Christianisationin Sicily (IIIrd-VIIth Century)*

LELLIA C¡t&cco RUOGINI

In Sicily the sectorof life dedicatedto the sacredmusthavebeengloballyvery large, as may be inferred from te notablemass of local hagiographictraditions which have survived te frequent destructions,together witharchaeologicalandepigraphicevidence(especially from the earliestperiod).However, it is no easy task to delineatethe chronological sequences,todetermine the frequently elusive topography, or to arrive at a clearunderstandingof languageor significances, owing to the density of thematerial and its amorphouscondition, which studieshave only begun todecipheriii sornelimited sectors.Therefore1 shall limit rnyselfto pointingoutcertain specific featuresandto proposingsornenew questions,even thoughthey do not always fmd adequateanswers.

Religious uSe in pre-Arab Sicily may be substantiallydivided into threephases,which correspond,unsurprisingly,to threesourcearcas,eachof themquite consistentin quality, and, in the caseof literary texts, in the closeaffinity of their narrativeschernes.

* The presentpapercorrespondsto the first sectionof alargerresearchabout«1 caratterioriginali delcristianeslinoin Sicilia», which will bepublished—fully-documentedla saurcesandbibliography—amongthe Reportsof Lhe SestoConvegnoini. di Studio, «La Sicilia rupestreng’contestode/lecivitá mediterranee»,Catan/a-Pantalica-Ispica.8-12Sett.1981 (now la print). Theactual Lopic wasdevelopedin Lwo seminars,at Berkeley (Ancient History Group, DepL. ofClassics; ThomasMore-JacquesMaritain Institute, 2lst May 1982) and Chicago(DepL. ofClassics, 241h May ¡982>. 1 wish to thank here friends and colleagues for Iheir helpfulcoaperationandcriticisrns, in particular 1>. Brown, A. Momigliano, R. Kaster,P. White. 1 alsoliad theopportunityof profitablediscussionsaboutproblemsvery closeto Llie presentonesiii atable ronde aL the EcoleFran9aisede Romeabout«CliristianismeeL paganismeen Italie et enAfrique» (22ndOct. 1981, iii collaborationwith A. MandauzeaudCh. Piétri), and in aseminarat Macerata(Istituto di Storia Antica, Facoltádi Lettere,29th January1982; 1 takehere Iheopportunity Lo expressmy gratitudeLo L. Gasperinilar lis kind invitation).

Galán, 1. Editorial de la UniversidadComplutensede Madrid. 1984

220 Lellia Cracco Ruggini

1. A first periodwhich maybecalledRoman-Sicilian,from tbe Cliristianorigins to the ageof GregorytheGreat.1 shall concernmyselfsolely with thisphase,becausethere is no specific researcb,either partial or global, on tbepenod.

2. This is followed by a period wbich 1 would cali Byzantine-Sicilian,from the seventhto the ninth century.In this phasethe local ecciesiasticalstructures are strengtbenedaccording to the extent to wbich they are«Byzantinized»(a century after the «reconquest»of Justinian). Parallel tothis, the biographlesof bisbopsassumeimportancefor the f¡rst time. Set inthe context of urban USe, they are revealed as closely linked to the highByzantine bureaucracy,and as extremely loyal to Constantinople,whichconfers on them great honours (Lives of Zozirnos of Syracuse,Leon ofCatania,Gregoryof Agrigento, etc.): the understandingof the signif¡canceoftheseLives has beenenhancedby notewortby contributions from Éve¡ynePatíagean(1964) andCyril Mango (1973).

3. In dic third, Italo-Grecian,period (from tenth to eleventhcentury)thebonds betweenthe Greeksociety of Sicily and Ryzantiumfirst slackenandarethencut. The ¡ocal inhabitants,bothGreekandSícilian, gatherroundthecharismaticfigures of countlessholy monksof Calabrian-Sicilianorigin whoseemto opposeany imposition of worldly power(Byzantium,the Arabs, ortbe Church). Iheir biographies, transmitted in manuscriptstbrougb anintricate tradition, are now receivinguseful pioneerstudies(André Guillou,Vera von Falkenhausen).

So we sha¡l considernow tbe Roman-Sicilianperiod from tbe origins tothe seventhcentury.

The earlyyearsof the seventhcentury,in fact, witness a phasein whicbthe Ryzantineconquestis alreadyestablisbedin the island in apatternwhicbreveals many differenceswith respect to the Roman and Gothic ages.However, in a religious setting the effects of thesechangesare at tbis timeperceptibleonly in a conservativetendency towardsa greater rigidity incertain structures. The religious and ecciesiastical situation in tbe sixthcenturythus presentsitself for analysisas asort of mfra-red photographofrealities whicb badbuilt up in the precedingtwo centuriesand revealsdicfundamentaldirections andprevioustrends.

In the period of Gregorythe Great thereis no trace yet of tbe legendasserting the apostolic origins of Syracuseand Taorminathanks to themissionary work of Marcianus and Pancratiusrespectively. The legendmaintains that they were sent from Antiocb by the apostie Peter, well-provided with sacred images,after be had consulted Paul and tbe otherapostiesof tbe Pontusand of the Cilicia. There is no doubt tbat the localworsbíp of Pancratiuswas long standing:he alreadyappearsas bishop ofTauromenium in the Martyrologiurn Hieronymianum(Vth-VIth century),while referencesto his devotionare particularlyplentiful in tbe RegistrumofPope Qregory. Rut the apostolic legend as found in tbe ¡‘ita a PassioPancratil, written as a romanceby a supposeddisciple, Evagrius,has been

Christianisation in Sic//y (Ilirá- VIIth Century) 221

shown to be a forgery of the late eighth century. It has elements of theiconoclasticcontroversyandis permeatedwith referencesto the onomastics,topographyandeccíesiasticalorganisationof a lateperiod,andis intendedtosupportthegrowingautonornyof the Sicilian episcopatesafterte severingofdependenceon Rornein the time of Isaurianemperors.Thus it is only fortbat period that the ¡‘ita Pancratii may be consideredahistorical documentof real interest.

