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CHAPTER r VI
ECONOMY OE/MEDIEVAL ASSAM ,^
The economy of medieval Assam was agro-based,as
it is at present. Assam's soil is suitable for
cultivation of various kinds of crops. Regarding the
fertility of land, J. .M'Cosh observed, "its soil is well
adapted .to all kinds of agricultural purposes that it
might be converted into one continuec? garden of silk and
cotton, coffee and sugar and tea". In the words of
Robinson "The rapidity with which wastes composed
entirely of sand, newly washed forward by the river
current during floods become converted into rich pasture
is astonishing". /
Rice Cultivati"X)n - Rice was the staple food
of the people and therefore, production of paddy was the
main occupation. Before the coming of the Ahoms many of
the tribes like the Morans and Borahis resorted to
zhuming where the women played an important role. The
Chutiyas and the Kacharis cultivated paddy by the broad
cast method. The Kacharis were adept in the technique of
irrigation." It were the Ahoms who first introduced wet
1. V. Elwin, India's North East Frontier, Oxford University
Press, 1959, pp.3ff
2. W. Robinson, Op.Cit. . p.7
3 . T. Roychoudhury and I . H a b i b ( e d ) , The Cambridge Economic
His to ry of I n d i a , V o l . 1 , A . G u h a , ' T h e Medieval Economy of Assam' ,
Cambr idge , 1984, p . 4 8 1
(200)
4 r i c s c u l t i v a t i o n ( S a l l k h e t i ) i n u p p e r Assam. The Ahoms
5 were an advanced p l o u g h usir;ig t r i b e and t h e y knew t h e u s e
of t h e i r o n sword , t h e i r o n p l o u g h s h a r e and t h e i r o n
a x e , which were needed fo r cu l t i v a t i o n on a large s c a l e and
6 " c l e a r i n g t h e f o r e s t a r e a s f o r t h a t p u r p o s e . The Ahoms
used to l i v e i n ho t r i c h l y w a t e r e d p l a i n s , p r a c t i s i n g wet 7
r i c e c u l t i v a t i o n t h r o u g h i r r i g a t i o n and w a t e r c o n t r o l .
I t was fo r t h i s r e a s o n t h a t Sukapha was l o o k i n g f o r low
l a n d s which c o u l d h o l d s u f f i c i e n t w a t e r to grow
s a l i d h a n . The Ahoms u s e d b u f f a l o e s fo r p l o u g h i n g l a n d s ,
which c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y i n b r i n g i n g w a s t e
l a n d s u n d e r p l o u g h . T h i s p r a c t i c e i s s t i l l p r e v a l a n t i n
Burma, T h a i l a n d , M a l a y a s i a e t c . However , t h e p r a c t i c e
r ema ined c o n f i n e d to u p p e r Assam o n l y . The Ahoms b r o u g h t
some k i n d s of paddy which were d i s t i n g u i s h e d from_ t h e
ind igenous :* v a r i e t i e s l i k e Ahom s a l i , Ahom j,^ngonl e t c .
The re a r e t h r e e k i n d s of p a d d y , Ahu, Bao and
S a l i . A c c o r d i n g to H a m i l t o n , " S a l i d h a n o r t r a n s p l a t e d
w i n t e r r i c e forms t h r e e f o u r t h s of t h e whole c r o p s ,
Ahudhan o r summer r i c e and u r i d h a n o r w i n t e r r i c e t h a t i s /
4. J . Bargohaki^ Asamar Arthanaitik I t ihas , Jorha t , 1985,p.2
5. A. Guha, 'Medieval North East India- Pol i ty , Society and
Economy 1200-1750 A/f).", Centre for sWdies in Social Science
Calcutta, 1978, Oe^sional Paper 19, p . I
6. R. Buragohain,/"Social S t ra tmcat ions in the Ahom s ta te" , NEIHA
Procedings, 1986,p.126
7 . A. Guha, 'The Medieval Economy of Assam', p.482
8. A. Guha, Loc.Cit . , ,
(201)
sown broadcast in low land were also pretty considerable
crops. Barodhan or spring rice was also raised". That the
people were interested in the cultivation of different
varieties of paddy can be ascertained from the large
number of names of paddy prevalant at that time. "Some of
the popular varieties and subvarieties are ahu, phapari.
guni , ni la j i , ahubari , pharma , lahi . khareka ," jaha ,
gidapuri , bhabli , govind - tulsi , saruJul , jahinga,
mathanga . malbhog . dolkachu, barmathanga . parujahinga .
chakhru, bokajahinga , kataridabua . phatkathabara, I
kangrabara. bav- sohagmoni. saru-sohagmoni , barsali , saru-
sali, ranga-sali, malchur, kalasali, sagarsali , kaldharm,
9 '^''
barjuts, gendhali- sali, maguri etc. In modern times
cultivation of some of the varieties have been given up,
some have been renamed and some new varieties have been
introduced.
Other cereal crops which were mostly cultivated
were gamdhan or maize. Pulse crops like Mat ikalai
(phaseolus radiatus), mug (phascolus memgo), khesari
(Lathy russativus) miri or arahar (citisus cajan),
lesseramah and urahimah (varieties of beans) sariah or
musturd were also grown. People had also cultivated
cotton and fibre crops like rhea grass. Some amount of
9. N.K. Basu , Op.Cit., p.151
(202)
indigo was also grown. Every family' cultivated arecanut,
betel leaves, and sugar cane.
Among the fruits, the most common were jack
fruit, mango, plaintains, plums, coconuts and different
varietiesof citrous fruits like orange, lemon, outenga
(dillenia indica) amara, (spondias Amara), thekera (gar
cinia sa) jalphai (olive) etc. Thekera was an item of
10 export to Bengal. Common cultivated vegetables were
gourds, pumpkins-, leafy vegetables, ginger etc. Black
pepper and long pepper were cultivated on a large scale
11 and were exported to Bengal.
Generally the Ahoms were an advanced plough
using tribe. They brought with them the tradition of wet
rice cultivation and a system of distribution of lands to
officers and the subject population from the original
home land. Records reveal that in old Nanchao Kingdom
land was divided^ amongst different families depending
upon their ranks in administrat ion.For instance, the Chao
P' yas or P'yas holding important posts were allowed to
hold 1000 to 4000 acres, subordinate officers such as
K'uns and Luangs held from 160 acres upwards and common
people held 10 acres. It is therefore possible that the
10 . F . Hamilton, O p . C i t . , p .46
11. Ibid
(203)
Ahoms followed the same practice in Assam in a modified
12 form.
