chapter vii conclusion -...
TRANSCRIPT
CHAPTER VII
C O N C L U S I O N
I n a n underdeveloped or developing economy, agr icu l ture i s
the most important economic act ivi ty . Despite the concerted indus-
t r ia l isa t ion tha t has taken place in the Ind ian economy Since 1951.
agr icu l ture continues to enjoy a position of pre-eminence. Though
i t s re la t ive importance vis-a-vis the i ndus t r i a l sector h a s gone
down a l i t t l e , agr icul ture , even today, is the backbone of our
economy. To what extent the Ind ian economy depends on agr icul-
ture can be understood by looking to the role i t p lays in our
economic l ife. Agriculture i n Ind ia is of crucial importance froln
d i f fe ren t stand points. It accounts for a l a rge p a r t of our
nat ional income; it is the most important sector from the point of
view of employment. Further the ag r i cu l tu ra l sector h a s a n
important influence on indus t r ia l i sa t ion and i t s role i n our foreign
t r a d e i s also significant.
The economy of Ind ia is predominantly agr icul ture oriented.
The majority of the Indian workers a r e the agr icu l tura l labourers
who constitute the major segment of the r u r a l work force. Though
a s ignif icant number of women a r e found among these agr icu l tura l
labourers the i r contribution to the r u r a l economy h a s not yet been
assessed correctly.
While men plough and do some other par t icu la r agr icu l tura l
operations, the female ag r i cu l tu ra l l abourers a r e employed la rge ly
to perform such agr icu l tura l operations a s sowing, t ransp lan t ing ,
weeding, harvest ing, winnowing and threshing. This segregation i s
followed by the discrimination i n the matter of payment of wages.
Though the Equal Remuneration Act was enacted i n 1976, the female
ag r i cu l tu ra l l abourers a r e s t i l l pa id l e s s t han the i r male colleagues
for equal work. They a r e denied equa l wages only because they
a r e women. Because they desperately need some job, they do not
hesitate to work a t lower wages under h a r s h conditions. They slog
alongside their men the whole day and then look a f t e r the house
and children too, with no help forthcoming from the male members
of the family. Most of these labourers l i e a t the lowest rung of
the socio-economic ladder . They work for wages because of the
economic necessity to supplement the family income. The so-called
Development Programmes launched by the Government have failed to
ameliorate their position.
Concrete information per ta in ing to the roots or degree of
discrimination or exploitation of these women is not avai lable . Also,
the impact of the Development Programmes on their l ives has not
been studied exhaustively. No ser ious s tudy has so f a r been
undertaken to get to the core of' t he problem and cr i t ical ly examine
the s ta tus of these women. The present study with some of i t s
limitations, has modestly attempted to look into the question i n the
overal l context of the exis t ing a g r a r i a n relations and endeavoured
to fill in , to some extent, the exis t ing gaps i n the ava i lab le
l i t e ra ture on the subject.
I n Palghat d i s t r ic t , near ly two hundred and forty female
agr icu l tura l labourers , have been interviewed to assess the si tuation
prevai l ing there. The secondary d a t a h a s been collected from the
var ious l i b ra r i e s s i tuated, throughout the country. Some eminent
social scientists , well versed i n the subject of s tudy, have been
consulted for gett ing the i r opinions on cer ta in aspects of t he
subject. I n the l igh t of t h i s investigation and consultation, the
question of the female ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers h a s been analysed
drawing some general isat ions and the conclusions from the sample
s tudy.
Several definit ions of the term "agr icu l tura l labourer" have
been given from time to time but a l l those definitions, with l i t t l e
difference, accept broadly the pr inciple t h a t a n ag r i cu l tu ra l
labourer i s one who is engaged i n agr icu l ture on wage employment
e i ther casual ly or permanently.
The agr icu l tura l l abourers , i n general , can be classified
into two categories:- ( i ) the landless ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers , and
(ii) the small cul t ivators whose main source of income i s wage
employment and not the i r small holdings. The landless labourers ,
i n t u rn can be c lass i f ied into two sub-categories:- ( a ) permanent
labourers attached to a cul t ivat ing household, and ( b ) ca sua l
labourers . And, the small cul t ivators can be divided into three
sub-groups - cul t ivators , s h a r e croppers and lease holders.
The f a l l of cottage indus t r ies , handicraf ts and the other
subs id ia ry occupations resulted i n the decline of the v i l l age
economy which, i n t u rn , made a l a r g e number of v i l l agers , including
women, depend entirely upon the agr icu l tura l operations ava i lab le
to them al ternat ively. The factors l ike the l a rge s ize of the
family, indebtedness and pauperisat ion compel women to go out of
the house and do the back-breaking jobs besides working l i ke the
unpaid se rvants to men a t home where the i r work i s never measured
i n the economic terms. A s they a r e unskil led l ike many of their
male colleagues, they a r e na tu ra l ly a t t rac ted towards t h i s most
unorganised sector of agr icu l ture , perform some or the other
agr icu l tura l operation tha t does not need any sk i l l , and experience
the sufferings of unemployment dur ing the s lack season,
under-employment and discriminatory wages. Thus, landlessness,
t ha t makes them labour on o the r ' s l a n d s and suf fe r , appears to be
the root-cause of a l l the i r problems.
The classification of the r u r a l women on the bas i s of their
relation to the means of production helps us to identify the s t a tu s
of a woman i n general and of a female agr icu l tura l labourer i n
par t icu la r .
The majority of r u r a l women eke out the i r livelihood by
working a s mere wage labourers i n the agr icu l tura l farms. Easter
Boserup compares them with the African women who a r e supposed to
support themselves and the i r families. They a r e generally attached
to some l and lo rd ' s family along with the i r men folk. These
families do not own any land and l ive i n thatched huts. They a r e
followed by the women whose families hold t iny b i t s of d ry l and .