The tracesof the spreadof Christianity in Sicily, in fact are no carlierthanthethird century,whenCyprian,bishopof Carthage,with referenceto aletter sent to bim by the Romanpriests anddeaconsconcerningthe tapsiimmediately after the deathof PopeFabian(251 a.Dj, mentionsa similarmessageenclosedwith his and intendedfor Sícíly (thus on the sanieRome-Africa sea route): clearly, there must have liten Cliristian communitiesalready organized on the island. The archacologícal evidence seems tosupport te samepoint, as te earliest cataconilis(SantaMaria del Gesúat Syracuse,exploredfrom 1965 on, datesback to 220/230 aDj.

In westernSicily it is with Palermo,in fact (oneof thebusiestports of calion the Rome-Africa route), that onef¡nds the mostauthenticlinks of the tra-dition relatedto SaintAgatha.The legendhadit that the virgin Agathawasarrestedin Pálermoat thetime of Decius.Shewas thentakento Cataniaandsulfered martyrdomunder the governorshipof Quinctianus(who was laterpunishedby:God whenhe drownedin te river Simetuswhile on his way toconfiscatete possessionsof the Saintin the Palermosurroundings).VariousLivesof Agatha,bothGreekandLatin, claim, in sornecases,that she was aresidentof Palermo,and in others of Catania. In this latter city she wasveneratedvery earlyas te patronSaint,after herveil, which badliten carriedin a procession,savedthe city from a disastrouseruptionof Etna- But alíthesebiographiesstemfrorn the Panegyricby Methodios, the well-knownpatriarchof Constantinople,who was of Sicílían origin and who put an endto the iconoclastícconflict. Methodiosgayehis speechwhen alreadyan oídman,after 832; ¡mt. althoughhewas writíng in sucha lateperiod,hehimselfstatedthat he had liten scrupulouslyfaithful to earlier texts (i. e, to te olderPassiones).In any case, there is no doubt that the veneration of Agathaprecedesthat of Lucia, which was already well-establishedin the fourthcentury.Indeedthe devotionof Lucía for the holy relicsof Agathaand herpílgrimagefrorn Syracuseto te martyr’s burial placein Catania(followed bythe miraculouscureof Lucia’s mother)are usedin the Passioto accountforthe vocationof the young and rich womanandher subsequentmartyrdomin 304. This chronology is supportedby te mention of Lucía in teMartyrologium Hieronymianuniand also by the dedicationof a churcb inRavennain 385, desiredby bishop Ursus(who was of Sicilian origin).

Now one may see in the bi-polarity of the tradition concerningSaintAgatha, centeredat one and the sarne time on Palermoand Catanía,anexemplaryreflection in a religiouscontextof the tendencyof the Sicilianareato gravitatetowardstwo centres,northernAfrica andte easternMediterra-

222 Lelia CraccoRuggini

nean. Such gravitation is very clear in thesecenturiesboth in the economicandthe cultural spheres,centeredas it is, witb different results,on the westernand the eastemsectorsof the island.

Indeed,almost ah the epigraphicaland arcbaeologicalevidenceof dicearliestChristianityin Sicily is relatedto theeasterncoast,without anydoubtthe firsí point of contactwith tbe newfaith.And it is worth pointingout tbatthe distributionalpatternsof the oldest Christian monumentsfollow tosewhich, in the self-same areasof Sícily, had characterizedthe spreadandestablishmentof eastemcults (among them, dic Egyptian are particularlywell-documented;andGiulia SfameniGasparrohasreccntlyprovideduswithmaps of this spreading,in ÉPRO coflectiony Also the hagiographicaltra-dition regardingFuplus,martyr underDiocletian, stemsfrom fourtbcenturyCatania. His Passio in Greek, transmitted to us in an eleventh centuryParisian manuscript, undoubtedly sbows traces of great antiquity andauthenticity.It consistsof two fragmentsof an interrogationwbich revealnoknowledgeof the fact thcSaintis allegedto haveliten a priest,a fact stronglyemphasisedin the more recentPassio in Latin. These fragmentscontainelementswhich may be derived from the publio records of tbe trial, forexample,the expressionxvpzog~p&v=«our Lord», referring to the imperialauthority; they also mentiona corrector Siciliae, Calvisianus,whosenameisto be connectedwith thcgens Calvisia, the ownerin Sicily of largeestatesinthe interior betweenCela andAgrigento: brick stampswith the inscriptionCAL, andCALVI bave beenfound over an area of about250 squareki-lometres;andreferencesto a mansioCalvisianaappearin itinerary sourcesofthe third and fourth centuries,such as the Itinerarium Antonini and tbeTabulaPeutingeriana.As mattersstand,onemay well be lcd to reflect on theparticularly importantrole which seemsto havebeen played by Cataniainthe early vicissitudes of the Christianization; a role whicb one has nohesitationin linking with tbe political, economicand urban growth of thecity, which becameevident from tbe second-thirdcenturieson, and whichmorethanoncegainedtheattentionof the provincial govemment,basedwithits offices on Syracuse(anothercradieof Sicilian Cbristianity). Indeed,almostalí tbe late cemeteriesandcatacombsof Syracusebave beenfound in thenorthernsuburb,along the road towardsCatania:this is an archacologícaldatumwhich alwaysempbazisesthe importanceof a roadandof tbe townslinked by tbat road.