Method of cultivation - Commercialisation of
agriculture was not prevalent in medieval Assam and, as
such, the villagers produced commodities to the self
13 sufficiency level only. Agricultural lands were divided
into small plots v/hich were named as pathar and as such
some villages were also named after it. Such villages are
Sarupathar, Barpathar, Silapathar, Kachupathar,
Bohupathar, Difflopathar, Tamulipathar etc.
Hand made implements were used. Main
agricultural implements included plough (Nangal) Yoke
(Juyoli), hoe (Kur), iron hand bill (dao), harrow (mai),
sickle (Kachi), knife (Katari) , axe (kuthar), iron spade
14 (khont i), ploughbeam (dalmai) etc.
Initially cultivation was carried on by slash
and burn method. In this method, after burning or cutting
trees, holes were made with the help of long knives
and seeds were sown on them. The use of plough and hoe
was not prevalent at that time. This type of cultivation
was also known as zhuming which is S't i 11 prevalent among
12. P.Gogoi, Op.Cit . , p.99
13. J.N. Phukon, 'The Economic History of Assam under the
Ahoms', unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Submitted to
Gauhati University, 1973. p.135.
14. N.K. Basu, Op.Cit., p.159
(204)
15 some tribal people of the north east. In upper Assam
use of plough was first brought by the Ahoms which was an
improved method of cultivation. This method of using
plough and hoe and the use of domestic animals like oxen
and buffalo is continuing even today. In lower Assam, use
of plough was introduced earlier by emigrants coming from
the west like Bengal and Bihar.
Role of women - Women took active part in the
rearing of crops. They had to carry all the manual
labour. In the areas where there was no provision of
ploughing women had to take the major part in
cultivation. Even the areas where cultivation was done
with the help of plough, women rendered help in all the
stages of cultivation. Transplanting and harvesting of
crops were usually done by women and above all husking
and grinding of crops were considered a sole duty of
women. Sugarcane planting was done by women alone. Many
women also maintained kitchen gardens where vegetables,
flowers and some medicinal plants were grown.
Particularly the women of this area took active
part in agriculture. Planting, weeding and reaping of
crops were all done by women. Women are to carry water
15. P.C. Choudhury, Qp.Cit.. -p.334
[205)
with the help of bamboo tubes from the streams of long
distances and fuels of heavy loads on their backs and
shoulders. Their main cultivable crops were bobesa oir
bobsadhan, goomdhan or maize. Like the people in the
plains they cultivated paddy in two seasons known as
17 aoosa (ahu) and hali (sail) . Cotton, wheat and barley
edible roots, red pepper, ginger and a few cucurbitacious
plants were also grown in the hilly areas and all these
were done mainly by women.
State Patronage for Expansion of Agriculture -
People did not use any kind of manure as the lands
innundated by the rivers were suitable -for cultivating
any kind of crop. Hence there is no evidence to show
that the state took any measure to improve the quality of
land.
Villages v/ere self sufficient and people did
not produce any surplus for the purposes of trade. Under
the circumstanceSj, neither the rulers nor the people took
any interest in improving the method of cultivation. So
except the change from zhuming to ploughing, there was no
other development in the technique of cultivation. There
was also no need to irrigate the fields, as the land had
16. V.Elwin, Op.Cit., pp.113,114
17 . Ibid, p-152
18. Ibid, p.178
(205)
sufficient rainfall. However, in the foot hill areas
irrigation became necessary. The Kacharis .adopted a
technique to irrigate the low lying tracts from the hill
streams, in which dams were built across the hill streams
in their upper reaches and the stored up water was let to
flow to the agricultural fields through some dugout
channels.
The Ahoms with a view to clearing lands for wet
rice cultivation built up their administrative structure
in such a form that the whole adult male population could
be engaged for the purpose and when required, the same
persons could be employed as soldiers for purposes of
defence and aggrandisement. Under this system the whole
m.ale population betv^een the age group of 15 to 50 years
called paiks had to render service to the state. Besides
clearing lands for cultivation the paiks were engaged in
different works like road building, house building boat
20 omaking, maintenance of forests etc.
For efficient vi/orking the paiks were grouped
into different khels or guilds. Four paiks constituted
one got. One member of each got had to work for the state
under cumpulsion while the others were engaged in
19. A. Guha, 'Loc.Cit '. , p. 481
20. N.K. Basu, Op.Cit., p.113
(207)
21 cultivation. Each paik by dint of the service to the
king and the nobles obtained two puras of land which was
known as gamat i or cultivable land. Over and above the
gamat i, each paik obtained some lands for household and
orchard purposes and in lieu of this he had to pay the
22 king one rupee (chika rup) as tax called gadhan.
However the landed properties were owned by the state and
the subjects could not possess the lands permanently
other than Bari or Bast i lands. The lands on the bank of
Brahmaputra being frequently innundated by flood could not
be used for permanent cultivation and therefore they were
used for growing ahu variety of rice.i
Spinning and Weaving - During off time women
reared different kinds of silk worms called endi , mug a
and pat from which different kinds of silk fibres were
extorted. For rearing muga (Antheroea assama),a kind of
tree was transplanted known as som (Machilus
ordoratissima) whose leaves were generally eaten by these
insects. The som-fed worm yields the most delicate silk.
There are also two other varieties of Muga e.g. Champa
and Mezankar4r. The Champa Silk is a fine white silk which
23 was used only by the Ahom kings and nobles. Mezankari
21. A. Gohain, 'Loc.Cit.' p.483
22. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit, pp.496ff
23. U.N. Gohain, Op .Cit . , p.196
(208)
silk is also a fine silk of almost pure white which is still
found with difficulty and is the most costly of all the
silks of Assam. Tusser was also cultivated during the
days of the Ahoms but now it is neglected as being"
inferior to muga. For endi worms a kind of plant called
Era (Ricinus communis) were grown in large numbers in the
vegetable gardens. Endi worms also feed on keseru
(Hetero-ponax fragrans), the Gulancha (Jatropha cureas),
the gomari (game-lina arborea) and also the common Bogri
or Ber tree (Zizyphus jujuba). From the fibre of these
insects a special kind of cloth called endi v\?as woven and
24 this was done by women of all castes and classes. They
wove in their handlooms all the cloths required in the
family such as dhu t i , chadar , mekhela , gamocha, chelleng
chadar, riha, khonia, bed sheets, shawls and what not.
The Katha-guru-charita refers to women sericulturists and
states how Madhavadeva taught a village woman the
2 5 improved technique of rearing cocoons.
The skill of women in this craft was widely
known and Mahatma Gandhi, when he visited Assam in 1921,
was so much impressed by Assamese women's proficiency in
this craft that he made the following remark : "Every
24. F. Hamilton, Op.cit . , p.59
25. Katha-guru-charita , p.87
(209)
women of Assam is a born weaver and she weaves fairy
tales in cloth. I fell in love with the women of Assam as
soon as I learnt that they were accompl ishied weavers.