Poor i r r igat ion faci l i t ies , lack of cattle-wealth and other resources
impair them i n cul t ivat ing the i r l a n d . Generally, the women of the
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Backward Castes come under
these two categories known a s t he landless and the near landless
agr icu l tura l labourers .
The women of the l a s t two categories, who constitute the
major women - work force i n r u r a l Ind ia , occupy the lowest
positions in the caste-class h ie ra rchy . The capaci ty to do some
work i s the only possession they have to rely upon. Lack of
ski l ls , wide shif ts i n the occupation, seasonal na ture of the
agr icu l tura l work, discriminating wages, the submissive na tu re of
the immigrant-labourers, and the unacknowledged and burden-some
work these women do a t house - a r e the common factors t h a t affect
the development of these women.
Ind ia cannot be considered a s under a single mode of
production. It may, however, be convenient to say tha t it i s a
pre-capi ta l is t , socio-economic formation offering a new kind of mixed
mode of production, The c lass formation i n t h i s mode of production
also does not seem to be ind ica t ing a clear-cut polarization and ,
hence, a multiplicity of c lasses co-exist a l ign ing with one another.
Though the rich peasantry take the s ide of the poor peasantry and
the landless labour c lass i n the i r f igh t aga ins t the feudal landlord
c lass , they, a t times, a l i gn themselves with the feuda l landlord
c lass to suppress the poor c lasses . Thus, they exploit the poor
peasant ry and the agr icu l tura l l abourers who na tu ra l ly fight
aga ins t them while f ight ing the s t a t e t h a t claims i tself to be welfare
s ta te on one s ide and comes to the rescue of the land-owning
classes on the other side.
I n th i s overal l s i tuat ion of the Ind ian society, women a r e
placed i n a very precar ious position. They have become the
ta rge ts of exploitation a t every level. Since the emergence of the
slave-owned societies, the women ei ther became a s lave and served - the dominate sections of the society or was given the secondary role
. ! i n the society. She became a p a r t of the pr iva te ownership of the
means of production, and was made to be subservient t o men who
happened to be her fa ther , brother , husband, or her master, i . e . ,
the owner of a property. This position continued to be the same
basical ly . Hence the exploitative a g r a r i a n re la t ions could easi ly
put the female ag r i cu l tu ra l l abourers i n a position where they were
made to believe tha t men and women were born with their
well-defined roles to p lay , and t h a t neither the segregation of the
agr icu l tura l labourers on the bas i s of sex nor the policy of
discriminatory wages is something unna tu ra l or abnormal. But the
female agr icu l tura l labourers , whose s t rength has increased
enormously over the years , have come to real ize the grea t
potentiali t ies they have, the s ignif icant contribution they make to
the agr icu l tura l economy of the country and the need for the
abolition of the policy of sexua l discrimination. They a r e on the
path of understanding the warran t of waging a two-fold war - aga ins t the male domination a t home and in the society on one
front , and aga ins t the exploitative and oppressive classes on the
other f ront . I t i s the necessity of the women's association with the
oppressed sections of the males on the second front t h a t questions
the mode of studying or solving the problems of the female
agr icu l tura l labourers separately - i .e . , not as a p a r t of the
problem of the l iberation of the toil ing masses t ha t include the
male and female agr icu l tura l l abourers . In attempting to study
exclusively the f a t e of the female agr icu l tura l labourers and to
assess their contribution to the r u r a l economy, the researcher h a s
aimed a t unfolding i n his own way and within h i s limitations, the
untold ravages of the system on them while debating the above
question tha t looks l ike a contradiction. The researcher has made
a n attempt to look a t the main problem of the welfare of the
agr icu l tura l labourers f r o m the angle of the emancipation of the
female agr icu l tura l labourers . The heterogeneous character of the
Ind ian economy and the uneven ra tes of development t ha t have had
vary ing degrees of impact on the different segments of the labour-
force also have underlined the need for the estimation of the
different segments separa te ly , t ak ing into account the important
factors tha t include sex, category of workers, ru ra l or u rban
residence and region. Hence the present study on the female
ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers of the r u r a l a r eas .
The ana lys i s of the socio-economic conditions of the agr icul-
t u r a l labour households h a s revealed t h a t the agr icu l tua l
labourers , especially the female agr icu l tura l labourers , have not
witnessed any r ad i ca l change in their l i f e styles over the years .
The majority of the ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers do not possess
any productive source through which they can derive some income.
Hence, they completely depend upon the i r wages. Lack of sk i l l s
and poverty compel them to go into service i n the i r young age i . e . ,
even before they a t ta in the age of 1 2 . Even the children and old
members of the family a r e compelled to contribute their mite for
susta ining the family. Yet they cannot buy good food with the
meagre wages they ea rn . Their hut-l ike dwelling places or
di lapidated one-roomed houses have inadequate accommodation and
poor venti lat ion.
More than 90% of the female labourers a r e deprived of the
f r u i t s of education because they have been earning something for
their family. Now, most of the ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers i n Palghat
District a r e l i t e ra te enough to read and write i n the i r mother
tongue. The g i r l s a r e made to a s s i s t the i r paren ts a t home and a t
the work-spot. Thus, t he pa r t i a l i t y in . the treatment of the males
and females begins a t a n e a r l y age and it grows to discriminate
women a t home, a t the work-spot and i n the society.
The economic condition of the female labourers . i s fu r ther
deteriorated, with the i r men's addiction to alcohol and smoking.
I n the drunken s ta te men beat them for no faul t of the i r s . The
helpless s i tuat ion, i n one way, plunged them into indebtedness.