The end of the flftb ccntury providesus with an extensivenetwork ofarchacologica]and epigraphicevidencewhich bearswitness to the deptb towhicb Christianity badalready penetratedthe interior, following dic maincommunícation routes from the eastern coastal centres over the Ereanplatean,from Cataniato Cela, from Syracuseto Akraí-Kamarina,and toHybla-Niscemi-Agrigento.To the west of thís triangle, te archacologicalmap of Cbristian Sicily covera only the territories of Agrigento andLilybaeum,whercChristianityseemsto haveconsolidateditsclf from thefifthcenturyon, with cbaracteristicswhích revea]aclearlyAfrican origin (in any

Christianisation in Sicily (I¡Ird- VIIth Century) 223

case,not absentat this time even in many centresof the southandcentral-easternareas):funeralobjectssuchas lampsof African manufacture,found inthe lateburíal groundsof Selinunteandof the vilagenearPiazzaArmerina;expressíonsof sacredart such as the rnosaic funeral decorationsof Salemi(which exhibit similarítieswíth thoseof Sidi Aluch) and the mosaícsof thesmall basílicasof Carini andSantaCroce Kamarina. Onemay hearechoes—however attenuated—of the Donatist controversy,sud as the anti-Donatistniotto deogratio.s on a bronzelamp from Selinunte.The recurringuseof certainnamessuggestsin its turnAfrican influence:anexamplemnay beseen in Ausanius

224 LelE/a Cracco Ruggini

ornaments;later —and again with particular evidence—tbey appcar inmedieval prayers and cxorcisms. The heretical rnanifestaíionsof this sospecialdevotion to the angelsarouscdthc concenxof PopeGregory: in 593he was compelledto take unusualmeasuresagainstgroupsof «Angelians»wbo síjil prosperedin the countrysideof the Tindarí diocese,togetherwithsmall communitiesof pagans.These«Angelians»belongedto a sectof eastemorigin which Epiphaniusof Salarninahadalreadybelievedto be cxtinctin theEastat ihe endof the fourth century,but which PopeGelasiushadalso hadto dealwith in 496 for the West. Qn the otherhand,evenortbodoxreligionitsclf gaye grcat importance lo angelic intervcntions in ihe miraculousepisodesof the Sicilian Passionesandof te Lives of the holy rnonksof theisland, from the Roman age to the Byzantine. Vcry ancient dedicationsofchurchesto tbe archangelMichael bearwitncss to this, as, for example,thededication of the small basilica of Ctisma, not far from the renownedHagyrion monastcry:in the tenth century Ihis was completely ruined andburied in Ihe forest, so thai Sabaof Collesano,with bis fatber Stcphenandkw othermonks, was 5cmto rcbuild it andreclaimthe land, as bis L~fe telísus.

Among alí thc religious diversities wbicb characterizedSicily in thesccenturies,only te Jewsseemin fact to persístunalteredin an urbancontenas well as in a rural one,especiallyin the easíernsector. In thc country,PopeGregorystroveto carry out te taskof persuadingat leasí ihe Jewisbcolonidependingon the RomanChurch lo be baptized.In Ihe town life one seeshow Jcwisb magic, superstition and medicine are a constaní structuralelemeníin the biographiesof the bishopsand, later, of ihe holy monks ofSicily (eighth-tenthcenturies),alí indeedset lii towns.

Thus,te rclígiouspanorama is quite well defined.OrthodoxCbristianity15 uniformly rooted mn alí the urban arcas with no extraneousclemenís(exceptfor ihepresenceof a few Jcwishfamilies). In ihe country,on the olberhand, one flnd scattcredfragmenísof dissidcnceof more or lcss ancientmatrix relegatedto toseareasless easily reachedby tbe influenceof urbanlife. Evideníly, in Sicily, ihe rnonolithic andall-embracingnatureof ihe grcatimperial, senatorial,and ecclesiasticesíatesdirecíly controlled from Romewas so strongas not lo leave any opportuniíy for other alternatives.Thcpatrimonial structurc of the massae incorporated mio itself botb ruralcommunitiesand Ihe scattcredscttlements(the latier, in this period, wereincreasingin the Island, asihe safetyof life in ihecountrywas neverdisturbeduntil Ihe fu-st Saracenraid in 652, andas ihe stability of ihe populationdidfol suifer from the wars, famines,and epidemicswhich, on ihe contrary,ragedelsewhere).So that Sicily did not undergoadeve¡opmeníof Ihe villagemio a largerunil of setílemení(alniost a link betweenthe kórneandtbepólis)on ihe ¡mes of the easternmetrokomla,wherethe cthnic unity and the socialcobesionof Ihe village wcre particularly favourableto te total following ofcertainspirilual movements,whetherthcy were pagan,Christian,or heretical(as a recent,penctratingcontributionby Gílbert Dagronhasshown).

Ch i-istianisation in SEd/y (Iflrd- VI¡th Century) 225

For Ihe samereason,most of the marketsoutsídcte urban contexí inSicily musíhaveleenincludedin tbe grcatestatesandmusíhaveservedtbeirneeds,al timescoíncidingwitb Ihe stationesof the publie roadneiwork.Tbis,in tun, was forming in Ihe late imperial age againin conjunclionwith iheexigencies of Ibe greal estates(tbis can be observedin Piazza Armerinathrough te epigraphical evidence, for example). 1 belíeve Ihis explainsanothernoteworthyabsencein Ihe religious lífe of Sicily al thaI time: ihereare no greal fairs outside Ihe cities. Elsewhereihey took place during ihecclebrationsof the daysof Sainislocallyvenerated,andwcre the occasionformeetingsof Ihe typesociologisíswould now cali «liminal» betweenpeopleofdifferent social extractionandorigin, a son of ceremonialwhich was sacredandprofaneatIhe sametime, in which fraternizationamongihepilgrimswasaccompaniedby Ihe exchangeof regional manufacturedproducís-Withoutgoing as far as Ihe mosí famous fairs of MerovingíanGaul, one needqnlyrecalí the Lucanconventusnearwhat is now San Giovanni al Fonte,a placeoncesacredlo Leucoihea,which later becamea worshipcentrein honourofihe Carihaginianbishop Cyprian, as we learn from Cassiodorus.