Being weavers they have used economy in their dress
without imparting its beauty or its efficiency as cover.
And to me it is a sign of very high culture to .see the
Assamese women and girls wearing little or no
jewellery". ° The Persian chronicler also highly
appreciated the silk industry of Assam. For example, the
author of Fathiya-i-Ibriyah observed that 'flowered silk,
velvet, tatband and other kinds of silk stuff were
27 excellently woven here'. Quazim observed that 'silk of
Assam was very excellent resembling that of China'.
The Ahom government during the reign of Pratap
Singha (1603-41 A.D.) gave incentive to cottage industry.
His Barbarua, Mumai Tamuli^ made it a rule that every
woman before going to bed must spin a bundle of thread
which was to be collected next morning by an officer
29 appointed for the purpose. Queen Sarbeswari established
30 weaving schools in the palace campus, where most
presumably improved type of weaving was taught as every
26. H. Barua, The Red River and the Blue Hill,' Gauhati,1984,p.88
27. E. Gait, Op.Git., p.147 ,
28. P.G. Ghoudhury, Op.Git . , p.343
29. S.K. Bhuyan, Buranjir Bani, oGauhati,1951, p.127
30. S.K. Bhuyan, Studies in the History of Assam, p.70
(210)
woman in medieval Assam including the queens knew how to
spin and weave. Swar^adeo Purandar Singha (1818-1819
A.D,) donated land to a skilled weaver called Madhuram
31 Tanti. The proficiency of Assamese women in this 'art is
also evident from the fact that the wife of a general -or
a commander used to offer a piece of cloth called Kabach
kapur to her husband before he left his home for the
battle field. There was also a belief among the Assamese
woman folk that if a v/ife could offer the piece of
'Kabach kapur' to her husband, he was sure to escape
death in the battle field. An Assamese chronicle
describes the character of the Kabach Kapur as follows.
'In the middle of night a woman would start to spin ani
v /ould finish v/eaving before day break. Such a cloth is
32 called Kabach Kapur. ' The source also relates that as
Mulagabharu, the wife of Pharsenmung Borgohain for having
her monthly course could not do it, her husband met his
death in the battle field fighting against the Muslim
soldiers led by Turbak. To take revenge on Turbak, she
personally proceeded to the battle, field and died
fight ing.
Embroidery and dyeing - Another craft
associated with spinning and weaving and in v hich women
31. B.K. Barua, Asamiya Bhasa Aru Sanskrit!, .Gauhati,
1S65, p.70 32. Sukumar Mahanta, Asam Buranj i , p.18
(211)
of medieval Assam were proficient was embroidery and
dyeing. The Gold and Silver wire (Guna) used for
embroidery was made with in the province by a class of
33 workmen called Gunakat ia. The gold and silver wire used
for embroidery at present is imported from the west, but
the wire is far inferior in both quality and appearance
to that of Gunakat ia. Probably dyeing among the Assamese
people was an art of the past. The most usual practice
follov/ed by the Assamese was to dye not cloth but thread.
The Tarungs and Noras of Jorhat Sub-division dye cotton
thread and cloth with the Rom plant which produces 'a
good blue dye'."^ The dresses used by the people of both
the sexes ia the festivals and in dancing and theatrical
performances are clear indication that the art of
embroidery and dyeing was highly developed among the
3 5 people of both the hills and plains. The m.aterials used
for dyeing and colouring were prepared from a kind of
species known as lac and from various roots, leaves and
barks of trees. Travernier referring to the manufacture
of lac in Assam v/rites that the 'people produced
sufficient shellac of red colour, with it they dyed their
calicos and other stuffs and when they extracted the red
33. U.N. Gohain, Op.Cit.. p.188 —=—=- — — = _ - —
34. Ibid, p.186
35. M. Saikia, Assam Muslim Relations and its Cultural Significance
Golaghat, 1878, p.237
36. P.C. Choudhury, Op.Cit., p.344
(212)
colour they used lac to lacquer cabinets and other
37 objects of the kind and prepared wax from it'. Hill
people were more proficient in the art of dyeing and some
rare variety of wild roots were available in the areas.
Pol and Toy Making - Daughters and married
women of Assam in the medievel period were also accustomed
to the art of making dolls of different kinds and colours
which couldamuse the people of all ages. Previously dolls
and toys were made by their own hands with mud. Later on,
a kind of instrument was prepared by which enough
quantities of dolls and toys were made. To burn the dolls
a fire was put on the yards where burning works were done
by the people regularly. Dolls and toys were also made
with bamboo, wood, cane, rotten cloth etc. The toys of
Assam have a great resemblance with the toys of q Q ^
Mohenjodaro.
Bamboo works - Women also did minor bamboo
works like making of fans, winnowing fans, baskets and
some items of weaving. Almost all the family requirements
were made by villagers themselves. The bamboo articles
like p^lo, jokai , kuki , were made for fishing. Kula,
xlola, bisonl , chaloni were made by medieval villagers.
Bamboo mats called dhari and pati were made and used
37. Ibid.° — — _ = _ = = _ .=.= _=.
3 8 . J . Das , Asamar L o k a k o l a , GiGa.uhati, 196 8, p . 5
(213)
extensively for such purposes as drying of vegetables,
paddy and rice. A fine variety of mat wes ^ made from
patidat v/hich is the finest cane growing wild every where
in Assam. The art of preparing these things are very
common in the villages of Assam even today.
Fishing - Fishing was a important occupation of
a class of professional common women called pohari s.
Tnere are frequent references in the buranj is and in the
Garu Charitas to this class of women. They generally used
jokai and kuki for catching fish. They sold fishes in the
hat 3 or markets or from door to door. As the poharis came
into contact with the people of different walks of life,
they were conscious of the political problems of the
day. Three poharis knowing what was happening in the
court were rescuing Godapani later Swagadeo Gadadhar
3 9 Singha from falling into the hands of the kings men.
Again during Mirjumla's invasion of Assam, when king Jayadhaj
Singha escaped to Namrup, a pohari met him on the
Dalauguri road and uttered in sorrow 'oh king, you have
spent the last fifteen years of your reign in pleasure
and luxury, had you been conc-ious enough to give atleast
fifteen sods of soil where it was necessary in these long
fifteen ye a 1:5 such slate of things should not'.'befal 1 en you.
