the inscription of Koetei. It quotes the texts 9

of thhbhmh . Mil lnd~ Eanha and the accounts of ~-'rsing

relate that the sea-faring merchants from Tamil country

crossed the high seas by sailing from Nagapattinam tc Kedah 10

reaching within thirty days during the sixth century and

continued to trade in the later centuries too.

Tamil coast had generally remained in obscurity in the

historical soholarship on maritime trade during the ancient

period. It particularly escaped the notice of historians in

the medieval ages because of their increased concentration

on dynastic history. The rule of Pallavas on the Tamil

speaking area of the east coast encouraged cultural contacts

with Southeast Asia. Mahabalipuram expanded from a small

coastal village called Talacayanam where a fortified citadel 11

was constructed on a hill overlooking the port . A

contemporary manuscript Perivatirumadal of Tirumangai Alvar

noted that Mahabalipuram looked prosperous with many ships 12

laden with gems, elephants and other luxury oommodities .

The Buddhist Monastic Chronicle, the recordv that

the fleets of Naraaimha Pallava sailed from Mahabalipuram to 13

Ceylon . The trading corporations of the Tamil merchants

like Guild at Takuapa, Tlsei Ayirattu Binnurruvar

Guild at Loboe Toewa near Pansur in northern Sumatra and

Nansdarl Guild at Pagan suggest, that Tamil merchants

visited South Bast Asia quite frequently from the period of

the Pallava kina Nandivarman I11 in the nineth century

14 conducting maritime trade . In the agrarian socj.et~ of

Tsmilakam trade arose naturally as a result of the products

of the land and within this society trade flourished both in

ports and hinterland markets.

The coast of the Chola country forming a small part on

the eastern ooast of India assumed much importance In the,

Asian world through economic expansion during the tenth and 15

eleventh centuries . King Rajaraja, the Great (A.D. 985-

1014) brought the port of Hahabalipuram under his control

and it became a secondary port of the Chola empire, when he 16

shited the status of official port to Nagapattinam . The

fact of the endowment of land to construct a Buddhist Yihnra

by the Chola ruler shows that merchants were attracted to

trade with Nagapattinam. The Srivijaya ruler financed the

construction of this Buddhist W, and it is presumed

that it was chiefly used by South East Asian merchants who 17

visited Nagapattinam . An inscription from Chidambaram

makes reference to gifts received by t,he Chola King.

Rajendra I (A.D. 1812-1044) from the Khmer kina of 18

Cambodia . Kulottunga Chola's contact with Burma is clear 19

from an epigraph . Taoist monastry temple inscription at 20

Canton in China also names Chola King , and four

ambassadorial missions were sent to China by these rulers,

which advertised various commodities produced and exported

from Coromandel and many goods that were imported thereto.

It showed the very essence of emporia trade in Chola times

where variety of goods were made continuously available for 2 1

buyers and brought by a host of sellers . The quantum of

revenue brought by sea faring merchants through the various

luxury goods in to the Coromandel coast under the Cholas 2 2

increased the royal interest in promoting this trade

The Arabs who travelled connecting eastern and uestern

Asia in the medieval period realised Coromandel as the

linchpin of international commerce, and it is said in the

Arab navigational treatises that Chola charts were used in 23

sailing . Further, the letters describe that Arab

merchants conducted voyages to South East Asia embarking

from the Ports of Coromandel. It is found both in the

sources of China and the West that this coast participated

in maritime trade by exporting pearls, corals, arecsnuts, 2 4

cardamom, silk and cotton products . A special impetus to

the Tamil speaking traders was provided when Arab merchants

began to use the ports of Coromandel as base for trade with

South East Asia. It is a curious gap In our historical

writing that no intensive study on the hiatory of Coromandel

or the Chola coast from the thirteenth to the sixteenth

centuries has yet been written. The subject is, of course,

dealt in a passing manner in medieval South India and

scholars seldom took steps to expand the study.

Nationalistic and communalistic historical writings on

Vijayanagara by the scholars isolated the Coromandel region

from international forces in medieval period.