Sicilian devotionalpracticein Ihesecenluriesalso lacks Ihosegrealpilgri-magestowardslocal centresof worshipconstitutedaroundfamousholy relies,such as Ihe scrinia of Sainí Agaiha or of Sainí Lucia: one may conirasíIbiswiih the altractionexercisedby ihe many sancluariesof ihis period in Gaul,in Africa and in Spain, veritable workshopsof miracles and exorcisrns,íheaterswhcre Ihe powerof Ihe holy remainsmanifesteditselfdaily. In Sicily,devotion might be intense, buí it was local; a constantly «liminoid»phenomenon(thai is optional and individual) raiher iban «liminal» (thai is,ritualized and choral). Ii, iherefore, did nol have that dirnension whichelsewhere,from lateantiquiiy onwards,madeit a very particularson of massthcrapythroughspace.Ofcourse,iherewere peoplewho, from neighbouringcentresor from theshoresbeyondihe Straitsof Mcssina,carneto ihe tomb ofSainí Agathain Catania.Lucía herselfcamefrom Syracuselo Ihe shrineinCataníaal Ihe beginningof ihe fourihceniury(buí Ihe speciacularanti-Arianmiraclesperformedby Ihe relies of Sainí Agathaare describedby GregoryIhe Greatonly in relationlo th~ church dedicatedto her in ihe SuburrainRome).Therewerc peoplewho buried Iheir dearestrelativesnearIhe tombsof the mariyrs, as if lo exorcisedeaththrough ihe nearnesslo thesegreatInnoceníBeings, who hadsurvivedunspeakabletormenisand were for everpresentwiih their miraculous bodies amongthe living: ibis was done forinstanceby Ihe parentsof the girí lulia Florentina,who died al ihe age ofeighteenmonthsat Hybla sometime beiween314and320 raoughly;shewasbunied al Caianiapro foribus niartyrorum, as ihe funerary inscription says.Therewere ihosewho visited the sepulchreof Sainí Pancratiusal Taormina,such as Elia froni Ennain ihe tenth century,who set oIT from the SalinaeinCalabría.Buí Sicíly was aboye alí a poiní of departureor of transii forpilgrims boundfor Paleslineor for Rome. In ihe fourih and f¡fth centuriesarístocraisand ladiesof senatorialrankwho hadvowed ascetismpausedin

226 LelE/a Cracco Ruqqin/

their villas on the islandbefore conlinuíng lo Ihe Holy Land.And an equalandoppositcflow reachedRomeandIfie lornbsof Ibe apostíesfrom Ihe Eastand from Africa, following more or lcss the samerouteswhich were to betakcnseveralcenturieslaterby thc Sicilian andIlalo-GreekmonksboundforJerusalemand (it was even acompulsorystopping-offpoiní) for Rome.

Indeed,as recentstudieshavesbown (Victor Turner,PeterBrown), theurban and suburbancentres of pifgrimage in the high middle agesof IheWestwereskilfully directedby the local urbannobility (lay andeccíesiastical),«impresarios»of Ihe holy, as PeterBrown puts it, and flrmly rooted in Ihecalhedralsandlarge centreswhich madeup tbe basis of Iheir power. Buí inthe caseof Sicily, its particular historical vicissítudesfrorn Ihe RomanageonwardensuredthaI therewas no really importanícity life, and so it had nourban classescndowedwith a decisive power. Here lies, in my opinion, theexplanationfor anotherabsencewhich emergesin the devotionallife of Sicilyin contrastwith olber areas,such as Italy, Spain,andMerovingianGaul, forexample:Ihe extremelyscantyevidenceof the transferof relics. Thereis sorneslight referenceto it buí almostentirely in relationlo martyrsfrom Romeandin tbe periodwhenthe Churchwas still persecuted.Buí for Sicily Ihereis no-record of those translations and exchangesof holy rclics with solemnceremonies,which elsewhere,from the fffth centuryonwards,were assumingIhe apparatusandfunction wbich had formerly leen typical of the imperialadventus.They, too, in fact were domain of Ihe urban upper classes,areflection of their networkof friendshipsandinterrelaíions,the manifestationof an intricate systemof patronagewhich united Ihe religious and Ihe layélites, oflen al an internationallevel (recenísludies by E. D. Huní, K. G.Ho¡um andO. Vikan havecast lighl on Iheseaspecís).It is worth noting thaIthe mosí frequentevidenceof the traslationof relics of Sicilian Saintsis lo befound outside Ihe island, and not due to the local bishops but manageddirectly from Rome by Ihe Pope himself: Grcgory Ihe Great sení relics ofSainí Pancratiuslo the bishopsof Milan and of Saintesin Aquitania; heinstrucíedthe bishop of Sorrentosolemnlylo placeIhe sanctuaria(thaI is, thereliquaries) of Sainí Agatha in Ihe monasteryof Sainí Stephenon Capri.Perhapsa «holy comrnerce»of tbis kind did exisí on the island; but Iheoblivion which has sulimergedit only underlinesits unimportancefor theobservcrs themselvesof Ihose times; or cisc, tbe unimporíanceof Iheobserverswho are now forgotíen,which amouníslo the samething.