Meagre wages, lack of work opportunities dur ing the s lack season
and the dowry systems a r e some of the other factors t ha t make them
a rise loans a t exhorbitant r a t e s of interest . The banks a r e not A
found extending help to them. Pledging of a r t ic les for ra i s ing
loans from the money lender i s also widely prevalent . A l l the I
members of the l oanee t s family almost --- slaGe for the loan-giver. As
the borrowed amount i s usua l ly spent on unproductive items l ike
food, l iquor and marr iages , r a the r t han on productive items, th i s
resul ts i n the i r perpetual bondage to the landlord. Thus, the
socio-economic condition under which these female agr icu l tura l
labourers l ive have continued to be t rad i t iona l , exploitative and
anti-women i n character . These conditions impede the i r development - --- - - - and go on lowering the i r socio-economic s t a tu s day by day . Simply
by improving their job opportunit ies by increasing the i r wages,
the i r problems cannot be solved. llence the i r domestic si tuation and
their problems at the work-spot have been studied i n de ta i l before
cr i t ical ly examining the development programmes launched by the
government for the i r emancipation.
Their domestic, child-bearing and child-rearing functions
a r e considered a s unproductive because these a r e non-remunerative.
The work a t home i s considered to be exclusively t h a t of women
though they work i n the f ie lds also. They too have come to accept
their dua l roles without opposition since time immemorial and th i s
trend has been noticed i n the present sample of the female
agr icu l tura l labourers also. The super ior i ty feeling of .the mal%
members of the family often prevents them from assis t ing the i r
women in the dcmestic work. The burden of the women becomes
heavier on the festive days . They go for working in the fields
even during the period of the i r pregnancy because the i r s is a
hand-to-mouth existence. Though the Maternity Benefit Act was
enacted giving the working women the constitutional sa feguards .
regulations were never implemented. . Many of them leave the i r
i n f an t s uncared for a t home while they go outside for work. And
these in fan t s grow up to become the se rvants of the landlords and
earn something for the family sunk i n poverty and indebtedness.
The female children work more and yet a r e treated by their parents
a s a l i ab i l i ty . Though they help the i r mothers in discharging
their household duties and work i n the fields too, they a r e looked
down upon by the i r paren ts who a r e a f r a id of the dowry to be
offered a t the time of the i r marr iage.
The employment in the ag r i cu l tu ra l f ield h a s not changed
the s t a tu s of the women who continue to su f f e r and remain fixed i n
the t rad i t iona l framework of a subservient wife or a dependent
mother i n the male-dominated society. The factors l ike the
seasonal na ture of employment i n agr icu l ture , preference of men
over women, lack of sk i l l s , landlessness , migration, and
discriminatory wage contributed considerably to the depressive work
s i tuat ion of t he ag r i cu l tu ra l l abourers i n general and of the female
agr icu l tura l labourers i n par t icu la r . The growth of technology, the
provision of the i r r iga t ion faci l i t ies and introduction of new
commercial crops i n agr icu l ture have not improved the basic
life-styles of the agr icu l tura l labourers , and the discrimination a t
work and i n the payment of wages continued to remain unchanged.
Even when women do the work which usual ly men do, they
a r e not paid on a p a r with men. The system of dai ly payment of
wages i n cash or i n kind dur ing the harvest ing season depend upon
the mercy of the employer. The method of payment made i n kind i s
highly exploitative i n charac te r . Advances taken from the
landlords resu l t i n deductions i n t he i r wages and s tarvat ion for
some days. Poverty, drought and famine force the female labourers
to shif t to new places of work, facing many hardships . The
emergence of nuclear families created new problems for them i n the
absence of creches and community canteens.
The var ious socio-economic problems t h a t the female 8 , ~,.%l, - '
agr icu l tura l labourers force i n the i r da i ly l ives have never
a t t racted the attention of the policy-makers whose prime interest
a lways appears to be what i s vaguely cal led r u r a l development of
which scientific unders tanding appea r s to be lacking. This can
easi ly be seen by s tudying the Development Programmes launched by
the Government from time to time i n t he name of r u r a l development.
Though the issue of r u r a l development became the focus of
the public policies made under the f ive year plans , it was only
a f t e r the f i r s t two p l ans were draf ted and implemented tha t an
attempt was made, by launching some development programmes, to
solve the problem of r u r a l unemployment tha t ind>ectly might have ,. helped to ameliorate, to some extent , t he pathetic si tuation of the
agr icu l tura l labourers , and it was only a f t e r the passage of forty
s ix long years since independence t h a t the development of women
including the female ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers appeared to have
at t racted the attention of policy-makers when a separa te section on
the development of women was included i n the sixth plan (1980-85).
Now in the Eighth Five Year Plan some Development Programmes
were drafted and w i l l be implemented to solve the problem of r u r a l
unemployment including the pathet ic s i tuat ion of the female
agr icu l tura l labourers . Neither concrete e f fo r t s were made nor
subs tan t ia l amounts were allotted to improve the economic position
of the male and female ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers . The impact of new
technology benefitted the rich farmers only, the gap between the
poor and the rich fu r the r widened and the agr icu l tura l labourers i n
general and the female ag r i cu l tu ra l l abourers i n par t icu la r a r e le f t
f a r behind.
In cer ta in p a r t s of Palghat District especially i n
Mannarghat ta luk the si tuation i s different. I n several places the
paddy f ie lds a r e changed for cul t ivat ing banana and other crops.
This w i l l s t i l l reduce the employment r a t e s of female labourers in
t h a t region. This w i l l effect t he employment potential and
consequently affect t he economic position of the agr icu l tura l
labourers especially the female labourers who w i l l be f i r s t to be
denied work when the employment si tuation becomes bad. Obviously
old workers also become the worst suf fe re rs i n th i s s i tuat ion.
Their condition becomes more dis t ress ing when even the younger
ones i n the family w i l l have to remain without work for severa l
weeks and when s lender sav ings base of the family gets eroded
wihtout any chance o r replenishment un t i l t he next harvest .