Now leaving us in such a state of affair v;here do you
w/ant to go? "
39 . H._ Barbarua, Op.Git. ' p . 90
40. Satsari Asam Buranji, p.90
(214)
As mentioned earlier there were women sellers dealing
wi th be.telnu ts, ., fishes, vegetables, fuels etc whicla is
41 evident from the Katha-guru-chari ta. Towards the later
part of the Ahom rule some Muslim women also started
42 shops in their houses. i
Japi Making - Making of wicker hats or Japi was
very popular during the medieval period and particularly
among the Tai Ahom people. There were different kinds and
varieties of Japi as they were used by the king down to
a poor peasant. Japis used by the king and the nobles and
their female counterparts v/ere covered with velvet and
ornamented with gold or silver depending upon the status
of noble. In fact through the kind of a japi used by an
officer, it could be identified whether he was one of the
great councillors, provincial governors or officers below
their rank. Women of the Ahom royality and the
aristocratic class would not move out of their residences
unless they had a bar-japi or canopy like Dig wickerhats
on their heads. Japis used by common men and women were
made of wifiker and bamboo twigs and had no ornamentation.
Both men and women were proficient in this craft. The
embroidery in the japis used by nobles and officers of
different ranks were done by women.
41. Katha-guru-charita, pp.l04ff, 276
42. G.R. barua, Op.Cit., p.189
(215)
Salt making - Salt in medieval Assam were
extracted from the brine springs for which some people
were engaged. Of course the hill tribes like the Nagas
and the Manipuris were expert in the vrark of extracting
salt from the springs. W. Robinson quotes 'In some of the
wells, the former Assam government obtai_ned a joint
property, the Nagas having a right to draw the brine for
a certain number of hours and the government for a equal
period. Raj a Purander Singha found this right a very
profitable one and a certain portion of his paiks were
allotted to the v/orks. During the reign of "Suhungmung
44 in 1523 A.D. about 6000 paiks had to work for salt making.
But the production of this item was not sufficient,
so salt was a rare commodity and hence considered as an
item of aristocracy. Common people therefore used an
alkaline preparation called Kharani which was done
normally by women. The alkaline was prepared from the
roots and bude of the plaintain plants. A mild form of it
can be prepared by burning the barks of a special kind of
plaintain called bhim or athiya. After the close of the
Ahom Mughal wars when trade relations with Bengal became
permissible, large quantities of salt was imported from
Bengal. In fact, it was with salt ' that the European
43. W. Robinson, Op.Cit.. p.384ff
44. J. Borgohain, Op.Ci t., p.49
(216)
traders started their business with Assam. In 1793 A.D.
during the reign of Gaurinath Singha 31, 222 maunds of
45 salt valued at Rs.1,40,502 v ere imported. Premburton
says that in 1809 A.D. during the reign of Karaaleswar
Singha about Rs.40,000 worth of salt was obtained from
45 the salt spring of Sadiya. According to F. Hamilton the
work of salt making was done under the custody of an
47 officer named Mohanghat Barua. The Nagas also
manufactured salt but their method was very rude and so
not profitable.
Opium, Gur making, oil pressing etc. - Gur
(molasses ) making was a comjnon industry of medieval
Assam and it is still so. Every family cultivated sugar-
cane and made jaggery or gur from it for its use. There
were special apparatus made of wood for that purpose, which
was called gur pera sal. Gur was preserved in big
earthen or wooden pots. Women actively helped in the
process. Similarly mustared seeds and linseeds were
cultivated by each fa mily for the purpose of extracting
eatable oil from them. For this also, an appartus called
Tel— perasal was used. Besides, there was a class of
professional oil pressurer called Teli. In the first
45. E. Gait, Op.Cit., p.301
46. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.471
47. F. Hamilton, Op.Git., p.47
(217)
decade of the 19th century, Assam was exporting annualy
4 R 15000 maunds of musterd seeds to Bengal.
/
Mineral Resource/- Medieval Assam was abounded ^
in mineral resources. Gold dusts were found in the sands
of the rivers and there were lime stone, iron and silver
ores in different parts of Assam. Limes were used for the
construction of palaces, temples and bridges during the
Ahom period. Lime might have been extracted from the ores
situated in Numbar, Deopani , Hariyahjan in the present
district of Golaghat and Karbi Anglong. There was no
gold mine but gold dusts were found in almost all the
rivers of Assam and the gold of Assam is of very fine
quality. For washing gold there was a separate class of
people knov/n as Sonowals. The Sonowals were mainly of
Kachari, Bihia, Koch and Keot castes. About ten to 50 twelve thousand people vjere engaged in gold washing and
each man had to deliver one and a half rupee weight of
51 gold dust, and the king earned more than 18,000 sicca
rupee a year.
Iron deposits were available along the sides of
the Naga hills from Jaypur in the present Dibrugarh
district to Bachadaiyang in the present Golaghat
district. Places having sufficient iron deposits were
Tirugaon, Hatigar- and Kacharihat -of the Jorhat and
4 8 . I b i d , p . 4 6 4 9 . S . Ra jkumar , Etisaha Suara Chasata Bachar,Jorhat ,1980,p.243 50. E. Gait, Op.Ci t . , p.143
51. F . Hamilton, Op.Ci t . , p.47
(218)
Golaghat district. A separate Khel called Lusolia was
52 engaged in the Manufacture of iron. According to
Captain Hannay the number of workers engaged in iron ores
numbered about 3000 and Tirupathar was the main centre of
53 iron production. Various agricultural and war
implements were made through the help of Komars from the
iron produced within the coutry. Cannpns of very big size
and weight are found s^atterd over the Assam valley even
today. However, some amount of iron ores were purchased
at Palasbari and Gonsaihat from the Garos which are
utilised for making of such implements, like spade,
54 needle, iron angle, daos, spears, hoes etc.
Forest Resources /- Assam was full of forest
resources from the earliest times. Many very valuable
trees found in the jungles were agar, sal, sam, nahar,
ajar, uriam, Bonsum, Ha lakh. Khakon, Gandhkarai.
Ti tasapa , Poma, Paroli . Karo i . Hulung . Hi 1ikha , Kathai,
Simolu, Sasi, Chandan, etc. Mughal traders were very
interested with the Agar wood of Assam. Some other
medicinal and household plants like Ekara. thatch,
khagori, nal , cane, bamboo and raidang canes were also
55 available in the jungles. Besides^ the forests were
52. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit . , p.464 53. S. Rajkumar, Op.Cit., p.246 54. H. Barbarua, Op.C i t., p.466 55. "J. Borgohain, Op .Ci t . p.51
(219)
abound in elephants, deers, rhinoceros. Illegal kheda
operation or catching of wild elephants by some Mughals
were sometimes causes of friction between the Ahoms and
the Mughals.
The persons who were engaged in the preparation
of wooden articles were known as Barhoi or Barhoi
Khanikar. Although the carpenters were not so proficient
like the Punjabis, who had a good reputation in this
craft, even then they shovi ed much skill in carving out
the religious idols like Garur, Ananta, Hanumanta etc.