The eccíesiasticalstructure in Sicily was arliculated by degreesmíonumerousepiscopalscaís,suifraganof Ihe Romanarchdioceseandobviouslysituatedin tbe urban centresof major importance.Belwcen the leginning ofIhe fourt centuryandIhe beginningof Ihe sixth, Ihe following seatscertainlyexisíed: Syracuse, Lílybaeum, Tauromenium, Palermo, Lipari, Messina,Tindari, andCalania. Thcse were joined sornedecadeslater by Agrigento,Triocala,Carini andMalta, andin Ihe seveníhcenturyby Lcontini, TerminiImereseandMilazzo. Unlil Ihe seventhcentury,Ihe priesíswere mainly ofLatin origin, as Ihe namesfound in inscriptions, and, later. Ihe letters of

Christianisation in Sicily (¡IIrd-VIIth Century) 227

GregoryIhe Grealseemto confxrm. Al Ihe Councilof Calcedoniain 451, Ihebishop of Lilybaeum, Pascasinus,had even lo makc use of a Greekinterprcter.

Even if one considersthe oldest hagiographictraditions —which havebeenmentionedaboye—onehasIhe impressionof a SicilianChristianityof amarkedly Roman-provincialcharactereven in thc firsí centuries,whatevermay have leenIhe original germinatingelements,eastern-Greek,or Lalin-African. In addition lo Ihe onomasticsof Ihe martyrs, Ihe elcmentsformingthe substanceof Ihe Passionesíhcmselvessuggestthis. And oneshouldnotforget thaI these were Ihe few Sicilian Sainís received mío the Romanmaríyrologyandwhoseculí ihereforeachieveda cerlaindiffusion in Rorne, inItaly, in Gaulandeven in Constanlinoplewilh ihe approvalandencourage-ment of the papacy itself. It was their Passiones which were grantedadmíssionlo ihe liturgical lexís, which, on Ihe contrary,had lo excludeaproliferationof otherpersonages,perhapsof a differenl natureandcharacter,which were ihen veneratedlocally but arenow forgoiten,thoughsometimesmaysurviveas íf fossilizedin the residiuesof popularpiety.Thus oneis facedby ihe fruits of aselectivity which alreadyexístedandwas alreadyrigorousinthoseancíenítimes, andwhich, however,is significaní in itself; alí the moreso, if one recalísthe use madeof thesehagiographiclcxts, which were ofíenrecitedpublicly on dic occasionof Ihe natalicia of ihe Sainisand thus hadgrealsocíalandpolitical importanceal the level of collective psychology.

In this contexí, it would be worth investigatingihe dcephistorical andpsychologicalmolivationsof a very particular feature: ihe role andimpon-anceof female sanctity in Sicily during this period,a role and importancewhich were unknownlo ihe misogynousSicilian hagiographyof laler ccntu-Hes clearly Byzantinein character).Agatha,Lucía andher mother,Ninfa, andAgrippinaareexamples;andit is curiousthat alí theseSaintsneverbecamethepatronsof conventsbuí only-of monasteries.Perhapsone should considerIhis is a consequenceof the importanírole in fact carriedout by ihe pietasofwomen of noble families iii. the developmentof carly Sícilian Chrislianity.This was really acharacteristicof ihe senatorialaristocracyin lateantiquity:it was preseníboth in ihe pre-Constantinianphasc(which may be called thephaseof ihe «sacredin privatehands»:martyrs’ bodiesrediscoveredby piousladies,siolen andconcealedon pnivate propertiesandtheresecretlyworship-pedandmonopolizedin cemeterieswhich at fu-sl were reservedonly for thefarníly), and in ihe later phase of eccíesiasticalstructuriúg, through ihedonationof lands,ihe foundationof monasleries,charitableworks,as well aseconomicandpolitical supportof variouskinds(onemaylake as anexampleIhe role of the Valerii family in Sicily through MelaniaJunior).Rut perhapsIhis predominionof femalesanctity in thc earliestphaseof Sicílian Chrislian-ity should alsobe relatedto ihe prevalenceof culis in ihe island which werealready devoted to female divinities, in an age-old confluence of native,Greek, Punic, Egyptian and easternelements.Wc may recalí ihe specialdiffusion in Sicily of ihe culis of Anna, DemetraandKore, of Ihe Venus-

228 LelE/a Cracco Ruggini

Astarle Encina,andof Isis (indeed,it hasbeensuggcstedthai the processionof Sainí Agaíha in Cataniareveals tracesof te naviqiumls/Jis).

At Ihe lime of Melania,of Pinianoandof Rufinusof Aquilcia (ibeir friendandguesíin a villa on the Straits,bctween408 and410),voluntary isolationon iheir Sicilian estalesof a certain Christian aristocracyand Iheir clientes—an isolation dedicatedto a life of conlemplationandprayer,lo thestudyofte Scriplurcand lo Ihe transíationof sacredworks from Greek—had nolyct given birth lo real monastie institutions on the island. Thesc wereexclusively individual undertakings,simpletranspositionsin a Christian keyof Ihe learnedoUa thenalso practisedby ihe pagansenatorialnobility. Ihefirst concreteevidenceof a Sicilian monachismis lo be found only towardsthc end of Ihe flfth centuryin a letíer of PopeGelasius1, and,alittle later, inIhe Vito of ihe future bishopof Ruspe,Fulgentius,who passedlhroughSicilyduringbis travel from Romelo Alexandriaandvisited Ihe monasleryof SainíPeter as Baias founded by Ihe bishop of Syracuse, Fulalius. And it issignificaníthat Sicilian monachismin its origins is at onceseenlo be linkedlo the decisions and control of ihe eccíesiaslicalhierarchy, in absoluteconformity with ihe westernmodel and in sharpcontrasíwilh ihe primitivemonachismof EgypíandSynia,which for a long lime held itself to be outsideeccíesiasticalsiructuresand regardedthem with asuperiorandautonomousatlitude: whoever becomesa monk «dies» for alí thai concernestheauthoritiesof the Churchandof ihe world, Naihanieldeclaresin the HistoriaLausiaca.

