china as ing pwer

8/8/2019 China as ing Pwer

1/10

War, Peace and Security WWW ServerEx New Horizons 1997-98

Serveur de Guerre, paix et scuritEx New Horizons 1997-98

China: the Emerging Superpowerby/par Major H.A. Hynes

This paper was written by a student attending the Canadian ForcesCollege in fulfillment of one of the c ommunication skillsrequirements of the Course of Studies. The paper is a scholasticdocument, and thus contains facts and opinions which the authoralone considered appropriate and correct for the subject. It does notnecessarily reflect the policy or the opinion of any agency, includingthe Government of Canada and the Canadian Department of NationalDefence. This paper may not be released, quoted or copied exceptwith the express permission of the Canadian Department of NationalDefence.

La prsentetude a trdige par un stagiaire du Collge des Forcescanadiennes pour satisfaire l'une des exigences du cours. L'tudeestun document qui se rapporte au cours et contientdonc des faits et desopinions queseull'auteurconsidreappropris et convenables au sujet.

Elle ne reflte pas ncessairement la politiqueoul'opinion d'unorganismequelconque, y compris le gouvernement du Canada et le

ministre de la Dfensenationale du Canada. Il estdfendu dediffuser, de citer ou de reproduirecettetude sans la permission

expresse du ministre de la Dfensenationale.

ABSTRACT/RSUM

The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that China's economic andmilitary transformation, under the current Communist regime, has thepotential to seriously threaten the future security of Canada and theWest. The paper first looks at the economic reforms that haveradically changed the Chinese economy. Then, the paper presentsthe significant changes that have taken place concerning militarystrategy, equipment modernization and power projection capability.The strategic view and policies of Canada and the US are discussedin light of these changes and other recent incidents. The paper thenpresents the argument that there are three potential problem areas inwhich China could possibly threaten the West. The paper concludesby noting that China is a Communist country that is dissatisfied withits status in the world and that the West must not be naive to itsintentions and ambitions.

When China awakes, it will shake the world.

- Napoleon Bonaparte[1]

Once China becomes strong enough to stand alone, it might discard us.A little later it might even turn against us, if its perception of its interestsrequires it.

- Henry Kissinger[2]

INTRODUCTION

The history of China is both fascinating and complex. Its culture has been described as bothpeaceful and warlike. China was created by conquest and has essentially been ruled by a series ofwarlords. However, China has also experienced periods of peace and active trade with itsneighbors. There have also been extensive periods where China isolated itself from outside


2/10

influence and became a closed society. These experiences have profoundly shaped Chineseculture and strategic thought. [3]

The last century has been extremely difficult for China. The occupation by the Japanese in the1930s and 1940s and the civil war, which brought Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist

Party (CCP) to power in 1949, were extremely turbulent times in China's history. From this civilwar the People's Republic of China (PRC) emerged. However, this was the beginning of anotherperiod of isolation where China attempted to revitalize itself. Under Mao, China was successfulin becoming self-sufficient in nearly all resources and technologies, however, it was twenty tothirty years behind modern technical standards.[4]

Following Mao's death in 1976, the new leader, Deng Xiaoping, commenced a series of reformsthat radically changed China. Deng encouraged international trade and allowed foreign capitalinvestment. The result has been China's phenomenal entry into world markets and a boomingeconomy. The specific aim of these policies was to obtain large foreign exchange earnings,which would allow China to both modernize and become more independent.[5] Following

Deng's death in February 1997, the current leader, Jiang Zemin, consolidated his political powerbase with the completion of the CCP's Fifteenth Congress in September 1997. Under Jiang'sleadership it looks like economic reforms will continue, however, there seems to be littleprospect for political change. This is exemplified by his call for stricter control of the press.[6]

As China emerges as a global power it is important to understand what role it will play and thesecurity perceptions it has of both Asia and the world. The most important issue for China todayis political stability at home. Any attempt to influence the status quo is not welcome and isdeemed to be interference in China's internal affairs. Many Chinese believe that the United Statesrepresents the core values of Western civilization and is in conflict with Eastern civilizationwhich is represented by China. As a result, Chinese leadership views any American influence as

a challenge to China's political stability.[7]