Some domestic articles like paleng (ornamented bed stand),
Chalpira (simple bed stand) Borpira (flat stool),^
tamulipira (a special kind of stool associated with ones
status), Borpera (box), sarai (tray with stand)^ dola
(Palanquin), Lakhut i (stick), Maku, Karhoni, Durpoti,
Nachani, Tulutha (all these being weaving implements)were
56 also made by the carpenters.
Besides these, lac, honey, rubber, different
kinds of birds and animals had also served as sources of
revenue to the state. The quantity of lac annually
exported in 1808 A.D. amounted to about ten thousand
57 maund and worth Rs.35,000. Lac was extracted by rearing
a kind of insects on the branches of trees with some
56. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit.. p.469
57. F. Hamilton, Op.Cit., p.46
(220)
artifitial methods. The great part of lac was exported
in the raw state, some v/ere converted into shell lac and
lac dye.
Ivory products - Elephants, elephant tusks and
ivory products,, of Assam were main source of attraction
to the outsiders during the medieval period. The work of
elephant catching was generally done by the Hati Chung 1
Morans. However other hill and plains tribes also took it
as a highly skilled job. Export of ivory products
59 amounted to Rs.6,500 in 1808. Carpets, comb, fan, chess
men and beautiful ornaments were made of ivory and
sometimes these were presented to the nobles by the king.
King Rudra Singha (1696-1714 A.D.) sent to the Mughal
emperor as presents many valuable ivory and other
products, including 'mats of ivory, fans of ivory and
f • I 60
chess men of ivory'.
Trade - Economy of medieval Assam being self
sufficient people used to produce only what they needed.
There was little circulation of rupee or coins. Peoples'
need was met through the barter system. During the time
of Sankardeva, some people carried on trade through river
58. J.M'Cosh, Op.Cit., p.30
59. F. Hamilton, Op.Cit., p.46
60. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.241, .U.N.Gohain, Op.Cit..p.197
(221)
traffic and they were known as Mudoi. Neighbouring hills
people exchanged their goods with those of plains in the
foot hill markets.
During the reign of Kamaleswar Singha (1795-
1811 A.D.) some Marwari and Bengalee peopie—s-t-arted shops
in some places. There were thfee shops at Jorhat and two
of them were ownedjZb^CT'arsuram Duaria's family.
The first batch of local coins were issued by
the Ahom kings in 1543 A.D. After 1555, A.D. the Koch,
Kachari and Jaintia kings used to mint coins regularly.
By 1663 A.D. the coinage of the Ahoms consisted of gold
coins,, silver rupees and caurees. By the end of the 17th
century half rupee and quarter rupee and quarter rupee
silver coins were widely used in the region. In 1570
Mudo i or merchant Joyhari investing an amount of
Rs.8,000/- had been to Jain^tia kingdom for business and
from this some idea in regard to origin of trade and
money can be obtained.
Hadirachaki on the other bank of Goalpara was
known as 'Bongalhat ' and this place . was the venue of
61. G.R. Barua, Op.Cit., p.189
62. A. Guha, 'Loc.Cit.,' p.488
6 3.J.P. Wade, Op.Cit . , p.48
(222)
64 trade between Bengal and Assam. But rigid control was
made on the markets and strict supervision was made on
all commercial dealings with the neighbouring tribes and
kingdom. Traders were not allowed to come into contact in
diplomatic policy nor were allowed to contact with
65 political agents. The promises or informations of the
traders were not relied upon and it was thought that o
profit earning being the motto of trader?^ they might
unveil all the secrecies^ to the enemies under the cover
of trade. Clear evidence of this act was found when
during the reign of Pratap Singha (1603-41 A.D.) three
Assamese merchants Sonari , Narhari and Joyhari proceeded
to Bengal for trading purpose and brought with them two
agents of Nawab of Dacca in order to make negotiations of
peace with the Ahom government, who were being found fi R
guilty for breach of conduct and later executed.
Political agents also were not permitted to
engage in trade. Record reveals that during the reign of
Pratap Singha, a diplomatic agent of the Ahom govenment
who was sent to Bengal on a political mission was put to
64. G.R. Barua, Op.Cit., p.189
65. S.K. Bhuyan, Anglo Assamese Relations, p.84
66. J.N. Phukon, Op.Cit.. p.137
67. S.K. Bhuyan (ed . ), Asam Buranj i, pp.55-56
68. J.N. Phukon, Op.Cit.. p.137
(223)
death as. he wa's found to have indulged in trade in that
6 9 /' count ry .^> Trade with Mughals was restricted strictly. In
1663 A.D., the request of the Mughal diplomatic agent for
70 having trading facilities was firmly declined. But from
the description of Shihabuddin'^Talish,it was apparent that by
order of the Raja a party had been sent to their fron-tier
71 near Gauhati once a year for trade. They gave gold,
musk, wood, pepper, spikenard and silk cloths. In
exchange of these they obtained salt, saltpetre, sulphur
72 and several other products. Hamilton's export,
import schedule indicates that during 1808 to 1814 A.D.
the annual export amounted to Rs.1,30,900 and import
Rs.2,28,300. The defi'Cit of trade was met with gold and
73 silver. The items of import were salt, fine pulse,
ghee, sugar, stone beads, coral, jewels and pearls,
cutlery ' and glass ware ( European ) spicies ,
paints, copper, red lead, English woolens, Tafetas,
Beneras silk cloth called 'Kinkhap', satin, gold and
silver cloth, shells. Muslin while the exports consisted
of sticklac, Muga silk, Muga cloth, Manjista or Indian
madder, black pepper, long pepper, cotton with seed,
ivory, bell metal vessels, musterd seed, iron hoes,
74 slaves, Thaikol fruit etc.
69. Ibid, p.138 70. G.C. Barua, Ahom Buranji, p.161 71. E. Gait, Op.Cit. , p.144 72. U.N. Gohain, Qp.Cit . , p.163 73. F. Hamilton, Qp.Cit. p.46
74. Ibid, pp.45,46
(224)
Assam had trade relations with the Tibetans,
Abors, Nagas, Apatangs, Miris, Daffalas, Singhphos etc.
The trade with Tibet was carried on by caravans and 'the
"bulk of this caravan trade between the Ahom kingdom and
Lhasa was negotiated at a place in the foothills. The
total value of this trade was estimated at rupees two
75 lakhs for the year 1809'. Trade with Bhutan was also
notable. The exports from Assam were lac, muga, silk
cloth, Erendi cloth and dry fish. The imports from Bhutan I
were woolen cloth, gold dust, salt, musk, horses, chamor
chaungri or Thibet bull tails and Chinese silks.