Chinese sources of medieval period like Chu-fan-Chi and

the T'unn-K'.o mention Coromandel coast and its flourishing

trade till 1350 AD. Later works of the fifteenth century

(A.D. 1416-1438) such as Ma Huan'a Ungyai Shnghn, Gong

Zhen's U y u g Emg&&L, Feixin's Uagsh fhn&lan no longer

mention Coromandel ports but described the Malabar trading

centres of Calicut, Cochin and Quilon. This led some

scholars to believe generally that maritime activities had 25

shifted from East coast . Although Malabar reached its

peak of commsrcial activities with the coming of the Arabs

and the Chinese, Coromandel continued to trade with South

East Asia. The advent of Vijayanagara kingdom extending

over Tamil country had stimulated maritime trade on the

Coromandel coast and led to increase in its revenues.

Recent studies conducted by Nobcru Karashima also affirm the

same view and the Chinese traded with port called 26

Periyapattinam . An ambassadorial mission sent by Sultan

of Ualacca visited the court of Vijayanagar and the 27

commercial ties were established . If these evidences can

be relied upon we may not be incorrect in inferring that

maritime trade between the Tamil coast and Southeast Asia

continued unimpaired for centuries together.

A region so famous for maritime trade and commerce musc

have kept its continuity in the later period But, most of

the maritime historians start with the seventeenth century,

when the Dutch, the English, the Danes and the Franch 28

appeared on the Coromandel coast . The period immediately

before the seventeenth century is not properly studied by

the scholars and the wide gap existing in the historical

works is clear from the absence of scientific writings for 29

the sixteenth cantury .

This century is acclaimed by historians as a period

inaugurating commarcial revolution. The far-flung areas of

the extent were was physically united for the first time

with Europe through the opening of direct trade routes.

Many historians like M . N . Pearson, T.R, de Souza and K.S

Mathew while dealing with tho subcontinent of India confined 30

their studies chiefly to the Western coast of India

Number of works on the Coromandel coast of India chiefly

based on Dutch and English sources also confirm the same

prejudice. This may also be due to the fact that tho

Portugueae commercial establishments ware chiefly

concentrated on the region from Diu to Quilon on the west

coast, while comparatively a fen Portuguese establishments

existed on the east coast of India. It would be therefore

interesting to see whether the Coromandel region on the East

coast of India kept its continuity of trade and commerce.

Various sectors like agriculture, crafts and exchange could

Is affected by the impact of the commercial revolution of

the sixteenth century. The extent to which the polity,

economy and society of Coromandel were exposed to the after-

effect~ of commercial revolution is to be studied in the

light of contemporary documents in the regional languages aa

well as in Portuguese. It is possible to visualise how

Coromandel underwnet some changea in the sge of Portuguese

expansion during this period. The manner in which the

Dutch, the English and the French intruded into this region

during the seventeenth century tends to give the impression

that a radical transformation was inaugurated in the

sixteenth century.

A few eminent historians of South India iike Nilakanta

Saetri, N. Venkataramanaya, T.V. Uahalingam and A . Krishna-

swami Pillai paid attention to the political, social and 3 1

economic history of Vijayanagara empire , and their

discussion on the rule of Tamil country under Vijayanagara

emperors did not possess spatial and temporal variation.

Further, L.B. Alayev concentrated his attention on the

socio-economic history of southern India from the fourteanth

to the eighteenth century covering a vast region. His work

remains, to a large extent, inaccessible to the scholars not 32

knouing Russian . The lack of ideological framework found

in the writings of these historians prompted Burton Stein in

the recent past to work on peasants and society of South

India with the help of a borroued model, namely segmentary

state theory applied by Aidan Southall for the study on 33

Africa . While applying this concept to Indian conditions

he overlooked the changing pattern of South Indian polity

and society. Noborou Karashima and Y. Subbrayalu using the

quantitative method, long applied by D.D. Kosambi in

historical investigations, made use of the epiaraphicsl data

to shed light on the South Indian economy and aociety during 34

the medieval period . One could say that inscriptional

evidences are to a large extent made use of by these two

scholars in their attempt to reconstruct the history of

South India. Even going beyond the biased summaries of the

inscriptions, they broke new fields of investigation. The

above mentioned studies focussed generally on Large

geographical area and longer period of study prevented them

from paying required attention to a specific region in a

definite era, making use of both indigenous and foreign

sources. The present study taken up here is to concentrate

its attention on the Coromandel region during the sixteenth

century using also the foreign sources for the first time.