The Western view of China's emergence is mixed. Following a period of condemnation after the1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, Western countries have sought to normalize relations withChina. Canada's policy has been to maximize trade and economic links while adopting amoderate, low-key approach in discussing human rights.[8] US-China relations have been moredifficult. However, the US ultimately granted China most-favoured-nation (MFN) trading statusand a 1995 decision determined that human rights would be no longer tied to commerce.[9] Theissue of China's military modernization has attracted attention. Some analysts believe thismodernization is overdue and is just updating old equipment. Others are concerned about thecombined effect of this modernization and the assertive nature China has displayed recentlyconcerning claims in the South China Sea and Taiwan.[10]

The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that China's economic and military transformation, underthe current Communist regime, has the potential to seriously threaten the future security ofCanada and the West. The paper will look at both the economic and military reforms underwayin China and the strategic direction they are taking. The Western strategic view of China will bepresented. Potential problem areas will be investigated to reveal why China may adopt athreatening posture.


3/10

CHINESE ECONOMIC REFORMS

The economic reforms that were introduced by Deng Xiaoping in the late seventies havetransformed the Chinese economy and produced a period of spectacular growth. China's GrossDomestic Product (GDP) grew at an average rate of 9.3 percent between 1979-1993. The world

experienced a growth rate of 2.6 percent for the same period. China's GDP has also quadrupledover a period of only fifteen years. It has also improved its status as a trading nation, rising toeleventh position from number thirty-seven in ten years. Another important fact is that China hasaccumulated a large foreign currency reserve and is second in the world to Japan. China has alsotaken advantage of foreign investment and is also rated second in the world, after the US. It isimportant to realize that the above figures do not include any contribution from Hong Kong,which China regained as a possession in July 1997.[11]

While China's performance has been impressive, it also has the potential to maintain this growth.It has a massive population, which represents not only a large domestic market but also a cheaplabour source of some eight hundred million people. It is also a country that is blessed with vast

natural resources.[12] The current economic problems in Asia have not had a major impact onChina, though there are predictions of slower growth.[13] However, it is expected that China willbecome the world's largest economy, in terms of GDP, by 2010.[14]

CHINESEMILITARYREFORMS

Chinese military strategy underwent a major change in the mid 1980s. The threat of a Soviet landattack had diminished and the attention of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) turned to thethreat of regional disputes. Thus, the PLA started to focus on a strategy of limited war. However,with the downturn in relations with the West following the Tiananmen Square massacre, thisstrategy was revised. The Gulf War also had a significant impact on the Chinese leadership and

the conflict was carefully studied. As a result, a new defence strategy emerged, based on fightingmodern warfare using advanced technology. The Chinese have learned many lessons from theGulf War. First, they have realized that electronic warfare and advanced weapons are decisive.They have also learned the importance of strong air and naval power and that rapid response andfast deployment are a true measure of overall capability. Finally, they have realized thatlogistical support is as important as actual combat capability. These lessons learned have had aprofound effect on the PLA's doctrine. First of all, the importance of ground forces has beenreduced to allow additional focus on the air force and navy. Secondly, there has been a shiftaway from the philosophy that manpower is superior to machine power and that the offensivecan be won by strength in numbers. Finally, there is a decreased reliance on the civilianpopulation to fill the army's ranks as was required when the concept of the protracted people'swar was in vogue. China has learned the lessons of the Gulf War and has doctrinally set a courseto develop a modern and effective military with a power projection capability.[15]

As a result of the major shifts in military strategy described above, China has embarked on anambitious military modernization program. China's economic growth has been key in theimplementation of this program. However, due to the secrecy surrounding military matters, theactual size of military spending has been hard to determine. Officially, China's 1996 defencebudget was $8.7 billion US.[16] Independent estimates vary from $8 billion US to $100 billion


4/10

US.[17] Regardless of the independent estimates, the official Chinese defence budgets reveal a200 percent increase from 1988.[18]