Lac and cotton with seed were the highest
export from Assam and during 1804-1814 A.D. annual export
amounted to Rs.35,000/- only. Quoting F.J. Halliday,
S. Rajkumar stated that during 1795-1810 A.D. lac worth
Rs.55,000/- was exported to Bengal and with Tibet and
China worth Rs .1 , 00 ,000/-.^"^
The Ahom rulers encouraged internal trade and
set up hat s or markets at various places. But these hats
75. A. Guha, 'Medieval North East India, Polity, Society
and Economy' occassional paper 19, p.21
76. F. Hamilton, Op.Cit., p.74
77. S. Rajkumar, Op.Cit. p.283
(225)
were set up not as-, profit based but as need based.
Generally markets were held once in a week. Records
reveal the establishment of such markets during the reign
7 8 of Suhungmung at Dalaughuri, on the bank of Dikhow by
79 Shuklengmung, the market at Hakalu near Lechang on the
Rfl
Dichang by Chakradha>j Sinha and the markets Chakihat
and Rajahat by Godadhar Singha. Gait refers to a market
formed during the reign of Rajeswar Singha as 'A number
of Manipuris who accompanied Kuranganayani were settled
near the mouth of the Dichai at Masalukhat or the 82 Manipuri markejt. For marketing of goods between the
Ahoms and the Kacharis a market was opened at Marangi on
the bank of the river Dhansiri during the reign of
8 3 Shutengpha or Naria Raja. During the reign of Rajeswar
Singha, Kirtichandra Barbarua set up a market (hat) at
84 Raha and appointed Krishnagati Borah as hatkhowa.— Some
other markets like Nunihat, Borhat, Jorhat, Titabarhat,
Balihat, Pengerahat, Kacharihat, Dipotahat, Chungirhat ,
Hariparahat, Phukanarhat etc. were also set up during
this period. The commodities bought and sold in the
78. Satsari Asam Buranji, p.17
79. Ibid, p.79
80. Ibid, p.167
81. Ibid, pp.111, 115
82. G.R. Barua, Op.Cit.. p.101, E. Gait, Op.Git., p.188
83. Kachari Buranj i , Guwahati, 1984, p.36
84. Deodhai Asam Buranji, p.142
85. J.N. Phukan, Op.cit., p.140, Tunkhungia Buranji,pp.22,125,130
(226)
markets were earthen pot, (kal'ah) . lime, betel leaf,
betel nut, black pepper, musturd seed, ginger^ small
knife, dap , sickle, and ploughsare, cattle, buffaloes,
goat and duck etc. The medium of exchange was generally
the cowries and other transactions were done through
barter system. Shihabuddin Talish also refers to a
daily market at Garhagaon but it was not so important
because selling of minor articles like betel leaf and an
betel nuts only was done here.
Taxation and Revenue System - During the Ahom
rule there was no direct system of land taxation as a
paik in return for his service to the state got two puras
of best arable land for his use which was free from
assessment. But as per direction of Momai Tamuli
Barbarua, during the reign of king Pratap Singha (1603-
1641 A.D.) payment of certain taxes in cash was
introduced. Thus taxes were levied on hat(market) ,
ghat(place of crossing river by boat or on bridge),
phat (custom duty) , beel (fishery), muga chung (place of
o o
rearing of muga etc.). When personal service of any
paik was not required for the state he could get
86. J.N. Phukan, Op.cit.,p.l39, H.C.Goswami, (ed.),
Purani Asam Buranji, Gauhati, 1922, pp.143, 148
87. J.N. Phukan, Op.cit., p.140
88. H. Barbarua, Op.cit., p.123, Sadar Amin, Asam
Buranj i, p.40
(227)
exemption by paying rupees two as levy. The Chamuas were
free from rendering personal services but had to pay
rupees two per head as levy to the state. Besides the two
puras of cultivable land, one could also obtain land for
home-stead and kitchen garden on payment of a poll or
house tax of one rupee. In Darrang a tax was imposed at
the rate of rupees two lujon each family using a separate
kitchen. Any one holding land more than the usual quota
(Katani) of paddy lands, was allowed to hold it on
payment of rupees one to two a pura but it could be
occupied so long as the same was not required to provide
the paiks with proper allotment through new census.
Those who cultivated (pam cultivators) the
mnundaled parts of the land of the country (Charland) had
to pay a tax for his plough. In the same way the hill
people who cultivated cotton on high lands had to pay a
tax as hoe tax. Artisans, gold washers, brass workers
paid a tax amounting to rupees five, while the oil
pressers and fisher-man had to pay rupees three as tax to
89 the state. A widow was not required to pay tax on the
lands in her occupation. Land allotted to officers and
granted to temples and Brahmanas were also revenue free.
A widow with a minor was given the benefit of paiks
service. The iron workers had to pay a share to the state
89. E. Gait, Op.Cit., p.240
(228)
in kind. Moreover revenue was collected as royalties on
elephants, timbers and rent paid by farmers of mines and
90 frontier traders. Markets were opened at the initiative
of the king and for all marketable goods like cows, areca
nuts, betel leaf, paddy, cotton etc. a specified sum had
to be paid to the state. To manage the markets and
collect taxes, officers called Hatkhowa (tax collector)
was appointed who was given the service of ten gots of
91 paiks. We find in our 'time some other items of taxes
also, although the rates of levying them are not known.
These taxes include a fee paid by a paik who failed to
render manual service (katal) , tax paid by Chamua for
elevating to the rank of officer (pad), tax for catching
elephants and wild animals (beth) , revenue on the land
(kar), fine for fornication (chinala), tax for fishing in
rivers and beels (Jalkar), salestax (dan) , ferry tax
(ghat), market tax (hat),custom duty (Phat), tax on items
other than landed property (Khut) , tax for crossing a
border (Caki) , rent free physical service or requisitaon
(Begar) , contribution on special occasion'-' (pancak) ,
service to supply nitre for preparation of gun powder
(Yavaksar), heirless person's property that goes to the
royal coffer after death (dhumuchi), share that goes^to
90. L. Gogoi, Ahom Jati Aru Asamiya Sanskriti, Sibsagar,
1961, pp.80-83
91. Deodhai Asam Buranji, p.142
(229)
royal coffer at the wedding of one's daughter (ghamecha)
92 tax for using land for homa in a marriage (maracha).