The Development Programmes and schemes l ike the Rural
Works Programme, The Rural Manpower Programme, The Crash Scheme
for Rural Employment, and the Pilot Intensive Rural Employment
Programme, launched i n the beginning were not successful i n
henefit t ing the r u r a l masses. The food for work programme, which
was launched, l a t e r , mainly to generate addi t ional employment and
provide community assets to strengthen the r u r a l in f ras t ruc ture ,
was also a fa i lu re because of the fac tors l ike lack of co-ordination
between the executive officials and malpractices of the contractors
and executives. The Employment Guarantee Scheme was only experi-
mental in nature and could not cover many of the vi l lages
including the sample vi l lages . Though the National Rural
Employment Programme (NREP) benefitted the r u r a l poor t o some
extent , it had i t s own defects. While most of the allotted money
under th i s programme was spent on mater ia l and not on wages i n
some places, contractors were engaged aga ins t the rules i n some
other places, and consequently the employment avenues generated
under the programme were insignif icant .
Though the District Rural Development Agency ( D R D A ) was
meant to extend f inanc ia l ass is tance to agr icu l tura l labourers among
others, i t s cluster approach did not enable i t to cover many
vi l lages and only insignif icant number of the agr icu l tura l labourers
were benefitted out of the tota l t a rge t . The Integrated Rural
Development Programme (IRDP) , which was implemented through
DRDA, and , which benefitted the r u r a l poor to a l a rge extent, could
not benefit the agr icu l tura l l abourers who were f a r below the
poverty l ine .
Though women consti tute half of the population, it h a s
la te ly been realized tha t the process of development would be
incomplete without the act ive par t ic ipat ion of women i n i t , and the
need of participation of women has also recently been fe l t very
much whenever a change i s necessitated i n t he society. But the
Mahila Mandal Programme, wherein the Government has for the f i r s t
time attempted to involve the r u r a l women i n the development
programmes, l ike a l l other previous programmes, has fa i led to
improve their position because it h a s vague objectives and meagre
f inanc ia l support . Development of the r u r a l a r e a s has been one of
the abiding concerns of the successive Five Year Plans . The
i n i t i a l s t ra tegy of r u r a l development focused attention on insti tutio-
n a l reforms. The emphasis i n t he l a t e r s t ra tegy of r u r a l
development has been on a r e a approach.
Rural development i s a wider concept and it includes the
development of a number of act ivi t ies , the more important among
these being a s follows:-
1. Generation of employment opportunit ies.
2. Minimum wages to t he r u r a l workers.
3 . Provision of essent ia l goods and services especially for the
weaker section of the r u r a l society.
4 . Abotition of the bonded labour .
5 . Promotion of var ious a r t s and c ra f t s .
Development of act ivi t ies a l l ied to agr icu l ture such as poultry,
piggery, f isher ies , da i ry , etc.
Development of agro-based and small industr ies .
Development of r u r a l t ranspor t .
Rural electrif ication.
Provision of health and medical fac i l i t i es .
Soil and water conservation.
Forestry development.
Development of minor, medium and major i r r igat ion projects.
General and technical education.
Development of s torage and marketing.
Development of f inanc ia l ins t i tut ions .
Development of t r i b a l and hi l ly a r e a s etc.
Jawahar Rojgar Yojana.
Programmes of Rural Development:
After Independence, the Government h a s launched var ious
schemes for the development of r u r a l a r eas . The major programmes
in i t i a ted so f a r a r e as follows:-
Introduction of the Panchayat i Raj System to provide a democratic
administrative set-up a t the r u r a l level.
Community Development Programme (CDP) to provide su i tab le
in f ras t ruc ture for extension work.
Intensive Agriculture Area Programme (IAAP) to br ing progressive
. increase i n the production of the main crops i n selected a r e a by
an intensive and co-ordinated use of var ious a id s to production.
Intensive Agriculture District Programme ( I A D P ) to br ing spectacular
increase i n the agr icu l tura l productivity by developing a package
of practices and using modern technology.
Small Farmers Development Agency (SFDA) to identify e l igible small
farmers and provide them a l l t he bas ic facil i t ies such a s l and ,
vrater, credit storage, t ransporta t ion etc . , to have a t l ea s t a
subsistence l iving.
Marginal Farmers and Agriculture Labour Agency (MFAL) to
formulate economic programmes for the upl i f t of marginal farmers
and agr icu l tura l l abour .
Command Area Development Programme (CADP) for making a n optimum
ut i l isa t ion of exist ing i r r iga t ion potential .
Crash Scheme for Rural Employment (CSRE) to create employment
opportunities for r u r a l labour .
Agro-Service Centers to provide employment to t ra ined entrepreneurs
and supply of inputs to the farmers a t reasonable prices.
The Direct Development Programme (nnP) to incroase the productivity
and employment opportunities for the inhabi tan ts of desert a r e a s
through optimum ut i l isa t ion of physical , human, l ive stock and
other resources.
Drought Prone Area Programme (DPAP) for the development of a r e a s
having e r r a t i c r a i n fa l l .
H i l l Area Development Programme (HADPI to remove regional
dispar i t ies and to evolve a su i t ab l e pat tern of development of
backward a reas .
National Rural Employment Programme (NREP) to generate addi t ional
ga in fu l employment for unemployed and under-employed persons in
r u r a l a reas .
Rural Landless Employment Guarantee Programme (RLEGP) . This
programme was launched on August 15, 1983. In RLEGP, the
Government w i l l provide a job for a t leas t one person i n every r u r a l
family.
Special Livestock Production Programme (SLPP) to provide grea te r
employment opportunities to t he weaker sections of t he r u r a l
society.
Tr ibal Development Agency (TDA) to foster the economic development
of the t r i b a l people so as to br ing them within the main-stream of
development effort of the country.
Minimum Needs Programme (MNP) to provide services l ike nutri t ion
for the children and expectant and nourishing mothers, r u r a l
health,. r u r a l roads, r u r a l e lectr i f icat ion, r u r a l water supply,
housing for the landless ag r i cu l tu ra l labourer , elementary education
etc .
Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) was launched for
the up l i f t of t a rge t group comprising small and marginal farmers,
agr icu l tura l labourers and r u r a l a r t i s ans , etc.
Jawahar Rojgar Yojana (JRY) was launched on April 20, 1989, the
Government announced a massive r u r a l job scheme called Jawahar
Rojgar Yojana (JRY). The JRY aims a t benefitting about 44 million
poor r u r a l families. It is expected to provide employment to
a t leas t one member of each poor r u r a l for 50 to 100 days a year .
Thirty percent (30%) of the employment would be reserved for
women. Every Village Panchayat would receive between Rs.80.000
and Rs. 1.00 lakh a year for t h i s programme.
The var ious programmes in i t i a ted during the plan ~ e r i o d for
r u r a l development have achieved limited success. No doubt the
agr icu l tura l production and farm ~ r o d u c t i v i t y have increased and
addi t ional employment opportunit ies have been created, but the
r u r a l sector s t i l l remains underdeveloped. About 40% of the r u r a l
population l ives below the poverty l ine and many r u r a l a r e a s do
not have the provision of bas ic needs of l i fe . Landless
ag r i cu l tu ra l labourers , a r t i s ans , etc. , s t i l l remain a neglected lot.
The pressure of population mounting on l and is result ing into
unemployment and disguised unemployment.
I n br ie f , the scheme for r u r a l development have still to go
a long way to accomplish the task of the welfare of the r u r a l
society.
Mahatma Gandhi holds t he view t h a t the salvation of Ind ia
depends upon the sacrifice and enlightenment of her women. 1
Gandhiji advocated equal i ty of sexes. ' I am uncompromising i n the
matter of women's r ights . I n my opinion, she should labour under
no lega l disabi l i ty not suffered by men. I should t r ea t the
1. Nirmal Kumar Bose, Selections from Gandhi. N . P . H . Ahmedabad, 1948, p.241.
daughters and sons on a footing of perfect equa l i ty ' .* Rules of
5ocial conduct would have to be framed mutually by men and
women. The nat ional is t s tage i n the development of woman's
personali ty brought to l igh t two ant i thet ic elements which needed to
be reconciled:- the suffer ing and the asser t ive . These were
inherent i n the e thic of women's r i g h t s and of non-violent, non-co-
operation. Could they be completely reconciled i n the constructive
work of society? Both were act ive i n the minds of those who
participated i n the decisive decades of modern Indian history.
When independence was f ina l ly achieved they were suggested a s a
s tandard for fu ture nat ional act ivi ty . As Shrimati Sarojini Naidu
said to the nation on August 15, 1947, "Let us work for justice, for
equi ty , for human r igh ts but no pr ivi leges; for human duties; but
no prerogatives ' . 3
No man in India has done more than Gandhiji i n recent
times for the elevation of women and the occupation by them of
their r ightful place i n domestic and public l ife. A passionate
lover of humanity, a n implacable foe of injustice in whatever form
or sphere, i t i s s m a l l wonder t h a t Gandhiji espoused the woman's
cause from a very ear ly time. Throughout his long l i f e of service,
he preached forcefully aga ins t the wrongs done to women i n the
name of law, t radi t ion and even religion. He has spoken out
2 . M . K . Gandhi, Young Ind ia , Oct. 17, 1929.
3. Indian Formation, Sept. 1, 1947, p.108.
fear less ly aga ins t enforced widowhood purdha, the dedication of
g i r l s to temples, prostitution, ea r ly marr iage, dowry system, the
economic bondage and material s lavery of women. 4
Gandhijf championed the cause of women. He considered
woman a s "the incarnat ion of ahitis;. ~ h i m s s means inf ini te love,
which aga in means in f in i te capaci ty f o r suffer ing. Who but woman,
the mother of man, shows th i s capaci ty i n the la rges t measure? ... l e t her forget she ever was or can be the object of man ' s l u s t .
And she w i l l occupy he r proud position by the s ide of man a s h i s
mother, maker and si lent l eader . I t i s given to her to teach the
a r t of peace to the warning world thirs t ing for t ha t nectar . 5
I I Gandhiji, in short , considered women a s the personification of
self-sacrifice".
We may conclude t h a t a l l the so-called Development
Programmes, Anti-~'overty programmes, the programmes sponsored by
the different development agencies, Societies, Mahila Mandals
appear to have just not proved the purchasing capaci ty of the
small peasantry and middle peasant ry without s ignif icant ly helping
the r u r a l masses i n general and the female agr icu l tura l labourers
in par t icu la r . This s i tuat ion makes one suspect t ha t something h a s
been going wrong a t the top level where the policies a r e formulated
4 . Socio-Ethical and Legal Aspects of Dowry, in Vivekananda Kendra Pa t r ika , August 1973, pp .78-79.
5. M.K. Gandhi, Harijan, Feb. 2 4 , 1940.
ra ther than a t the place where they a r e implemented in the shape
of the above mentioned programmes. The defective policies had
their counter-effects and a r e found to have helped the aff luent
sections of the society to r a i s e their s t a tu s making use of the
loopholes noticed i n the different programmes implemented from time
to time, and thereby widening the gap between the landed gentry
and the landless labourers .
The ever increasing d ispar i t i es and the fa i lu re of almost
a l l the so-called Development Programmes appear to have
necessitated the self-organising of the r u r a l masses, for asser t ing
their correct share in the ag r i cu l tu ra l economy to which they have
been contributing s ignif icant ly . Their ignorance of the make-up of
the present set-up, and their fa i lu re in the i r attempts to solve
their di f ferent problems i n different ways without understanding the
root-cause of a l l their problems - appea r to have forced them to
come under the influence of an association of the agr icu l tura l
labourers in Kerala. The Socio-economic si tuation tak ing into
account their domestic s i tuat ion and work si tuation reveals t h a t
even the i r mental capaci t ies a r e mercilessly crumbled and crushed.