The historiography of medieval south India for the past

three decades witnessed rapid and steady progress through

analytical approach. Many historians began to use the

published and unpublished texts of epigraphs raising a

number of questions both of theory and empiricism in

historical debate. While analysing the inscriptions in the

annual reports of epigraphy we find the systematic

quantitative data relating to socio-economic aspects being

ignored by Professional historians. Against this backdrop,

the present work attempts to use the statistics provided by

epigraphical evidences to relate the forces at work in a

multi-dimensional explanation to paint a picture. The

corpus of stone and metal inscriptions with Tamil, Telugu,

and Kannada is important among the indigenous sources of the

historians' information for the reconstruction of social and

economic history of Coromandel in the sixteenth century.

The texts which had been published in original and in

translation in various series are few. The unpublished

inscriptions seemed to be more in the case of Vijayanagar 35

period . Owing to the use of different Panohankam, or

almanac in different regions, given dates in the

vijayanagara inscriptions cannot be verified easily with the

tables given by L.D. Swamikannu Pillai in the volumes of

Indian ephemeris. This led the modern epigraphists to say

that Vijayanagar inscriptions do not strictly follow any

pattern and were often written in poor script in a

colloquial style besides having inaccuracies with regard to 38

dates and other details . Although we find deviations, 37

they follow a definite formula in the structure . They 38

confirm to the norms set forth in the Q h n ~ Sartra texts .

Regarding the scripts followed, we find the Sanskrit portion

of the inscription written in b & b g u i script and the

Tamil portion in Tamil script with Grandha letters to mark 39

the Sanskrit letters . They generally cite the SBka date

along with other details. Some $&a dates are given in

chronograma composed according to the K&auuli system 40

where Sanskrit passages occur in the inscription . The

usual and common pattern of inscriptional identification by

the number of the year in which an inscription was copied

and acquired by the office of the Government epigraphist ia

followed in the present work.

Another bulk of material is found in the Portuguese

sources which help immensely this study. Very little work

is done by researchers to explore and integrate the

Portumese sources into the broad economic and social

framework, presumably due to lack of expertise to unearth

Portuguese documents. This work attempts to explore the

history of Coromandel against the backdrop of maritime trade

during the period of Portuguese expansion from 1500 to 1600

which had remained unattended to. Barring the Romans, the

Portuguese were the pioneers among the Europeans who

established their commercial relations with Coromandel.

They made every possible effort to collect detailed

information about the places and inhabitants since they were

of a totally different culture and whatever they had seen 4 1

seemed to be strange . The published works of the

contemporary Portuguese Chroniclers like Fernao Lopes de

Caatenheda, JoAo de Barros, Gaspar Correa and Diogo de Couto

contain useful information for this study have been used.

The Jesuit letters form an important source since they

contain detailed account of Coromandel historical events

which served as an introduction to the Jesuit religious 42

activities of each year . These letters generally found in

the published works of Antonio de Silva Rego and Joseph

Wicki had been chiefly used in this work. There are

considerable amount of unpublished archival records such as

letters, mandates, receipts, account books relating to the

activities of the Portuguese on Coromandel preserved in

various repositories in Portugal and other parts of Europe

and they have been tapped and used in this thesis.

Other primary sources mainly include the accounts of

the travellers' who visited the Coromandel coast in the

sixteenth century and their descriptions are helpful to some

extent. The travellers wrote about the most striking events

or aspects of life which attracted their attention during

their stay at various places while they were on tour.

Although much detailed description of Coromandel has not

been provided by them on the different aspects of the

Coromandel, their narratives are reliable and important to a

certain extent. Every one of them wrote about Coromandel

from different angles and view points, but their importance

and usefulness should not be underestimated in any way. It

is generally admitted that the travellers account often

suffer from historical accuracy, and it must be said that

these travellers had no time to examine the facts in detail

and find out the truth. They had recorded their personal

experiences, wrote about the places they visited, the men

they meet, the things they saw, the amenities they enjoyed,

the discomforts they suffered, and the difficulities they

encountered. Keeping all the merits and demerits, we must

note that these travelogues serve as useful contemporary

source for the history of Coromandel and they remain

indispensable. The works of Italian travellers such as

Varthema, Ceaaar Frederick and Gasparo Balbi, Portuguese

accounts of Duarte Barbosa, Tomb Pires and t.he Dutch

writings of Linschoten had also been used in this work.