A wholc seriesof namesof monks, of abbotsandabesses,mentionedbyPopeGregorywith referencelo the monasticcommunitiesof Sicily —Urbí-cus, Caesarius,Lohannes, Viator, Domitius, Bonus, Catellus, Domina,Adeodatus,Adeodata,etc—, revcalsan almosí total Latin origin for suchpersonagessíill atibeendof tbe sixthcentury,as badalreadybeennotedforpriestsandbishops.Furihermore,in contrasíwilh the mosí typical Greek-castern monachismbelween Ihe fourtb and fifth centuries,monachisminSicily was characíerizedas a predominanílyurban phcnomenon,bolb withregardto location(generally in townsandcities orjusí outside,as indeedhadbeenIhe casewith pagansantuariessincetbe Grecianera),andlo the links ofdependenceandcontrol which connecledit lo Ibe diocesanstrucluresandloIhe directsupervisionof the Churchof Rome.Al the end of Ihe sixth ceníurythe monasticfoundationsmentionedby GregoryIhe Greatin his correspon-denceas having already existedfon sometime or as having recently leenfoundcd are vcry numerous.In fact it was ByzantineSicily, far more thanItaly or any otber province, whicb formed the centerof Gregory’s policydesignedto procure a «Latin» monasticmobilization. This was pant of amore ampleplan, which was deliberatelydesignedlo opposeIhe processofByzantinizationwhich in tesevery Sicilian citiesleganlo becomeevideníatthai time, attackingihe local distribution of power andeven threatening,rcmotely, to undermine Ihe Latin-Roman framcwork of the eccíesiasticalhierarchy(clergy andmonks)lhrough a revival of liturgical, devotional,and

Christianisation in Sic/ly (¡IIrd- VIJth Century) 229

eccíesiasticalcusloms of a Greek natune, which had never beencompletclyput aside. Traces remain in the letters of Gelasius1, PelagiusII, and ofGregoryhimselfas well as in ihe tradilion which laten flowed mio Ihe ¡‘ita ofGregonyof Agrigento.

Howeveruncertainihe localion of Ihe monasteriesandconvenísmentio-ned by Gregonythe Greal in ihe various urbantopographicalcontexismayappeantoday, we know for example that ihose of Sainí Hermes,SainíMaximus and Agaiha, thc Praetorianum, Sainí Hadrianus, and SainíTheodoruswerealí to be found in Palermo,in whosesurroundingsiherewasalso ihe conveníof Sainí Martin. Anothen monastenydedicated lo SainíTheodonuswas situatedin Messina.Thoseof SaintLucia and of Sainí Peterad Bajas,as well as thai foundedby the piousnoblewomanCapitularia,werenearSyracuse.Saint SlephennearAgrigenlo was a convent.The monasterydedicatedto the SainisPeter,Lawrence,Hermes,andPancratiuswas nearLilybaeum (Mansala).SainíVitushadleenbuilí on Ihe slopesof Etna in Ihetime of Pope PelagiusU (579-580 a.DJ. There was anoihermonasteryatLeníini, and íwo in the dioceseof Tauromenium(Taormina),of which one—foundeda little before ihe pontificate of Gregory—is thoughl to be therirsí in the West dedicatedlo Sainí Christopher,and Ihe second—SainíAndrew super Mascalas—may le recognizedin the present-dayternitory ofMáscali on ihe north-easternslopes of Etna. There are only lwo casesinGregory’s paperswherementionis madeof monasteniessituatedin Ihe heaníof the country: thai of Saint George in Ihe massa Maratodis and oneregisteredin thefundus Monotheus.

1 havedwelt on this list of Sicilian monasteriesactive at the leginning ofihe seventhcentury for a precise reason:in ihe rangeof Saintslo whommonaslerieswere dedicated,it offers an extremelysignifxcant devotionallandscapc.If oneanalysesIhe oniginsandtraditionsóf everyoncof dieseSainis,one may clearly observeihe predominionof a sanctity filtered by Rome,althoughfrequenlly oniginaling from the provinces(Paul,Andrew, Stephen,Martin, Hermes,Theodore,Adrian); whenone finds Sainísof local denivalion(Agaiha, Lucia, Vitus, Maximus) it is preferredto «guarantee»them (as itwerc) by groupingwith them in ihe samededicationsRomanapostíesand(or) martyrs.This emphasis(which beginsin Sicily only in the sixth ceníury)on holy couples(Peler and Paul, Paul and John, Maximus and Agatha,Adnian andNathalie, Lucia andGeminianus,etc.) or on groupsof mantyrsgaiheredtogeiher in a single culí in increasinglygreal numbers(Peter,Lawrence,Hermes,Pancratiusin a monasteryof Lilybaeu.ni, as wehaveseenVitus, Fuplus, andPancratiusin achurch of Messina,again in ihe age ofGregory the Great; ihe Forty Martyrs of Sebastein a churchof Cataniadedicatedby Ihe bishop Leo, in the eight century) may havea particularsignificance.Thc tendencytowardsmultipleaggregationsandihe fact that Ihecouplesareoften madeup of a male andafemaleSaint seemsto excludeanexplanationof thephenomenonsolely as a metamorphosisin Christiantermsof «dioscurismus»,lhat is, of the paganwonshipof coupleddivinities, which

230 Lellia Cracco Ruggini

undoubtedlyhada remarkablediffusion in Sicily (one needsonly recalí ihePalicí, the Dioskouroi—widely veneratedespeciallyin Syracdse,Agrigenloand Tindari— and Ihe mysterious lwins invoked in ihe magic Judaicphilaclery of Cómiso, still betweenIhe founlh and the tifth centunies).It isknown thaI outsideSicily ihe aggregationof two or moreSainisin a unitaryculí from the founth cenluryhad servedal limes to expressa searchor adesire for barmony in parlicularly discordantmoments or in riotouscommunities,suchas Milan andRome.Thus it mightwell le significantthaIihe sametendency becomesnoteworthy in Sicily only in thai self-sameByzaníine period, as if the unifying harmony letween Saints of differentorigins was an emblem of ihe need for understandingbetween the localpopulationsand ihe elemenísnewly immigratedfrom the Byzantineworld,under Ihe hoped-foraegisof Rome, sedesAposto/orum.