Even in its present form China has the world's largest military. The PLA consists of over twomillion men and is complemented by the world's third largest air force, consisting of 5,300

aircraft, and the world's largest small ship navy. Although these figures look impressive, thereare major problems with obsolete equipment, poor training and the transition to newdoctrine.[19] However, the future promises to be different. In an effort to modernize the People'sLiberation Army Air Force (PLAAF), China is developing or acquiring the rights to produce sixnew tactical aircraft models. China has already purchased Russian Su-27 aircraft and has alsoacquired the license to produce these aircraft. This purchase will include advanced capabilitiessuch as ECM pods, AA-10 Alamo and AA-11 Archer missiles with helmet-mounted sights. It isalso possible that the latest air-to-air missile, the AA-12, was included.[20] The first Chinese Su-27 aircraft will be built around the turn of the century, with the total fleet expected to numberover 250 aircraft. China is also developing a new F-10 single seat aircraft that is based on thecancelled Israeli Lavi fighter aircraft. Both Israel and Russia are providing assistance in this

project and the F-10 is expected to be operational by 2005. A new light strike aircraft, the FB-7,is expected to be operational by 2000 and a light fighter, the FC-1, which is intended for export,is expected to be ready by 2003. China is in the process of developing a multi-role fighter,known as the XXJ, which will have a stealth design. This aircraft is expected to enter service by2015. Negotiations are underway to purchase Russian Su-30 fighters and the license to buildthem. There are also plans to purchase and develop unmanned vehicles.[21]

China is also paying attention to the importance of supporting aircraft. The plan is to use thePLAAF as an offensive force with the ability to project power into enemy territory. An in- flightrefueling capability has been tested and will soon become operational.[22] An Airborne Warningand Control System (AWACS) aircraft program is under development with Israel.[23] Inaddition to aircraft, China is making a strong effort to upgrade its air defence systems. China haspurchased at least four Russian SA-10 missile systems and wants to purchase more. Russia isalso scheduled to deliver fifteen SA-15 missile systems, which are designed to defeat advancedweapons and cruise missiles. There is also interest in acquiring the 2S6 combined cannon/missileair defence system.[24]

The PLA Navy (PLAN) has received attention in the military modernization program and theprimary focus has been on force projection. China has introduced a new class of destroyers andfrigates, which incorporates Western propulsion and weapons systems technologies.[25] Chinahas also decided to purchase two Russian Sovremennyi-class guided missile destroyers, whichrepresent a significant increase in naval offensive capability. There has also been a submarinemodernization effort. Four Russian Kilo-class conventional submarines have been purchased,with plans to purchase sixteen more. China has plans to produce its own Song-class boats and isdeveloping a replacement for the Han-class nuclear powered attack boat. Nor is China neglectingthe importance of support vessels, deploying more capable fuel and supply ships. There has alsobeen a focus on amphibious forces with the development of fast transport for troops andvehicles.[26] Finally, there has been great speculation concerning the potential purchase of theUkrainian aircraft carrier, "Varyag". This ship was recently sold to a newly incorporated andlittle known company from Macau. Macau is scheduled to revert to Chinese control in 1999. The


5/10

suspicious circumstances surrounding the purchase have raised speculation that the vessel isdestined for the PLAN.[27]

While most of the effort to modernize the military has been directed towards the PLAAF andPLAN, the PLA has received some attention. There have been improvements concerning small

arms and artillery, however, the army does not have modern tanks capable of challenging thelatest western technology. The primary development in the PLA has been the expansion of itselite troops. Known as Rapid Reaction Units (RRU), these troops are better trained and equippedthan the regular army. Capable of being deployed on short notice, this force of marines andairborne soldiers may number as many as five hundred thousand. The PLA plans to purchaseRussian Il-76 transport aircraft, which will greatly enhance their power projection.[28]

China has also focused on its nuclear forces. The only missile currently capable of reachingNorth America is the DF-1, and China is estimated to have approximately fifteen systems.However, other systems are being developed. There have been attempts to acquire multipleindependently targeted re-entry vehicle (MIRV) technology through the acquisition of Russian

SS-18 missile components. China has developed the twelve thousand-kilometre range, solid-fuel,mobile DF-41 missile, which will allow rapid reaction and a MIRV capability.[29] The reportedgoal is for the deployment of thirty MIRV capable missiles in hardened shelters by the year2000.[30] Developments have also been made to short and medium range missiles, which willimprove both mobility and accuracy. These missiles are normally equipped with conventionalwarheads.[31]

