chronicon anonymum pseudo-dionysianum vulgo dicto -775 ...in.bgu.ac.il/en/csoc/reading into...

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Christian C. Sahner St John’s College, University of Cambridge “Conversion at Opposite Ends of the Early Muslim World: Cyrus of Ḥarrān and the Martyrs of Córdoba” Texts on Conversion to Islam Center for the Study of Conversion, Ben Gurion University of the Negev January 2016 ++++++++++++++++++++ Text Group 1: The Chronicle of Zuqnīn (ca. 775, Syriac, Northern Mesopotamia) a. An era of apostasy: J.-B. CHABOT, ed. Chronicon anonymum Pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dicto. 4 vols. Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1949-1989, here: Vol. 2, pp. 381-93 Amir HARRAK, tr. The Chronicle of Zuqnīn Parts III and IV, A.D. 488-775. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1999, pp. 321-30 b. Martyrdom of Cyrus of Ḥarrān (d. 769) Amir HARRAK. “Piecing Together the Fragmentary Account of the Martyrdom of Cyrus of Ḥarrān.” Analecta Bollandiana 121 (2003), pp. 297-328, esp. 318-28 Text Group 2: The Martyrs of Córdoba (ca. 850s, Latin, Spain) a. Paulus Alvarus laments the loss of Latin culture among the Christians of Córdoba Juan GIL, ed. Corpus scriptorum Muzarabicorum. 2 vols. Madrid: Instituto Antonio de Nebrija, 1973, here: Vol. 1, p. 314 Edward P. COLBERT. The Martyrs of Córdoba: A Study of the Sources. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, p. 301 b. Martyrdom of Aurea (d. 856) GIL, Corpus scriptorum Muzarabicorum, Vol. 2, pp. 456-59

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Page 1: Chronicon anonymum Pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dicto -775 ...in.bgu.ac.il/en/csoc/Reading into Islamization Workshop Texts/Session... · J.-B. CHABOT, ed. Chronicon anonymum Pseudo-Dionysianum

Christian C. Sahner

St John’s College, University of Cambridge

“Conversion at Opposite Ends of the Early Muslim World:

Cyrus of Ḥarrān and the Martyrs of Córdoba”

Texts on Conversion to Islam

Center for the Study of Conversion, Ben Gurion University of the Negev

January 2016

++++++++++++++++++++

Text Group 1: The Chronicle of Zuqnīn (ca. 775, Syriac, Northern Mesopotamia)

a. An era of apostasy:

J.-B. CHABOT, ed. Chronicon anonymum Pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dicto. 4 vols. Louvain: L.

Durbecq, 1949-1989, here: Vol. 2, pp. 381-93

Amir HARRAK, tr. The Chronicle of Zuqnīn Parts III and IV, A.D. 488-775. Toronto: Pontifical

Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1999, pp. 321-30

b. Martyrdom of Cyrus of Ḥarrān (d. 769)

Amir HARRAK. “Piecing Together the Fragmentary Account of the Martyrdom of Cyrus

of Ḥarrān.” Analecta Bollandiana 121 (2003), pp. 297-328, esp. 318-28

Text Group 2: The Martyrs of Córdoba (ca. 850s, Latin, Spain)

a. Paulus Alvarus laments the loss of Latin culture among the Christians of Córdoba

Juan GIL, ed. Corpus scriptorum Muzarabicorum. 2 vols. Madrid: Instituto Antonio de

Nebrija, 1973, here: Vol. 1, p. 314

Edward P. COLBERT. The Martyrs of Córdoba: A Study of the Sources. Washington, D.C.: The

Catholic University of America Press, p. 301

b. Martyrdom of Aurea (d. 856)

GIL, Corpus scriptorum Muzarabicorum, Vol. 2, pp. 456-59

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Overview

The texts I have selected are designed to highlight two aspects of religious change in

the early Islamic period: mass conversion and contested conversion. My comments will focus

on the regions of northern Mesopotamia (al-Jazīra) and Spain (al-Andalus). I do so in the hopes

of comparing how Islamization unfolded in two areas that are not often examined side-by-side,

but which shared much in common. Both were majority-Christian regions whose inhabitants

fretted over the loss of local religion and culture due to Muslim political control. They

expressed their anxieties, in turn, through rich hagiographical and historical texts.