I t i s propagated time and aga in over the years t h a t the
s ta te introduces r ad i ca l changes i n the l i fe conditions of men and
women i n the society through i t s expanding organisations and
implementations of var ious Development Programmes. A l l such
programmes from the Community Development Programme onwards to
the la tes t programmes have created new administrative s t ructures ,
though these programmes t rue to the sp i r i t and nature of the s ta te ,
could ra i se some hopes among the "dependent class" including
women, they, i n practice helped the dominant classes of the society
defeating the very purpose for which they were introduced.
Demanding equa l opportunit ies and equal wages, the female
agr icu l tura l labourers in Ind ia . l ike the other working women in
their own country and other countries - both the cap i ta l i s t and
precapi ta l is t countries - a r e tu rn ing to the example of socialist
countries where we do not find the problem of unemployment bu t ,
ins tead , f ind a steady growth of employment and a subs tan t ia l r i se
i n the s tandard of l iv ing , and where the agr icu l tura l labourers a r e
found enjoying the same r igh ts a s the workers engaged in the
national economy.
Having found t h a t the several resolutions and declarations
and laws made by the Government and var ious so-called
Development Agencies a r e not leading to social progress and social
justice, the workers in Ind ia have come to understand tha t the ev i l
of exploitation, which permits a few people to exist a t the expense
of the majority of people, is to be completely exposed, at tacked and
but t o a n end to real ize the objective of organising people on the
nevr incalculably higher type of social relations. They have come
to realize tha t their resolute and persistent struggle under the
banner of the democratic forces alone can accomplish this . The
si tuation demands act ive par t ic ipat ion of women along with men i n
a l l the social activit ies, and the i r joint action alone can be
effective in achieving the common goals of a l l the working people
including the goal of the development of the female agr icu l tura l
labourers . The rea l problem seems to l i e a t the top level where
policies a r e ~ ~ ..-. formulated . r a the r t han a t the place where they a r e
implemented. I t i s also due to the frequent sh i f t s made in the . .
policies t ha t no concrete resu l t s a r e achieved.
Findings:
Women differ from men i n their problems and needs a t a l l
ages and more par t icu la r ly dur ing old age. They l ive longer than
men and hence widowhood, with a l l its social and economic
disadvantages i s faced by a l a rge group a t th i s age; they a r e not
recognised a s breadwinners of the family and hence even dur ing
youth their needs a r e neglected to marginal i ty . So when old age
comes, they a r e left high and d ry .
In many developing countries, there i s no organised social
security system for agr icu l tura l workers, so when they a r e made
physically unproductive by health and age, they have nothing to
f a l l back upon. When th i s happens to women the principle of
marginali ty increases the magnitude of the problem.
Even during their productive yea r s women get less number
of work in agr icul ture t han men, hence the i r capacity even to meet
da i ly needs, l e t alone save for the r a iny day i s highly circumscri-
bed.
Agricultural labour force i n Ind ia i s dominated by members
from the scheduled castes whose women suffer from the double
handicap of belonging to the weaker sex a s well a s to the socially
weakest c lass .
Women workers i n agr icu l ture constitute 43% of the tota l
women workers i n the country (The corresponding percent for men i s
23).
79% of the r u r a l labour households belong to the backward
classes including SC/ST. While near ly 30% of the agr icu l tura l
labour house holds belong to SC/ST, only 13% of the other r u r a l
labour households belong to SC/ST. This shows tha t SC/ST
labourers a r e more predominant i n agr icu l tura l sector than i n
non-agricul tural sector.
The average size of wet l and possessed by Agricultural
Labour households i s very small compared to t ha t of d ry land .
About 34% of the population in the r u r a l labour households
consist of children below the age of 15 a s aga ins t 35% i n 1981
census. About 60% of the population is i n the age group of 15-59
and the remaining 6% i n the age group above 60.
I n the case of ag r i cu l tu ra l labour households Wynad
dis t r ic t leads other dis t r ic ts where the annua l income i s Rs.6,189/=.
Rut the lowest annual income of agr icu l tura l labour households seen
In Palghat dis t r ic t i s Rs.3.775/= . 6
'. Report of the survey in socio-economic condition of Agricultural 1,abours i n Kerala, 1983-84, Bureau of Economics and ~ ta t i s t i c s .
More than 3/4th of the amount of loan outstanding a r e
interest group 8-13%. 14-19% and i n the interest free group.
Most of the r u r a l labour households (80%) have separa te
kitchens i n the i r houses, but bathroom, l a t r i ne and electrici ty a r e
not ava i lab le i n majority of r u r a l l abour households.
Majority of r u r a l l abourers have houses with mud f loors .
Rural labourers mainly use unburnt br icks for the construct-
ion of the i r houses. The roof of houses of r u r a l labourers i s
mainly with palm leaves.
W e find t h a t the da i ly wages of agr icu l tura l labourer is
R s . 40/= for men and Rs.30/= for women which i s implemented only
i n Alleppey (especially i n Kuttanad, which i s a strong agr icu l tura l
labour hold) but i s not found i n any other pa r t of Kerala.
including i n Palghat which is the worst affected.
SUGGESTIONS
After conducting a survey amongst the r u r a l women
labourers i n Palghat d i s t r ic t we can conclude t h a t they do not have
the basic amenities of l i fe . They lack proper sani ta t ion faci l i t ies
which a r e most important, a s without these, there a r e chances of
epidemics of var ious harmful diseases l i ke cholera, typhoid etc.
Another factor is t h a t they do not have electrici ty which i s equal ly
serious a s the Government i n the i r var ious p lans have suggested
rural electrif ication a s one of t he most foremost schemes. Thirdly
there a r e no schools nearby to educate their children, so t h a t most
of them a r e seen along with the i r mothers on the work spots. A S
eradicat ion of l i teracy happens to be one of the measures taken up
by the government, i t is a must to have a t l eas t nursery schools
and creches for their chi ldren which should be set up ei ther by the
Government or by social organisations.