Further, among the primary materials, a few existing

literary sources of the sixteenth century are used. They

contain very little historical information and generally

mythical elements dominate. The b&uay&b style in Tamil

peculiar to the Vaiahnava cult in the south freely mixed

with Sanskrit words had been adopted in the literature of 43

this period . Twenty two poets of the sixteenth century

composed on various pilgrim centres of the 4 4

Coronandel region in poetic and dialogue form . We a l ~ ~ o

find chronicles of temples oalled b y i l Qhju in this

period. Historians are not using them as reliable sources

since several K d l Q l u u exist in many families of the 4 5

same place . The method of checking the veracity of

literary account is carried out with epigraphical evidences.

This study attempts to adopt both inductive and deductive

modes of theoretical discussion. We know that theory

illuminates comparison but comparison also generates theory.

Some statistical details collected from the sources had been

incorporated at the end of this work.

TBK SCOPE 01 T i l t PRESENT WORK

After having a cursory look at the merits and demerits

of the works done by historians of South India in general,

the introductory chapter explains the relevance of a mlcro-

study on Coromandel. The next chapter presents a brief

survey of the historical geography and political economy of

Coromandel. It is interesting first of all to compare

Coromandel history in the broadest outlines of geography.

The region is defined, approximate boundries to which it

extended and existed in the sixteenth century with the help

of inscriptions and Portuguese sources had been traced.

Various territorial units such as b . k ~ W Wi.tm,

EatuL Uchav.di, are examined to locate the internal

boundaries of Coromandel region. Discussion on

historiography and anatomy of coromandel polity is found

here. Various views on Vijayanagara polity such as military

and feudal characters are analysed. Proportionate space is

therefore devoted to discussing the historical sketch of

rise of w, various Coromandel localities where families ruled at -, and their links with

Vijayanagara centre in revenue farming.

Chapter three is devoted to the study of agrarian

relations and agricultural production. Attention is paid to

various types of land tenures such as y u a j ~ l(uttaaai.

Kattukuttanai. nalaiv.n Kattukuttanai which benefited

particular section of land-owners, occupants and cultivators

in this period. Agricultural crops such as paddy, cotton,

sugar-cane, and oilseeds raised in Coromandel are discussed.

Land classifications of t h h ~ Pun.iev. Thottam. NatLm and

based on many factors like the type of land, nature

of crops grown and season have been examined. Reclamation

of forest and waste lands, and water management towards

expansion of agriculture form an interesting part of study.

Assessment and collection of revenue in Coromandel

localities and introduction of the system of revenue farming

are dealt in detail.

Chapter four discusses craft economy of the Coromandel

hinterland and coast and its role in the socio-economic life

of the sixteenth century. Flourishing waaving villages ara

also traced in this chapter. The role of temples and

in the development of ueavera' settlements through tax free

grants and other privileges granted are examined. Various

taxes such as yarn tax, loom tax, textile dyeing unit tax

and changes in technological innovation of weaving are

described. Uanufaoture of sugar, oil, and salt forms a part

of the discussion. Stone and wood works, Jewellery and

Smithery in metal works, besides development of crafts along

with partonage extended by thyaka and temples had been

analysed. Consideration is given to the guilds of

producers, growth and survival of crafts in Coromandel

economy during the sixteenth century.

Chapter five attempts to study rural and urban linkages

of internal trade. Special attention has been devoted to

the marketing functions of rural and urban, wholesale and

retail, weekly, periodical, and daily nature noticed at

-, m, w, and u. Some consideration is

given to the various types of agricultural commodities and

manufactured goods. Transit taxes, market levies and

secondary duties collected in tho overland trade has been

described The aapects that receive considerable attention

here are the various trade routes linking various urban and

marketing terminals of South India, means of transport, and

guilds of merchants In the growth of internal trade

Urbanisation of towns wlth the apeilatlons of Elurczm,

Pattinem, and W where trade intermingled wlth the

process of urban development and their details are

considered Coromandel coastal trade wlth Malabar, Bengal

and other regions are also explained

Chapter six is devoted to discuss the signlflcance of

overseas commercial networks of the external trade of

Coromandel with various parts of the globe Study of thr

ports in Coromandel and the various maritime trade linka

during the sixteenth century is described Space is devoted

to the discussion of various indigenous major merchant

groups such as l h d d h x ~ Marakkavars. C ~ L L L S and tnelr

role in the expansion of overseas trade The role of

Portuguese trade both official and private on Coromandel has

been analysed Special attention 1s devoted to the

commodities such as textiles and rlce exported, metals and

precious stones imported Creation of Portuguese

settlements at Santhome of Mylapore, Devanempattlnam, and

Nagapattinam to divert the existing flow of trade from the

ports of Pulicat, Kunimedu and Nagore forms a part of

absorbing interest.