The first group of sources (where most of my comments will be focused), come from

the Chronicle of Zuqnīn, written in Syriac around 775 in a Jacobite monastery in what is today

southeastern Turkey. The chronicle survives in a unique manuscript at the Vatican, the final

pages of which describe a mass exodus of Christians from the churches to the mosques during

the early ʿAbbāsid period. In the passages I have provided, there are interesting details about

the conversion of individuals (including Christian clergy), the conversion of groups, and the

role that economic pressure played in religious change. The capstone of this section is an

account of the martyrdom of Cyrus of Ḥarrān (d. 769), which survives in several extremely

damaged folia at the British Library. Cyrus seems to have come from a noble Christian family,

and perhaps because of his support for the Umayyads during the ʿAbbāsid revolution, he

earned the enmity of several high-ranking Muslims in his hometown. These individuals seem

to have spread rumors that Cyrus had converted to Islam. When Cyrus tried to deny the

allegations by professing his Christian faith publicly, he was labeled an apostate and sentenced

to death. The martyrdom of Cyrus highlights the potentially ambiguous nature of some

conversions, especially at a time when the criteria for conversion could be rather unclear and

the social frontiers between the communities rather blurry.

The second group of texts comes from Córdoba, the capital of the independent

Umayyad emirate of al-Andalus. During the 850s, Córdoba was the site of forty-eight Christian

martyrdoms, in which a diverse group of monks, nuns, priests, laymen, and laywomen lashed

out against the Muslim authorities and were killed. Most were executed for blasphemy, though

a small but significant number were also killed for apostasy. Although the reasons for these

outbursts are hotly debated, most historians agree that the martyrs and their biographers

were responding to the perceived erosion of Spain’s Christian culture under Islamic influence.

The first passage, widely quoted in the scholarly literature, comes from the Indulus luminosus of

Paulus Alvarus, a layman and apologist for the martyrs. In it, Alvarus laments the loss of Latin

and the rise of Arabic among the Christians of Córdoba. Although he does not address

conversion explicitly, he suggests that a compromised commitment to latinitas could lead to a

compromised commitment to Christianity, which, in turn, could lead to outright conversion to

Islam. The second passage comes from the Memoriale sanctorum, a group biography of the

martyrs written by their main promoter, the priest Eulogius. I have translated the chapter on

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the nun Aurea, who was born into a religiously mixed family of Muslims and Christians.

Although legally a Muslim by virtue of her father, she practiced Christianity publicly

throughout her life. It was not until a Muslim relative (?) from Seville discovered her “not-so-

secret” secret that she was forced to deny her faith before the local qāḍī – to whom she was

reportedly related by blood. Despite abjuring Christianity at the court, upon her release, Aurea

returned to the church. Soon after, she was found out for a second time, and on this occasion,

she refused to recant and was executed. Aurea’s story not only highlights the social

entanglements that bound Muslims and Christians together as relatives, neighbors, and

friends, but it also reveals the ambiguous quality of many conversions, given that individuals

sometimes displayed different identities in public and in private, and before the state and their

own families.

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1.a. The Chronicle of Zuqnīn, “An era of apostasy,” Harrak, pp. 321-30

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1.a. The Chronicle of Zuqnīn, “An era of apostasy,” Chabot, pp. 381-93

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2.a. Paulus Alvarus, Indiculus luminosus, “The loss of Latin culture among the Christians of

Córdoba,” Gil, CSM, Vol. 1, p. 314

2.a. Colbert, Martyrs of Córdoba, p. 301

That trained person, I ask, can be found today among our laity who with a knowledge of Holy

Scripture looks into the Latin volumes of any of the doctors? … Do not all the Christian youths,

handsome in appearance, fluent of tongue, conspicuous in their dress and action,

distinguished for their knowledge of gentile (i.e. Muslim) lore, highly regarded for their ability

to speak Arabic, do they not all eagerly use the volumes of the Chaldeans, read them with

greatest interest, discuss them ardently, and, collecting them with great trouble, make them

known with every praise of their tongue? All the while, they are ignorant of the beauty of the

Church and look with disgust on the Church’s rivers of paradise as something vile. Alas!