Finally, China has a very active space program and a desire to pursue an information dominancepolicy. China has either deployed, or plans to deploy, a number of satellites which will focus onradar, electronic and electro-optical intelligence gathering, missile early warning, navigation andweather. There are also plans for counter stealth radar, signal intelligence sites and tactical

reconnaissance vehicles.[32] The Chinese Command, Control, Communications and Intelligencesystem has a high priority for upgrading. As a result, there is a proposal to upgrade the limitedcommunications capability provided by the current six communications satellites. China alsolaunched a program in 1992 to design a space shuttle. The trial flight should take place in 2005and will be launched from a site on Hainan Island. There is also a proposal for the creation of aspace command within the PLAAF.[33]

China's military has undergone significant change in the last decade. Its military strategy hasbecome more offensive oriented and it has recognized the importance of power projection withmodern military technology. China has started the process of modernizing its forces and, while itis currently beset by obsolete equipment, it has set goals for the future. How quickly China canmake these changes is a topic of great speculation. China's high technology defence strategy isviewed as the driving force behind the nation's development of science and technology. Theemphasis of this policy seems to be on a high technology race with the West.[34]

One theme that has emerged from China's military modernization has been the closer ties it hasestablished with Russia. These countries have traditionally looked at each other with suspicionand, at times, hostility. However, relations have dramatically improved and are increasinglydriven by common geopolitical interests. China accounted for more than thirty percent of


6/10

Russia's foreign arms sales in 1996 and has purchased $4.7 billion US worth of militaryequipment between 1991-1995. These transactions have provided badly needed money for theRussian military-industrial complex and have allowed China to obtain military hardware, as wellas the valuable transfer of advanced technology.[35] Meetings between Jiang Zemin and BorisYeltsin in 1996 and 1997 have resulted in increased strategic cooperation. The two sides have

pledged to form a strategic partnership. As a sign of goodwill, they have instituted measures suchas the establishment of a hot line between the two capitals, the resolution of boundary disputesand an agreement on no first use of nuclear weapons. This relationship is largely directed againstthe US and represents China's tremendous concern over the recent US-Japan Joint SecurityDeclaration.[36]

WESTERN STRATEGIC VIEW

Canada's strategic policy concerning China was in a state of confusion in the years immediatelyfollowing the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre. The government was caught between trying tore-build economic trade links and publicly expressing its displeasure of the 1989 events. In the

early 1990s there was an effort to link human rights performance to both trade and the funding ofaid programs. By 1992, it was obvious that this policy was damaging trade and opportunities toengage China. As a result, trade became the focal point of Canadian attention while the humanrights agenda was softened. The 1994 visit by Team Canada, led by the Prime Minister, was thehigh point of the post-Tiananmen recovery in relations.

Since 1996 the government has sought a balanced approach between trade and human rights. InJanuary 1996, Canada and China held the first official discussions dedicated strictly to humanrights. However, the Taiwan crisis in March 1996 reminded Canadian politicians of China'sability to destabilize the Asia-Pacific region. Although this incident drew attention to Canada's"one China" policy, this policy did not change. Canada decided that it would continue with an

Asia-Pacific security strategy that would engage China both bilaterally and through multilateralorganizations. This strategy is based on the "four pillars" approach, which are "economicpartnership", "peace and security", "sustainable development" and "human rights, goodgovernance and the rule of law".[37] The Canadian government has decided to engage China inareas that promise dialogue instead of confrontation. In recent years Canada has come to seeitself as a Pacific nation. With population consisting of 850,000 Canadian citizens of Chinesedescent, the Canadian focus on China will only grow larger.[38]

As with Canada, the Tiananmen incident had a serious impact on Sino-US relations. The periodof 1990-1994 largely focused on China's human rights record and its MFN status. Realizing thatconfrontation over these issues was having a negative economic effect, President Clinton de-linked China's human rights record from its MFN status. The US continued to engage China onhuman rights issues, however, there were a growing number of disputes concerning China'smilitary buildup, nuclear proliferation and economic issues concerning trade balances andintellectual property rights. The March 1996 Taiwan crisis served as an important turning pointin Sino-US relations. As a result, the US recognized that it was important to reach a strategicunderstanding with China. While there is much discussion on this issue, it is the view of manythat China may be the only country in the future to pose a serious challenge to the US.[39]