Fourthly, dur ing pregnancy there a r e no bas ic faci l i t ies
ava i lab le to r u r a l women local ly , they have to t rudge a long way
i n search of sui table hospi ta ls for there post-natal and an tena ta l
care .
They should also be taught about the saving schemes, so
t h a t they can save a l i t t l e i f not much, out of their wages which
would be useful to them l a t e r on i n l i f e .
As these women r u r a l labourers a r e prone to accidents and
injur ies . they should be covered by Insurance schemes, so t ha t i f
they ei ther loose their l ives or get seriously injured, their families
a r e not i n a n y way affected by this .
After the delivery of he r chi ld , she i s unable to work a s
an agr icu l tura l labourer a s she h a s to look af ter the child and
hence she h a s no income dur ing the f i r s t three months. I t would
be helpful i f the government p r e p a r e s a scheme to enable her to
get a t leas t 30 days of wages a s th i s would na tura l ly decrease the
r a t e of in fan t mortality which is considerably high in th i s section
*
of labourers ; with the resul t t h a t the number of women labourers in
tha t age group i s dwindling according to the cases ava i lab le
(according to the 91 census repor t ) .
The joint/extended family has been found to be the primary
place where the old women agr icu l tura l worker has found herself
most comfortable i n terms of economic, health and emotional
support . However, the t rends in social development could indicate
t ha t the joint/extended families a r e on the i r way out. Increasingly
the old women w i l l have to find a n asylum i n the nuclear family or
w i l l have to s tay alone. I n both cases , she w i l l require adequate
income to support herself . The son/grandson, who i s himself an
agr icu l tura l worker, w i l l have to maintain his own family on his
slender income hence the old desti tute women should be given
pension irrespective of having a son or grandson except when the
son or grandson is affluent.
A t present only one member (husband or wife) i s e l igible
for pension. I n a male dominated society where women a r e pushed
to marginal i ty . and inv is ib i l i ty i t i s the male who gets the pension
and the female passively permits th i s . The ra t ionale for giving
pension to only one member i s not plausible , especially when the
pension amount (Rs. 70/= per month) i s inadequate to meet the
expenses of even one person. When the male gets it, he, i n most
cases , spends i t on himself. When the woman get) it she normally
spends a t leas t a pa r t of i t on the family, we would therefore
suggest t ha t the agr icu l tura l workers pension should be given to
both, man and wife. We came to the conclusion t h a t pension w a s
able to give Some amount of morale boost to the old women and th i s
thus should not be denied to her simply because her husband
enjoys the pension.
The pension amount is very small and inadequate and needs
urgent upward revision. We a r e unable to suggest the quantum of
the revised pension but the revision should effect the sp i r a l l i ng
cost of l iv ing and the high cost of modern medicare on the one
hand and on the other, the needs of the old i n t h i s f ield.
The payment of pension should be regula r and the old
should get it every month. A t present , there i s no regula r i ty and
one cannot even expect when it w i l l be received. Our study found
t h a t there a r e no r egu la r receipts of pension.
At present though medicare tor the poor is f r ee i n
government hospi ta ls , t h i s i s only i n name. Almost a l l d rugs
needed for treatment have to be purchased by the pat ient from
outside the hospital . This pu ts heavy s t r a in on the old women who
suffer on several counts. The old (both men and women) a r e put
on a lower order of p r io r i ty i n treatment by both doctors and
kinsmen. Even among the old, women have lower pr ior i ty in
treatment compared to men. When the family resources a r e s lender ,
t h i s pr inciple works with added s t rength. W e a r e not ab le to
suggest any way out of t h i s socia l practice but it i s necessary
t h a t society should be conscious to t h i s ev i l phenomenon.
I n the hospitals, there is no ger ia t r ic section a t present, - I n view of the f ac t t h a t the proportion of the old i n the population
i s increasing, i t i s necessary t h a t each major hospital should have
a ger ia t r ic section with doctors t ra ined i n ger ia t r ic treatment and
with a ger ia t r ic ward and adequate supply of ger ia t r ic medicine.
The agr icu l tura l workers Provident Fund which now exis t s
only in cer ta in a r e a s of the s t a t e , should be extended to a l l p a r t s
of the s ta te so a s to enable agr icu l tura l workers to re t i re with
some savings, the size of which determined both the level of
satisfaction (direct re la t ionship) and the level of anxiety regard ing
the future ( Inverse re la t ionship) sav ings give her s ta tus i n the
family a n d reduce her dependence on others. I t also makes the old
members more acceptable to the kin a s the f inancial burden on her
Labour account i s reduced. But recently, the Agriculture/ - Welfare Fund
Sc'lcme (AWFS), which was introduced with a contribution from the
f armer ' s income h a s not been successfully implemented by the
government, and therefore h a s been a fa i lure .
Final ly , a number of programmes of social security should
be devised to be implemented dur ing the effective period of
employment of the worker. Social security for the old should s t a r t
from the time of entry to work. I t w i l l be optimal if the social
security systems s t a r t with the commencement of one 's working l i fe
so t ha t it w i l l be continuous and cumulative when one re t i res from
i t .
~ ~ ~ t h ~ ~ point to note i s t h a t from the point of view equi ty*
workers in agr icul ture , should be t reated on p a r with workers i n
industry a s most of the problems and needs of both groups a r e
ident ical . Hence, agr icu l tura l workers should be given a l l the
benefits t ha t a r e now enjoyed by the indus t r ia l workers - minimum
wage, insurance aga ins t sickness and accidents a s well a s aga ins t
unemployment, inva l id i ty and survivors benefits , maternity benefits
i n case of women, and the l ike . This w i l l eliminate the need for
special benefits i n old age. Needless to s ta te t h a t the
discrimination aga ins t women t h a t is bui l t into many of the
statutory benef i ts should be eliminated.