Christians do not know their own law, and Latins do not use their own tongue …

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2.b. Eulogius, Memoriale sanctorum, “Martyrdom of Aurea,” Gil, CSM, Vol. 2, pp. 456-59

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Eulogius, Memoriale sanctorum, Book 3, Chapter 17

“On Aurea (d. 856), virgin and martyr”

1. (Gil, p. 456) In that time, there was a certain noble virgin by the name of Aurea, who was the

sister of the holy martyrs Adulphus and John, whom we mentioned in the preceding (pages).1

From the time of their collision (with the Umayyad authorities), she was engaged in the

reward of prayer along with study of the sacred religion in the monastery of Cuteclara, which

was dedicated long ago to the name of the holy and glorious Virgin Mary.2 She remained

(there) for nearly thirty or more years, giving notice of her faith to everyone and carrying on

in the most Christian way of life openly without any fears. Since she was girded with garlands

on account of her birth and adorned with honors on account of her Arab lineage,3 none of the

foreigners (nullus exterorum) dared to protest the faith of the virgin. (So it was) until one of

them (arrived) from the area of Seville – where (Aurea’s) people originated – by whom, by

divine intervention I reckon, the crown of the virgin martyr – which had been laid aside before

the foundation of the world – would be prepared and praised to the highest heaven upon the

completion of her victory. For this reason, coming in order to explore the rumored faith and

conduct of the virgin, they cunningly pretended to visit her family in order, in fact, to see her

(?). Finding not merely a Christian woman, but indeed, also the sign of her holy devotion in the

1 Adulphus and John were executed by the Umayyad authorities in 822 or 825, several decades before the outbreak of the “martyrs’ movement” in 850-859. An account of their death was reportedly written by the monk Speraindeo (d. ca. 850-851) but no longer survives; see David Thomas et al., Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, Vol. 1, p. 633 2 An important monastery in a village just west of Córdoba, where Aurea lived with her mother Artemia, who was also a nun; several other martyrs from the 850s had connections there; see Rafael Castejón, “Córdoba califal,” Boletín de la Real Academia de Ciencias, Bellas Letras y Nobles Artes de Córdoba 8 (1929), pp. 333-34 3 That is to say, Aurea was of mixed Muslim-Christian ancestry; per the following line, her father’s side consisted of Muslims from the area of Seville. Aurea’s Muslim father is never mentioned explicitly in the text, though it is interesting that this man (who was perhaps dead by the time of Aurea’s execution) married a woman who would go onto become a nun and sired three children who would go onto die as martyrs. This is the only instance in the Memoriale sanctorum in which Eulogius refers to one of the martyrs as having “Arab” ancestry

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stigmata, they immediately sent a query about her to the judge (iudici), who by right of birth,

belonged to the same mixed lineage as the virgin.4

2. (Gil, p. 457) Having been roused in his gaze by such a report, the judge ordered her to appear

(before him). With a very gentle exhortation, he asked why she – who was distinguished in

nobility – would make herself low-born (degenerem) to such an extent out of obedience to the

Christian faith, and furthermore, why she would corrupt the badge of her lofty stock to such

an extent for this vile way of life. “But as soon as you are set free from all this filth,” he said,

“you shall be able to recover (your) birthright which has been corrupted and (your) distinction

– provided that you, bearing the decision, would choose to be admitted in private vows of our

faith, and that you, being obedient to us in the highest feelings, would follow what we follow,

and strive to go where we lead. But truly, if you (hold) us in contempt and disparage what we

cherish, and furthermore, if you resolve to continue following those whom you have imitated

up to now out of admiration for their faith, after various torments of horrible torture, and

after immense sufferings of manifold sorrows, which you the defendant (rea) shall pay in

recompense for such an offense, you shall finally meet the punishment of a most shameful

death!” They say that at that moment, the virgin yielded under the reproach of the judge, and

promised to freely carry out the entire order (that had been given) to her.5 Since it is better to

keep silent about matters which have not been verified than to boldly air things that are

untested, I who am ignorant dare not assert by what hidden means this apostasy (negatio)6

crept upon on the future martyr – whether it was the terror of the flesh or a desire for family

matters to be settled – unless perhaps we believe that she would not succumb due to weakness

of the flesh, as human judgment would grasp by its own conclusion, as a result of the following

events, in which she, stubbornly enduring in the profession of her faith, later earned the laurel

that had been promised (to her).

4 The judge – presumably the qāḍī of Córdoba – was related to Aurea. Muslim sources identify the qāḍī in the year 856 as Aḥmad b. Ziyād al-Lakhmī, whose brother served in the same position before him and whose nephew served after him; see al-Khushanī, Quḍāt Qurṭuba wa-ʿulamāʾ Ifrīqiya, 1953, pp. 98-100 (for the Lakhmī judges of al-Andalus) 5 That is to say, the judge offered Aurea the choice of returning to Islam and going free or remaining in Christianity and facing death as an apostate 6 Aurea was rare among the martyrs of Córdoba in that she was killed for apostasy, not blasphemy; in addition to this line, “apostasy” or “apostate” are alluded to twice more at §4 and §5.