Chapter seven tries to reoonstruct the picture of

Coromandel society. The living conditions of peasants,

artisans, merchants and slaves are traced Soclo-~ronomlc

changes are discussed by analysis of prices, wages and

occupations and their inter-relationships in the lloht of

statistical data collected from epigraphs and Portuguese

sources Some consideration is given to the selection of

twenty five commodities for the study of price fluctuations

The part played by the Portuguese settlements I n society has

been analysed

Chapter eight derives certain conclusion from the

foregoing discussions A select bibliography of the sources

unpublished, published and recent studies had been included

Appendices of relevant manuscripts, documents, and detalls

collected from epigraphs are found here Some Maps and

illustrations designed to elucidate the respectrve chapters

are incorporated in this study

NOTE8 AND REFERENCES

1 For details see, R E M Wheeler, A Ghosh,and Kriahnadeva,Arlkamedu, An Indo-Roman Trading Statjon on the East coast of India , AIL&& m, No 2 , July 1 9 4 6 , pp 17 & 124

2 K V Raman, Further Evidences of Roman Trade from the Coastal sites in Tamil Nadu , in Vimala Begley & Richard Daniel De Puma, eds , h and LndFp., Wisconsin, The University of Wisconsin Press, 1 9 9 1 , pp 125-133 Por details see also Lndian -ggy 2

A E&&u, 1058-57 , New Delhi, p 2 1

3 Excavations at Vasavasamudram show the presence of rouletted wars and amphora1 denotes Roman connection see, lndlan brchasolonv = A BeYFerr, New Delhi, 1 9 7 0 - 7 1 , p 33 Roman coins of Fourth century were discovered there See K V Raman, QE. &, P 125

4 R Nagasuamy, -, A gulde, Madras, 1 9 7 3 , P 3

5 In 1898 excavations of Karuvakkurrchi In Alangud. Taluk of Pudukottai district unearthed 5 0 1 Roman colns Excavations at Sorapattu madura kottam near Tlrukoyilur unearthed Roman coins, see Pinn U, Dally (rd 1 , Pondicherry 5 10 9 2 , p 1 1

7 U V Suaminatha Aiyer, ad , w, N M V Nattar and A J Pillai, eda , nanimekkalai, Madras, 1 9 5 1 , -, I 129 as quoted in K V Subramanya Aiyer, Largest provincial Organistaions In Ancient India , auartarlv Journal pf Lhe W W , 6 5 , I 1 9 5 4 - 5 5 , p 3 8

8 K S Mathew, Medieval Deccan and the Marrtrme Trade of India Presidential address to the sesslon of Mrdtrval Andhra hnQhra Pradash Blstorv w, XVI session, Karim Nagar, 18-19 January 1 9 9 2 , pp 1-34 ( p 2 )

For details see, H B Sarkar, M e 4 W l r l l dctivities dSouthsrnLndiain * Llalvo-Indone.ian W, (up to A D 1511), Vol I , Calcutta, 1986

Kenneth R Hall, International Trade and Foreign Diplomacy in Early Medieval South India ku.u&l nf LhS gconomic and Spdpl Hiatorv Qf * QriPnf,, vo1 XXI, 1978, Ledien, pp 75-98

K A Nilakanta Sastri, A Tamil Uerchant Gulld in Sumatra UQX Indlsche volkenkor;de, 7, 2, 1932, pp 314-317, K A ?k%% Sastri, Takuapa and its Tamil inscription Journal pf L h S a a l a v s i a n B r a n c h n f * B n r a l . U k , 2 2 % 1949, pp 25-30