However taxes on the subjects were levied in
93 such a way that they did not prove burdensome. Even if
the arrear of taxes or revenues became heavy and
realisation by force tended to cause misery upon the
subjects, these were written off and the subject
concerned was inflicted light punishment only. '
Differentiation in the Status of Various Social
Groups - Till the close of the 15th century, the Ahom
society had limited stratifications. There was no surplus
production and hence exploitation was nominal. Later on,
mostly through conquests, territorial expansion were
accomplished followed by increase in population. The paik
system which was originally confined more or less to the
Ahom population and to the few tribesmen like the Morans
and the Barahis that they conquered, was now extended to
include the entire subject population. This was done
during the reign of Pratap Singha (1603-41 AD) and
Jayadhaj Singha (1648-63 AD). With the elaborate working
and extension of the Paik system new offices v;ere created
and feudalistic elements also came to appear prominently.
92. S.N. Sarma, A Socio Economic and Cultural History of
Medieval Assam, pp.99, 100
93. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.123
(230)
Extension of bureaucracy and the heirarchial differences
with status and power went side by side. From paternal
94 bureaucracy it landed into monopoly beaucracy.
Originally, there were only seven families (sat
Rharia Ahoms) who were qualified to get senior jobs in
Ahom administration. Later on during the reigri of
Jayadhaj Singha (1648-1663 AD) this lineage group
95 extended to some sixteen. It was very difficult for an
ordinary paik to climb the ladder and rise to high
position. There are instances of Momai Tamuli, rising to
the rank of the Barbarua from the position of a bonded
labourer and that of Kirtichandra getting to that same
position from an ordinary paik, but such cases are very
rare.
The secular aristocracy consisted of the king
at the top and the Saikias and the Boras at the bottom.
All of them lived upon the labour of paiks and lands
allotted to them on heirarchial basis. The same pattern
was followed in the Satra establishments, and the
spiritual aristocracy also lived in a like way upon the
labour of the paiks. The paiks were divided into
different classes depending upon the nature of their
94. R. Buragohain, "Loc. Cit." p.128
95. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.507
(231)
allotment and their relation to land. The Kari paiks
consisting of peasants and artisans formed the Ahom
militia, who for their labour received two puras of
arable land from the state and for whom giving service to
the state was compulsory... Paiks allotted to the religious
institutions v/ere usually exempted from this labour. In
between the Kari paiks and the aristocracy there was
another class of paiks called Chamuas, from among whom
junior officers like Bora and Saikia were appointed. The
Chamuas could enjoy ,exemption from compulsory labour by
paying a commutation money at the rate of Rs.3/- per head
perannum. When appointed •-' officer, they were out of the
paik system and were called Apaikan Chamua. The paiks
donated along with land to Sat ras or temple were called
bhumi dan or devaliya paiks. Their condition was slightly
better than the Kari paiks as ordinarily they were not
required to proceed to the battle field. Below the Kari
paiks were the bandi , bet is or bondsmen and slaves. As
very few bondsmen could make themselves free, there was
little distinction between bondsmen ^nd slaves. Slaves
were bought and sold in the open market and were even
exported to Bengal 96 ,
The differentiation in the status of various
social groups being very rigid, the paiks did not get
96. F. Hamilton, Op.Cit., pp.46,64
C232)
any incentive to produce more, because they were not
free to improve their standard of living unless promoted
to the Chamua class, which however, was very rare. Social
stratification maintained through administration confined
them to small unhealthy huts, having made to eat from
plaintain leaves or wooden and bamboo utensils, sleep on
the floor and dress half naked. As pointed out by R.
Buragohain : "The system was in built that it gave no
scope for the growth of a diversified economy. It was in
a sense what is known as the asiatic mode of
97 product ion'i
1
The Sat ghariya Ahoms did not like the non-
Ahoms to be appointed to senior posts in administration,
specially in the offices of military Phukans. Thus v/hen
Manthir Bharali Baru.a, a Kayastha, was appointed as
Commander-in-Chief of the army superceding the Ahom
officers to fight against the Jaintias near Guwahati,
there was strong resentment among the Ahom officers 98 there, who in protest desisted from fighting. Again,
during the days of Lakshmi Singha, one Kalita Phukan was
weilding much influence in politics, against which the
99 king was warned by the nobles several times.
97. R. Buragohain, 'Loc. Cit.'
98. Sukumar Mazhanta, Asam Buranj i , p.78
99. Tungkhungia Buranji;, pp.79-83
(233)
In a liksway, the Hinduised Ahoms and non-Ah6ms
were not admitted into the fold of upper caste Hindu
class. Some professions like fishing were considered to
have belonged to lower castes only. Cultivation with
ploughshare was,,of course, considered a noble work and
even the prince knev/ how to plough. This had its impact
on the general economy of t he- s't a t e .
Impact on Women's status Social
stratification had its impact on the status and living
conditions of women. Queen and elderly members of the
royalty were allotted me Is or lands and p-a-iks for their
maintenance over which they exercised full control.
Towards the later part of the Ahom rule, when individual
proprietory rights over land slowly emerged, women could
also enjoy their rights over land but such cases are very
few and far between. It is on record that Gadadhar Singha
(1681-96 AD) donated lands to three common women- Rahdai
of Raha, Bhadai of Tipam and Aghuni of Salaguri who
rendered him great service during the period of his
concealment. Sayani , the v;ife of Prat apbal labh Barphukan
made a gift of 16 puras of land along with a family paiks
to the Hayagriva Madhava temple at Hajo in the Saka year
1727(1805 AD). This of course does not mean that women in
general were allow/ed to exercise their rights over land
propert ies.
100. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.226
(234)
Distinction in the status of aristocratic women
was- made in the kind of umbrellas and palanquins used
by them. Only the wives of the great nobles could use
palanquins and gold embroidered umbrellas and fans and
sit on carpets. Wives of the junior officers could not
use palanquins and were required to sit on plaintain
leaves only, the common women having made to sit on the
bare floor. There was also differentiation in the kind of
dress used by* women depending upon their social status.
This had been described in another chapter of this work.
System of Dowryr-<=^There was no system of dowry
among the common people of Assam. Girls were given some
items of furniture, ornaments, clothes, utensils etc. by
their parents, relatives and friends at the time of their
marriage, over which they had full right. Amongst some
tribes, there was an interesting custom of paying ga-dhan
(bride price) either in cash or in kind to the bride's
101 family. ^ It was, however, not i strictly lollowed.
Contrary to this custom, it is learnt from Assamese
chronicles and Guru- Chari t as that the kings, nobles and
rich Bhuyans offered valuable dowries to their daughters.
r0"2 which included interalia land and cattle. Thus it is
on record that Svt'argadeo Jayadhaj Singha (1648-63 AD)
101. E. Gait,Op.Git., p.259; Kathaguru Charita, p.106
"02 R.Thakur, Guru-Charita, H.N. Dutta Barua (ed.') ,
Nalbari, 1978, V.2920
(235)
while offering his daughter Ramani Gabharu to the Mughal
harem, as a sequel to the treaty of Ghilajarighat (January
1663) concluded with Mir Jumla, offered her a dov.'ry of
2000 gold mohars, 12000 silver coins, 20 elephants, 100
103 male slaves and 100 female slaves. In a like way, her
comrade Mohini Aideo, the daughter of the Tipam Raja was
given a dowry befitting her status.