7/10

The US security policy for East Asia stresses regional stability and proposes to achieve thisthrough both bilateral and multilateral engagement. The US will continue with the bilateralagreements that have served its interests in the area for over 40 years. While the US has statedthat it will not leave the region, there is deep concern by many Asia-Pacific countries over asecurity vacuum that could possibly be filled by the Chinese.[40] The US policy on China

continues to evolve and is designed to promote cooperation and avoid conflict. These policies arenow focused on common strategic issues. Although issues such as human rights are seen asimportant, individually they will not be allowed to dominate the Sino-US relationship.[41] Thisapproach has emerged from the " US concern...that China may become the nextsuperpower".[42]

PROBLEMAREAS

China's rise as an economic power, combined with its large-scale program to modernize itsmilitary, raises the question of how this power will be used. Associated with this new power hasbeen an increase in the aggressiveness in China's territorial claims in the region. The 1997

Canadian Department of National Defence Strategic Overview notes that, " Externally, China'smore assertive nationalism, territorial claims and modernizing military capabilities are causingsome unease in the region".[43] One of the main trouble spots concerns China's long standingterritorial claims in the South China Sea. Two island groups, the Parcels and the Spratlys, havenumerous claimants. Military conflicts with Vietnam in 1974 and 1988 and demonstrate China'sresolve to use force if required. Although China has never challenged passage through this area,there are serious concerns about the security of this important sea- lane.[44]

Taiwan is the most volatile issue concerning territorial claims and security in the region. TheChinese government sees Taiwan as a renegade province and treats any conflict between the twoas an internal matter. Western countries have developed a policy of "one China" and officially

recognize the regime in Beijing. However, at the same time they conduct a vibrant trade withTaiwan. The March 1996 crisis over Taiwan illustrates the tension concerning this issue.Concerned with the first free and democratic Taiwanese elections that were scheduled for 23March 1996, China commenced live-fire naval and air exercises in the Taiwan Straits earlier thatmonth. China conducted missile firings that disrupted shipping and refused to renounce the useof force to resolve the Taiwan issue. This action resulted in the US deployment of two carrierbattle groups to the area. Chinese Prime Minister Li Peng warned the US to keep its ships out ofthe Taiwan Straits and earlier in the crisis there was a veiled threat by a Chinese official thatChina was prepared to use nuclear weapons, targeted on the US west coast, if the US intervenedmilitarily. The crisis was resolved when the Taiwan's leader won a larger than expected victory,the Chinese ceased their exercise and the US ships left the area. The results of this crisis areuncertain. The Chinese lost diplomatic ground and were forced to back down for the moment. AsChina develops a more credible military force, any future confrontations of this sort willseriously test the will and ability of the US and the West to challenge China's actions.[45]

A second area of concern is China's political stability. The Communist regime maintains firmcontrol despite the huge challenges of running such a large and complex country. However, themain occupation of the regime is to stay in power. China perceives issues such as human rights


8/10

and efforts to encourage democracy as an attempt to contain and interfere with internalaffairs.[46] The Chinese perspective is best described by the following:

In history, Chinese leaders have believed in force. Force worked in Tiananmen. It intimidated theintellectuals, and that paved the way for economic growth and political stability. It is realpolitik.

And in the Chinese value system, sovereignty, national unification, and preserving the regimehave always been higher than peace.[47]

As previously described in this paper, the Canadian and US governments are conducting a policyof engagement and of encouraging human rights and democracy. Canada and the West need tobe absolutely sure they understand the Chinese leadership and their strong desire to stay inpower. The strong economic attraction to China needs to be balanced by policies that will standthe strains that closer cooperation will place on it. The combination of a large and prosperouseconomy, a modernized and advanced military and a Communist regime determined to stay inpower has the potential to offer considerable security challenges to the West early in the 21stcentury.

The final area of concern is related to the resources that will be required to ensure China'scontinued existence. China has twenty-two percent of the world's population, but only sevenpercent of the cultivatable land. The average cultivated land per capita is only one third of theworld average and continues to shrink. Just feeding the population will require ninety millionmore tons of food by the year 2000 than it did in 1995. Construction reduces cultivated land byseven million hectares every year. While China is now an exporter of oil, its rapidindustrialization could see it becoming an oil importer in the near future.[48] The ability of theChinese government to manage this situation will play a key role in further territorial claims andthe stability of the Communist regime. As China becomes a larger economic and military powerthe risk of failure in this regard will have a significant impact on Western interests in the region.