The Chola epigraphs record, Alalkadal naPuril Eala k&m, Chaluthia (one who has salled many vessels in rough sea) Kanthalur f d a l i(alamaruthu arvLia (one who destroyed the ships at Kantalur Salai) deplct their strength of their maritime power, U, XXVI, 1906 For details on Leiden grants, see L, XXII, pp 213- 281

George W Spencer, Bnral. Leadership end ImDeriel GMsuaaLinLledievalWLndigbtlaral eueduhn nf Ra.lendra C~QJ,A f l E 5 &1L, Ph D dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1967, pp 191 205 The Thanjavur inscription of 1030 A D mentions various ports of Halay Peninsula, U, Vol I , No 40 pp 105-109

George W Spencer, QE a, pp 177-180

U, 119 of 1888, &L, V , p 105

Epigraphia Birmanica, E + L , I, 8, p 165

Tan Yoek Seong, 'The Srivi~ayan Inscription of Canton (A D 107a), nf W ensZ Aahn W , 5, 2, 1964, pp 17-24

For details see Roderich Ptak & Dietmar Rothermund, EmDPdnCommodi t i esnndEnt raDreneurs inumu Trada, Stuttgart, 1091, p 5, Tansen Sen, Maritime Relations Between China and the Cola Kingdom A D 850- A D 1279 a paper presented at the Second International Symposium on Maritime Studies. 16-19 December 1991, Pondicherry University, Pondicherry, India

Kenneth A Hall, pe &, pp 75-98

Pernard. EdaLbna de YQYFUES + ~ ~ L & U G S ~ e a r - a t ~ r e l a t l f s L l ~ Puanf, du YLI.L.c au U u, Vol 11, Paris, 1913-14 p 465

F Hirth and W W Rockhill, - - I l F s & ~ i l Lhs C h i n e s e a n d k & S a d s i n L k t u e l f t h and

w, gnt&kd b + d U St Pcters burn. 1911, D 96 S D Goiteln. Letters and dociments on thb India Trade In ~edlrvel tlme L U L C u U u i 37, 3 , 1963, p 196

Roderich Ptak, Notes on the World Shanhu and Chlnuvr coral imports from Maritime Asia c 1250-1609 A&&?.&, No 39, 1990, pp 64-80

The Department of Archaeology and Epigraphy of Tamil University, Thanjavur conducted excavations at Periyapattinam during 1987

S Singaravelu, The Ambassadorial Nisslon of Lakshmana Hang Tuah from the Kingdom of Malacca to the Kingdom of vijayanagara in South India , Vol I!, 1982, No 1, pp 32-33

Tapan Ray Chaudhuri, Jan ~n CPromandel LKk L698AhidYinthaInter-relat lonsaf- Commsrce pg(i Traditional Economies, s Graver.hape, 1962, R N Banerji, Gconomlc Proerese d ik Fas$, hdu CPIPPBDY.~r lLhsCoromandelW - Nagpur , 9 7 4 J J Bmnning. T P ~ TCI~L~. &?Zab& L s a u ~ HorthernCoromandelAWd a Pre-Modern

-, Ph D Dlssertat~on, Unlvarslty of Wiaconsin, Madison, 1975, S Arasaratnam, Uezchant~, c Q r & m A L C o m m e r c e Q r l d m w LE!OLiZ412# Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1986

Sanjay Subhramanyam, Tha Political ~conomv ef ~ommerce- Sauthern Lndia w, Cambridge, 1 9 9 0

M N Pearaon, Isrchanta pgd W in w, The Response to the Portuguese in the Sixteenth century, New Delhi, 1974; T R De Souza, &a, Asmn Economic History, New Delhi, 1 9 1 9 , K S Nathrw, Portunuese ~ I L L t h L n d i a i n L b B s l x t e e n t h C e I L L u , New Delhi, 1983

A Robert Sewell, A Porlrottan w, New Delhi, 1 9 6 2 , K A Nilakanta Sastri, A Biatorv Qf W India, Madras, 1 9 5 5 , N Venkataramayya, Studies in U UW nf U ThFLd D,YM&%x nf Yilavananara, Madras, 1 9 3 9 , T V Hahalingam, and Snrral Lifa Llndar Yiiavananara, Nadras, 1940, A Krlshnaswaml, T m d CoYntrr Undar ViJbvananare, Annamalai Nagar, 1 9 6 4 , Henry Heras, Tha A~AYUU ovnastv af Vilavenaaara, Madras, 1927