It is worth mentioning that Pijau Gabharu, the
daughter of Badan Chandra Barphukan, who had been
usually disclaimed as having brought the Burmese) to
Assam, when given in marriage to Oreshanath, the third
son of Purnananda Buragohain^ was offered such a rich
dowry consisting of so many articles that the Premier had
104 to provide seven rooms to accommodate them. Hemo Aideo,
offered to the Burmese emperor Badaw Paya (1781-1819 AD)
by Badan Chandra Barphukan, as a reward for the help
given to him by the emperor, was presented with a large
105 number of attendants and maids. Besides five hundred
Assamese paiks along with their families accompanied her
to Burm.a. Chaoching Kunwari , Consort of Suklengmung
Gargayan Raja (1559-1603 AD) had brought with her a dowry
103. Sukumar Mahanta, Asam Buranji, p.84,G.R.Baruah,Op.cit. ,p.83
104 H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.294
105. Ibid, p.304
106. Ibid
(236)
of nine elephants, eleven horses and many valuable
'• 107
articles and clothes. Sometimes even large estates or
fighting men were presented as dowries. For example,
Harmati and Darmati received as dowry the parganas of
Ghoraghat and Fariabad and eleven tanks used by the
Hindus, when they were offered as wives to the Ahom
SwarRadeo Suhungmung Dihingia Raja (1497-1539 AD) by IDA
their father, the lord of Cauda.
Women as bondsmen and slaves - As stated
earlier, life of the common people in medieval Assam was
hard. The Ka tha-guru-Chari t a refers to poor women, who being unable to eke out their living took to smal] trades
109 in betel-nut, fishing etc. It may be noted here that
towards the close of the Ahom rule, when money economy
slowly emerged as a result of establishing trade
relations with Bengal, the peasants did not like to long
continue under the paik system, which greatly restricted
their freedom of movement and did not allow any scope to
pursue trade on individual basis. Some peasants therefore
preferred to serve as servants in the houses of the
nobles and the rich, where they could enjoy greater
freedom than a kari paik. Some peasants with their wives
107. Sukumar Mahanta, Asam Buranj i, p.27
108. Ibid, p.20
109. Katha-Guru-Charita, pp.104,276
(237)
and children therefore joined the establishmenta of the
nobles. Alter continuing to serve the master's families
for generntlons, their descendants became slaves. Some
peasants possibly with a view to undertaking trade
pursuits borrowed money from rich persons but unable to
repay the debt became bondsmen and consequently slaves.
This usually happended in lower Assam, where pargana
system of administration largely prevailed even after its
110 occupation by the Ahoms. 'It is on record that David
Scott, soon after the British occupation of Assam
released as many as 12000 slaves from the district of
111 Kararup alone. Women slaves were bought and sold in the
open market and their price ranged from Rs.3/- to Rs.20/-
112 depending upon their caste. There are also instances
of husbands selling their v/ives. This is learnt from a
document belonging to Gadadhar Singha's reign, which was
discovered in the house of Balindra Bhattacharya of
Silsako of North Guwahati. The deed mentions the purchase
of a temple slave from her husband a,t the cost of Rs.8/-
and an embroidered sari by a priest of the Kamakhya
temple in 1607 Saka (1608 AD)."'--'- '
110. S.L. Barua, 'Slavery in Assam' Journal of Historical
Research, Dept. of History, D.U. 1977, pp.74,75
111. E. Gait, Op.Cit., p.242
112. Ibid.
113. M. Neog(ed.), Prachchya Sasanawali, p.179
(238)
General Economic Condition of the people - The
principle of domestic as well as state economy in
medieval Assam was self sufficiency. Common people
generally produced for their own consumption. As a result
small surplus remained for the purpose of trade. Akalo
nai bharalo nai (no poverty, no scarcity) was the maxim
of the material life of the common people. Rice, the
staple food was cheap and abundant. Numerous heels and
rivers offered a plentiful supply of fish, their gardens
furnished vegetables and fruit and their cov;s and
114 buffaloes unadulterated milk. Their houses cost them
nothing as the building materials were collected from
their- lands and forests. 'An Assamese woman was a house
keeper, spinner, weaver and cook as well as a wife and in
115 many cases a farm labourer as vi/ell' and she supplied
all the clothing necessary for' the family. Cotton was
produced abundantly within the state and also brought
from the neighbouring hills. Mug a, pat and endi v;ere also
grown abundantly and the cost of carrying them to the
loom was nothing but the value of the time and labour of
116 tne carriers.
Natural calamities of serious nature were very
rare. In the words of Gait, "The year 1565 was remarkable
114. U.N. Gohain, Op.Ci L., p.149
115. Ibid, p.149,150
(239)
prevented cultivation but made it necessary in many parts
to dig deep wells in order to obtain water for drinking.
This is the only occasion in the whole course of Assam
history, when the rains failed to an extent sufficient to
117 cause a complete failure of crops." Flood was a usual r~~ "• ~~-
feature, but the embankments constructed under the
patronage of the Ahom kings particularly in the old
district of Sibsagar protected the country from the
floods of the Brahmaputra and its tributaries. It is
recorded in the account of Bucanon Hamilton that three-
fourths of the whole area of upper Assam south of the
Brahmaputra was under cultivation."
The country was rich in fruits. In the vrards of
Shihabuddin Talish "peeper, spikenard, lemons and oranges
are plentiful. Mangoes are full of worms but plentiful,
sweet and free from fibre, though yielding scanty juice.
Its pineapples are very large, delicious to the taste and
rich in juice. Sugarcane is of the black, red and vi/hite
119 varieties and very sweet. Other common fruits 'were
banana, jackfruit, coconut, palm, guava, pomegranate etc.
Betel leaf and unripe green nuts were consumed in large
quantities.
117. E. Gait, Op.C11., p.153
118. U.M. Gohain, Op.Cit., p.151
119. E. Gait, Op.Cit . ,. pp.l42ff
(240)
On the whole, although the general economic
condition was not of a high standard, there was no
beggary and hence almost complete absence of theft.
Making a rough estimate of different sources of revenue
which had a bearing on the general economic condition of
the state, Shihabuddin Talish commented "If this courTtry
y/ere administered like the Imperial dominions, it is very
likely that forty to forty five lakhs of rupees would be
collected from the revenue paid by the raiyats. the price
of elephants caught in the jungles and other sources".
116. Ibid, p.143
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