Thus the Church in thesecenluriesplayed an exlremelyelfectivepan inthe more generalprocessof Lalinization in progressin Ihe island, as well-knownstudiesby A. FerruaandL. S. Agnello haveclearly discernedin Ihelinguistic spherethroughan ampleepigraphicdocumenlation(which revealshow Ihe use of Gneekprevails in Sicily unlil tbe fourtb/flftb centuries,andthen graduallydeclinesbetweenihe flfth and ihe seventh).It is only in themore remolerural aneasthai, logeiher with a still persistinguse of Grcekbothfor loponymsandin funeralepigraphs,onefmds Greek-speakingpniests,such as Ajihales, mentionedin an inscniptiondatablebelween394 and402,who had a church bujíl in ihe Ortesianumestate (a districí near Modica,rememberedalsoas iheplaceof origin of theChnistianEutychia,in herburialinscription in Greek at Syracuse).

In anycase,tbe presenceof priesisin Ihe mosícut-of-lhe-waycountrysidereveals the consolidation of eccíesiaslical institutions well beyond iherestricted environmeníof ihe town, a consolidation which followed thegrowing tendencyíowardsscatteredseltíemenís.In ihe catacombsof Akrai,fon example,ihe Latín inscriplion of ihe priesí lanuariusrecalls Ihe fortyyearsof his minislry in IhefundusLogarianus.In 592 Gregorythe GrealwasconcennedaboutIhe monasteryof SaintGeorgein the massaMaratodis,whichwas loo poor lo bearIhe onera imposedby Ihe priesí of ihe estate.In 444bishop Pascasinusof Lilybaeum meníionsa small church in Ihe vilissimapossessioMeltinas (in ihe territory of Lilybaeum) in a lelter to Pope Leon.The Popehadconsulledhim about the vexed queslionof Ihe Eastercycle,and ihe bishop replied describing a miracle which had occured at ihebaptismalfont thereduring te ponlificateof Zosimusas a confinmationofIhe nightnessof the Alexandriancalculationof Easler(alsousedin Sicily) andto refute ihe error which had prevailed,on Ihe contrary, in thc «weslernparis».1 believe ihis lalter evidencepanticularly interesling as it providesaconcreteexampleof Ihe prudenímediationof Ihe Sicilian episcopatebetweenihe «Lalinizing» instrucíionsof ihe Church in Rome and the deeply-rootedlocal traditionsof Greekorigin. It transmitslo Ihe summit of ihe hierarchy,lhroughihe usual bureaucraticchannelsof the papacy,ihe exigenciesof ihe

Christianisation in Sic//y (II¡rd-V¡Ith Century) 231

generalforms of devolion in Sicily, well-set in its customs,while al the samelime juslifying them by Iheir own miraculousfruils.

Thus Ihe situalionof Christianityin Sicily in ihe first four centuriesof itshistory presentsseveral precisecharacteristics,and sorne —equally impor-taní— absences.Onefinds devotionalmostenlirely attributedto tbe apostíesand lo Ihe martyrs (either local or Greek-easlern,buí alí mediatedandap-proved by patnistic or Romanveneration);a mixture of native hagiographictraditionswilh elemenisimponed from Rome; a predominantinfluenceofthe high Romanaristocracy,both in ihedevotionalstyle (whereonly the veryparticular worship of the angelsis seento belongto a ditierení cultural andsocialmalnix) andin eccíesiasticalsiruclures,with an exciusivisílendencyanda desirefor amonopolywhich becameprogressivelymorerigid andmanifestas the firsí real effects of Ihe Byzantinizationof the social fabric begin to be-feIt.

Ihe particular economic and cultural gravilation of the Chnisliananistocratiecurrenisof Rome towardsihe largeestatesof ihe island may becorrelatedwilh the ratherdifflcult anddelayeddevelopmentin Sicily of thelocal organizationof dioceses,from the beginningsof ihe fourth centuryonwards.The dioceseswere basedon Ihe cities but, al Ihe sametime, wereconditionedby Ihe weaknessof the urban situation, where ihe élites of layandeccíesiasticalgovernmentevidentlyneverachievedthe independence,theeconomicstrengthand the aulhority sufliciení to makeihe city mío apoleofaltraclion for great pilgnimages,a driving force fon interregional religiousfestivals andfor the foundationof prestigioussantuaries,as, on ihe contrany,happenedin olber regionsof Europein late antiquity.

BibliographyHesidesLíe obvious referencesLo:

BHG, BHL, AA.SS.,Gnegory’s Líe GreatReqistrumEpistularum(MGH, Epp. 1-2),J. O. Mansi, Sacrorumconciliorum nova et ampiissima collectio... Florentiae,1759 IV.,

III IV., see especially:For the historical framework:

F. Pfister, Der Reliquienkultini Altertum. Giessen,1909-1912,1-II.F. Pradel, Griechische und siiditalienische Gebete. Beschwórunqenuná Rezptedes

Mittela/ters. Giessen,1907,esp. pp. 135 fI’.F. Lanzoni, Le diocesídha//adalle or¡gini alprinci~io del seco/ovii (an. 604), St. e

Testí 35 bis. Firenze, 1926, II, CS~. PP. 609-655.L. White, «TIe Byzantinizationof Sicily», Am. Hist. Rey. 42, 1936-t937,PP. 2-6.B. Pace,Arte e civiltá della Sicilia antica. Cittá di Castello, 1935-1946,111-1V.A. Bnelich, «Lareligione grecain Sicilia», Kokalos 10-11, 1964-1965(Mli del! Congr.

mt. di St. sW/a Sicilia ~4ntica),PP. ~ anddiscussionPP. 54-62.R. Schilling, «La placede la Sicile dans la religion rornaine»,ibid., PP. 259-286.A. Pincherle, «Sulle onigini del cristianesimoin Sicilia», ibid., PP. 547-562, and

discussionPP. 562-564.P. Testini, Archeologiacristiana. Han, 1980~.