Social security should form p a r t of a to ta l security to cover
a l l r u r a l workers. The uniqueness of agr icu l tura l workers i s t ha t
they form the majority of the r u r a l l abour force and women form
the la rges t portion i n them. The invis ibi l i ty and marginali ty of
women i n every field of l i fe would ca l l for special protection for
them in any programme of social security to ensure gender justice.
Minimum wages for these labourers should be fixed by law
and adequate provision be made for the i r enforcement. The poor
labourers , because of their l a r g e supply a r e not in a position to
barga in for reasonable rewards for their hard work. They a r e
scattered and very weak vis-a-vis l and owners. It i s therefore,
necessary tha t the government not only f ix minimum wages but also
provides for i t s enforcement.
Land made ava i lab le under reclamation and surp lus land
acquired through the policy of ceil ing should be dis t r ibuted among
them. This w i l l not only r a i s e the i r income and economic level.
but w i l l also improve their social s ta tus . I t i s necessary also
t h a t these people with t iny pieces of l a n d , form themselves into
co-operatives. Further , necessary production inputs should be made
ava i lab le to them for efficient farming.
The study indicates t h a t i l l i t e racy , unemployment, lack of
basic amenities l ike non-availabil i ty of drinking water, housing
etc. continue to be the major problems of the r u r a l labourers , many
of whom belong to SC/ST and other backward classes. The other
important highlight of th i s study is t h a t agr icu l tura l labourers a r e
shif t ing away from the agr icu l tura l occupation due to var ious
reasons l ike less a t t rac t ive remuneration, ardous work, lack of
adequate job s ta tus etc. Another aspect noted i n this study is
tha t the r u r a l labourers a r e becoming more and more conscious
about the usefulness of the var ious f inanc ia l assistance offered by
the banks and co-operative societies and consequently their
dependence on money lenders h a s decreased as a resul t of the
var ious welfare schemes and l a n d reforms. .-.
Lastly the main aspect i s poverty. As they form a l a rge
pa r t of our population, i t is a must to see t ha t they a r e well
looked a f t e r so t h a t they can look forward to a br ight future ahead
of them.
Rural development, a s a slogan, came to the fore only i n
Gandhi j i ' s time. Gandhiji w a s a p rac t ica l ideal is t who proclaimed
for the first time tha t Ind ia was a country of v i l l ages and
consequently, the r e a l development of her vil lages. , Most of the
leaders , who preceded him, had ei ther a n urban eli te base or a
semi-feudal b i a s or a religious base. Gandhiji, spoke i n c lear
terms about the importance of Indian vi l lage. "To serve our
vi l lage is to es tabl ish Swaraj. Everything else is but a n idle
dream". He fur ther s ta ted , "if the v i l l age perishes, Ind ia too w i l l
gar ish. I t w i l l no more be Ind ia . Her own mission i n the world
w i l l get lost". According to him, "We have to make a choice
between India ' of the vi l lages t h a t a r e a s ancient a s herself and
Ind ia of the cit ies which a r e a creation of foreign domination.
Today, the c i t ies dominate and d r a i n the vi l lages , so t h a t they a r e
crumbling to ru in . 7
My Khadi mentality te l ls me t h a t ci t ies must subserve
vi l lages when tha t domination goes. Exploitation of vi l lages is
itself organised violence; w e w i l l have to give the vi l lages the i r
proper place". Gandhiji w a s the first pract ical economist who
diagnosed the human sufferings i n our country and suggested
pragmatic remedies, which were however, not given a f a i r t r i a l by
Indian Planners.
7. Prof. L.C. Thanu, Journal of Gandhian Studies, Oct. 1985, p.13, University of Allahabad.
Theoretically, Gandhian approach to r u r a l development may
be labelled a s idea l i s t . I t g ives primacy to moral values over
material conditions.* Man g a i n s supremacy.
Gandhiji envisioned the establishment of a new civil ization
called Ram Rajya. He says ; "I do not mean Hindu Raj. I mean by
Ram Raj, Divine Raj or Kingdom of God on ear th" . Ram Rajya
represents the "Sovereignty of the people based on normal
a ~ t h o r i t y " . ~ Poli t ically t r ans l a t ed , Ram Rajya i s perfect democracy
in which, inequali t ies based on possession and non-possession,
colour, race or creed or sex, vanish. I n i t , l and and s t a t e belong
to the people, justice i s prompt, and cheap and therefore, there i s
freedom of worship, and of speech and the press - a l l th i s because
of t he reign of the self imposed law of moral rgst ra int . Such a
s t a t e must be based on t ru th and non-violence and must consist of
prosperous, happy and self-contained vi l lages and v i l lage
communities". lo There w i l l be no exploitation of the poor by the
r ich , of the masses by the c lasses , of the vi l lages by the towns
and of the weaker by the s t ronger .
Gandhiji firmly believed t h a t r u r a l Ind ia i s r e a l Ind ia and
t h a t r u r a l development alone - n o t indus t r ia l i sa t ion- can solve the
county 's problems of unemployment and poverty. Hence, his plea
8 . Ghan Shyam Shah and H.R . Chaturvedi, "Gandhian Approach to Rural Development", 1983, p .31.
9. Sreeman, Narayan, "Relevance of Gandhian Economics, 1970, p.87.
10. Ibid .
for decentralisation and agro-based indus t r ies . He advocated
increased production and production was for use and not for a
market. He stood for production by masses as aga ins t mass
production. Swadeshi was a key concept i n h i s philosophy. He
favoured t r a d e only in surpluses . H i s emphasis was more upon
co-operation and inter-depence t h a n upon competition. Human -. --. .
values were to dominate over economic values. 11
"India l ives i n her vi l lages . . . When I succeed in
r idding the vi l lages of the i r poverty, I have won Swaraj" - Mahatma Gandhi.
11. K . Arunachalam, "Gandhian Approach to Rural Development", 1981. pp.11,12.