THE FUTURE

As China emerges as the next superpower, public opinion in the West seems split over how thisevent should be treated. A policy of openly engaging China encourages establishing a wide rangeof contacts with the hope of having some influence. However, it can also be viewed as givingconcessions when a more firm policy is required. The contrasting option of containment impliesa policy of distrust and suspicion.[49] The ideal solution is an open and transparent China, whichis both peaceful and stable. Unfortunately the secrecy of the regime, and the problems describedabove, do not provide a promising outlook. As the West engages China, it must be aware of thesecurity threat China will potentially become in the future and ensure an appropriate securitysystem is maintained to balance the power in the region.[50]

CONCLUSION

China's history in the 20th century has been marked by occupation and civil war. This experiencehas fueled its strong desire for Great Power status and at the same time put it decades behind theWest in technological development. Under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, China hasundergone a transformation, which has produced a tremendous economic turnaround. China is


9/10

now a major trading nation which has built up an impressive foreign currency holding and ispredicted to be the world's largest economy by 2010. The Chinese leadership has recognized thateconomic reform is the only way to achieve the status it desires on its own terms.

Despite not facing any threat to its security, China has embarked on a path of radical change to

both its military strategy and capabilities. The realization in the 1980s that the Soviet Union wasno longer a threat for major conflict and the Gulf War have had a profound effect on Chinesemilitary thinking. The strategic focus has now shifted to the offensive. The main theme is powerprojection and the ability to fight a modern war with advanced technology.

China has also used its economic boom and change in military strategy to commence anambitious military modernization program. The PLAAF is acquiring some of the most advancedfighter/bomber aircraft and weapons in the world. They are also purchasing state of the art airdefence systems and developing supporting aircraft roles such as in-flight refueling and airborneearly warning. The PLAN is also upgrading its fleet with power projection in mind. China has anactive submarine replacement program in place and has purchased Russian Kilo-class

submarines. New surface vessels are being built and the PLAN is paying more attention toreplenishment at sea capability. While the PLA has not received the same attention as the navyor air force, it has formed a large RRU of well-equipped soldiers. China has also continued toupgrade its nuclear weapons and has developed a solid fuel missile with a MIRV capability. Aspace program has also been active and there is a program to trial a space shuttle by 2005.

It is clear that China's economic and military transformation has been aimed at challenging thebalance of power that has existed in the region since World War Two. China has demonstratedhegemonic intentions through its territorial claims in the South China Sea and in its recentactions against Taiwan. A more aggressive and expansionist policy may occur as China facesmore pressure to provide food and resources for one quarter of the world's population. If the

current transformation continues, China will have, in the future, the economic and military mightto threaten both the countries in the region and the West. The closer ties with Russia havealready resulted in a strategic relationship that is designed to counter the influence of the US.How long this relationship will be required is unknown. With its ongoing effort to develop a hightechnology economic system, China has set the foundation that will likely ensure that it is muchstronger than the former Soviet Union and perhaps even more powerful than the US.

A communist government, that has demonstrated that it is unhappy with its status in the world,also rules China. While Western governments have devoted a great deal of time and thought onhow to treat China, their policies have not had any effect on the current regime's respect forhuman rights or democracy. The fundamental issue is that the stability of the CCP itselfrepresents a concern for both Asia-Pacific and world security. Any movement by the West topromote human rights and democracy in China represents a direct threat to the existing regime.The brutality of the Tiananmen massacre should serve as a warning of the importance the CCPplaces on maintaining power. China more and more sees itself as a counter to Western valuesand way of life. In its effort to emerge as a great power, China has changed its security strategyfrom defensive to offensive. If China wants to be a dominant world power, and chooses to actbased on the example of the former Soviet Union, it will have the potential to seriouslyundermine the current world order.


10/10

The economic and military transformation of China is well underway. It is critical that the Westnot be naive to its intentions. With its ambitions concerning territorial claims, the challenges itwill face providing for its population and the insecure and suspicious nature of its communistgovernment, Canada and the West face a potentially serious threat from China in the future.

[As for the United States] for a relatively long time it will be absolutelynecessary that we quietly nurse our sense of vengeance...We mustconceal our abilities and bide our time.

- Lieutenant General MiZhenyuVice-Commandant, Academy of Military Sciences, Beijing[51]

We should not underestimate China's ability to disrupt our interestsaround the world if our relationship becomes belligerent rather thancooperative.

- Richard M. Nixon[52]

china as ing pwer

Documents