232 Lellia Cracco Ruggini

Lellia Cracco Ruggini, La Sicilia fra Roma e Bisanzio, in Storia del/a Sici/ia, III.NapoIl, 1980, PP. 1-96, esp. 7 II, 28 ff., 8 IT, 44ff., 49ff.

O. Cavallo,«La lrasmissionescniltadella culturagrecaanticain Calabniae in Siciliatra i secoli x-xv. Consistenza,tipologia, fruizione»,Scrittura e civiltá 4, 1980,Pp.151-245.

F. Burgarella, La Chiesa Greca di Ca/abria in etá bizantina (vi-vn seco/o), inTestimonianzecristianeanticheed altomedievalinellaSibaritide.Atti de/ Conv.Naz.tenuto a Corigliano-Rossanol’¡1-12 marzo 1978. Un. di Rail [1980];Pp. 13-41.

Tardo antico e alto medioevobizantinoe longobardo,in Storia del Val/o Diano.Salerno,1982, PP. 13-41.

E. P. Rizzo, «Cristianesimo»,Ko/calos26-27, 1980-1981(Atti del y Congr. mt. di St.sulla Sici/ia Antica), PP. 383-401.

Ch. Piélri, «La mort en Occidení dansl’épigraphielatine.De l’épigraphie palenneál’epigraphieebrétienne,3e-6esiécles,La Maison-Dieu144, 1980,Pp. 25-48.

«Aristocnalieel Sociétécléricaledans¡‘Italie cirétienneau tempsd’Odoacreetde Théodonic,MÉFRA 93, 1981,pp. 417-467.

A. Guillou, La cultura nell’Ita/ia bizantinadal VI a/l’vn¡ secolo,in La cu/tura in Italiafra Tardo Antico e Alto Medioevo.Atti del Coni~ tenuto a Roma,CNR> ¡2-16 nov.1979. Roma, 1981, II, PP. 575-586.For archaeologicaland epigraphicdocurnents:

A. Ferrua, «Epigraflasicula paganae cristiana»,RAC 18, 1941, Pp. 151-243.«Sicilia bizantina»,Epiqraphica 5-6, 1943-1944,Pp. 85-108.

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M. Burzachechi,«Nuove iscrizioni greche cristiane di Comiso», Rend. Acc. Naz.Lincei, Cl. Sc. Mor., St. e Filol., 5. viii, 14, 1959, Pp. 403-410.

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O. Manganaro,«Nuovi documentimagici della Sicilia Orientale»,Rená.te. Naz.Lincei, Cl. Sc. Mor., St. e Filol., 5. viii, 18, l963,pp.57-74+6tavv.

O. Agnello, Recentiscopertee studisui cimiteri paleocristianidella Sicilia, in Atti del VICongr. ¡¡it. di Archeol. Crist. cit., PP. 279-294.

«Nuovi nitrovamentinella catacombadi 5. Maria a Siracusa»,RAC 49, 1973(Miscelí. in on. di L. De Bruynee A. Ferrita S.J.),pp. 7-31.

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Cittá del Vaticano, 1928, pp. 1-54.A. Ehrhard, (}ber/iefen¿ng uná Bestand den hagiographischenund homiletisehen

Litenatur der griechisehen Kirche von den Anfángen bis zum Ende des 16.Jahrhunderts.Leipzig, 1936-1943,1-111.

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1950 (Mél. P. Peeters,II), PP. 58-93.5. Costanza,«Un ‘martyrion’ meditodi 5. Luciadi Siracusa»,Arch. St. Sir., 1957, PP.

1-43.F. Corsario, «Studi sui documenti agiografici intorno al martirio di 5. Euplo»,

Orpheus 4, 1957, pp. 32-62.O. Da CostaLouilleL, «SaintsdeSicile et d’Italie méridionale»,Byzantion29-30,1959-

1960, PP.89-173.O. Rossi Taibbi, Martirio di SantaIncia, ¡¡ita di SantaMarina. Ist. Sic. di St. Biz. e

Neogreci6. Palermo,1959.Évelyne Patíagean.«Les moines grecs d’Italie et l’apologie des tiésespontificales

(víl¡e-íxc siécles»>,St. Med. 5, 1964, pp. 579-602.Énnica Follieri, Santi occidentalinell’innografia bizantina, in L’Oniente cristiano nella

aonia della civilta (Roma,31 ,narzo-3aprile 1963, Firenze,4 aprile ¡963). Probí.attuali di Sc. e Cultura, Ace. Naz. Lincel Quad. 62, Roma, 1964, Pp. 251-271.

____ ¡ rapporti fra Bisanzio e l’Occidente nel campodell’agiografia, in Proc. of theX¡IIth. ¡nf. Congn.of Byz. St. (Oxford, 5-10 Sept.1966). London, 1967, Pp. 355-362.

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O. Sdhirñ, Per l’esumazionedi a/ami testi agiografici siculo-italogreci, in Byzantino-Sicula, ¡st. Sic. di St. Hiz. e Neocíl. Quad.2. Palermo,1966, Pp. 85-103.

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234 Leí//a Cracco Ruygini

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E. Merendino,«Oh inediti neila tradizioneagiograficadi 5. Oregoriodi. Agrigento»,Or. Christ. Per. 45, 1979,PP.359-372.Particularlystimulating in methodology:

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Stephen»,DumbartonOaks Papen33, 1979, PP. 113-133.N. 1. Wood,fiar/y MerovingianDevotionin Town ant) Country,in The Church in Town

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