L B Alyev, Southern IndLh SPrial and Eronomic Bistorv U i h h l&h Centuries, Moscow, 1 9 6 4 (Yuzhnaya India Sotsialno-ekonomicheskaya Istoriya XIV-XVIII vekor)

Burton Stein, W Sfgte and &&$y U India, Delhi, 1 9 8 5

Noboru Karashima, & tiistor & m, Studies from Inscriptions A D 850-18eW, Delhl, 1 9 8 4 , N Karashima, Y Subbarayalu and P Shanmugam, YuxmaaurYlnin~Countrvaseevealed tLhri'Uh a S t a t l s t i c a l ~ ~ r e v t l n u e ~ l n InacrlPtiuns, Institute for the Study of languages and culture of Asia and Africa, Tokyo, 1 9 8 8

N Karashima, Nayaka s rule in the region of North and South Arcot districts In South India durlng the Sixteenth Century , AsXa Bsiaelca, 4 8 , Tokyo, 1 9 8 5 , pp 1 - 2 6 See footnote no 6

R Nagaswamy, bly&tUd (Tarnll), Madras, Tamil Nadu State Department of Archaeology, 1 9 7 2 , p 4 2

Each Inscription is divided into three brcad n e c t l o n c The first introductory and preamble part contains Svasti Sri, the auspicious Symbol, place of Issue,

date, name of the donor and details of his ancestvry The second detailed part oonsists of information about the gift, name of the donor and purpose of the grant The final concluding part contains the names of the composer, and ends with an imprecatory verse for the preservation of the grant See George Mitchell t~nd Vasundhara Pilliozat, &hr&u gf Yi.lavananar b, Hampi, Marl Publications, 1981 , p 125 The copper plate inscriptions of this period follow a standard form beginning with the rxazaaU (genealogy) of the ruler and new verses added wlth the succession of each king besides retaining the earlier portions, T N Subra- maniam, S.I.T.L., Vol 111, pt 2, p 180

38 D C Sircar, LnPIan -, Delhl, notllal Banarsidas, 1968 , p 242

39 T V nahalingam, Inscriptions rn Tamrl Nadu , J P Dr Souza & C M Kulkarni, eds , ~n Lrdun

(Dr G M Morass Pelicitatron Volume), Delhl

4 0 Some examples of Bburpivandva 1532 In A , & L 31 1 of 1950-51 , SalMvedve 1535 in U 17 of 1 3 8 3 8 , Tatavandva 1544 in kBB, 353 of 1953-54 The practice of quoting regnal years had been entlrely given up In this period

41 K S Hathew, Portuguese Sources for the Study of Socio-Economic History of Indla , a paper presented In the International Conference on the Hi~torlans of Asia, Hong Kong, 1990

42 John Correa Affonso, W lettcrs and L W . Bombay, Oxford Universlty Press, 1 9 6 9 , p 38

43 The work of Kumara Saraswati composed on Saluva Nayaka of Villupuram contains Tamll, Telugu, Hinduata~~l, Kannada and Sanskrit, Somasundara Dikshitar. TlllPll Pulavarkal Yaralaru W h n u a m Huttandu (Tam.1) (History of the Tamil Poets of Sixteenth Century), Madras, 1939 , p 43

44 Thlrty six Siva and five Valshnava in total forty one QUAMA were composed In thls perlod Ulaganatha Pillai who prepared the catalogue of lanil works of Saraswati Mahal Library records seven works o t

Sixteenth Century. Srinivasa ~uranam was introduced by Kathichetti during Nitvotsavam festival in Tirupatl temple during 1513, T.T.D.B.S., Vol V , No. 466, Iraivaaanallur m (1510), Chidambara puranam (1508), Tiruvarur (1592), Arunagiri puracd~ ( 1555), Tiruttani m, Tirukalukuntra m, Tiruchengattankudi wrdnm and Kachi are some examples of ILUSMAA in thir period

45 Qhgu is defined as the register of a temple giving an account of Its properties and its history in the Tam11 Lexicon. In the case of Srirangam there were many U &gu, see T.8. Parathasarathy, l b i l PLYPYA Tirupati, Tirumala Devasthanam, Tirupati, 1954, P i i .