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3. Therefore, after the judge heard her profession of faith, by which she pledged to observe

nearly all the rites of the law of her religion, he instantly (allowed) her to go wherever she

wished, and with freedom bestowed on her, she forthwith returned home. And just as before,

the soldier of Christ in no way forgot the practice of the holy faith, nor did she permit (herself)

to be separated from the community of the faithful. To the contrary, she committed herself

more than ever to their assemblies and pious acts. Lamenting the failure of her tongue with

fitting tears and inner feeling, she placed all her trust in the clemency of the Redeemer,

expecting that he would not drive away the guilty slave for the sin of prevarication – he who

also saved an adulterous woman from death by stoning, he who recovered Peter who was lying

in the churnings of the sea to serve as the leader of the Apostles, and he who admitted to

paradise the thief who had been defiled by killing his own father.7

Trusting in (her) plentiful and incomparable faith in the Lord, (Aurea) knew that the

momentary offense of a helpless servant would do no harm, He whose manifold mercy and

abundant redemption spring forth upon those who are unworthy of his grace, those to whom

no payment for hard work is available, (or whom) counsel (Gil, p. 458) vindicates. Thereafter,

the holy virgin increased in remorse, multiplied in her zeal for mourning, and doubled down in

her devotion. With great lamentation, she pushed her spirit, so that at the final judgment, she

would not be condemned for her sin, nor would she be given over to eternal punishment, nor

would she be pushed away from company with her brothers, the blessed martyrs Adulphus

and John, because of the fetters of her demerits.

4. Thereafter, with clear and fearless progress, she frequently visited church, increasingly

strengthened in the virtue of the Lord. Having been freed from earthly contagions, she (whose

name) should be inscribed in the heavenly court could breathe easily if she were sent back

once more to the tribunal to give testimony. But the cunning old hand (the Devil) did not bear

(this) gladly, since he realized that the recent apostate (elapsam) was serving as a soldier for

her Creator, her bond (with God) more faithful than before, and he understood that the

deception of his trickery would not be inwardly advantageous. For as a result of some

unknown stupidity that had been hurled out, the tongue of the virgin was thoughtlessly and

7 See John 8; Matthew 14:22-33; Luke 23:39-43

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carelessly turned away from professing the truth.8 Having noticed that (Aurea) was

undermined in speech but not in her heart, he lamented to his fellow demons (with whom he

had worked) for a long career, saying: “This nun (caelebs) long ago honored me by accident

with her lips, but recently, her heart, which is girded with heavenly virtue, has been separated

from my enticements through some grand opposition.” Therefore, once more he prompted a

certain recruit into persecuting the blessed virgin by looking into (the matter of) her faith

anew.

5. Meanwhile, several Muslims (gentilium) investigated her conduct, and discovering the

servant of Christ back in her former way of life, they immediately registered a complaint about

her with the judge. They asserted the offense and alleged various lies. And so that the defender

might oppose such contempt and strike down such boldness by the authority of the law, they

spoke passionately using perverse words. Immediately stirred by terrible anger, (the judge)

ordered a cruel attendant to drag her before him by force. And immediately, he expressed his

contempt for the cult which she had recently come into, threatening (her) with abandoning

what had been promised to her, and with horrible screams, asking why she did not respect the

order of such an important court. Then the virgin, who knew she had already been chosen by

heaven to undergo so great a contest, was endowed with a more prudent eloquence, and

having already undergone an examination, she replied to the judge with a holy regard: “I have

never been separated from Christ my God; I have never parted from his religion of piety; I have

never clung to your profanities or at this moment, either, even though not long ago (my)

tongue succumbed to a certain lapse in speech before you. Thus was my heart, having trust in

the Lord, who lifted me up within the supports of his promises, saying: ‘He who believes in me,

although he dies, shall live!”9 Therefore, even though I fell victim to the snare of apostasy

(laqueum praevaricationis) – at least in word – my heart remained protected (Gil, p. 459) along

the way of holy faith. For as soon as I left you, with vows and tears I (again) practiced the

religion which I had known since my childhood, guarding the faith and carrying on in my way

of life. Therefore, it now remains for me to be punished according to the rite of your profane

8 Referring to her confrontation with the judge in §2, in which Aurea chose to publicly renounce Christianity for Islam, all the while, remaining a Christian in private 9 John 11:25

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(religion) or by the avenging sword. But if it is possible to go unpunished, allow me to go forth

to be with Christ the Lord in all liberty!”

6. Set aflame by the virgin’s statement and about to (compose) a report on her for the king, the

most monstrous judge (arbiter) handed her over to prison and shackled her with an enormous

burden of chains. The next day, by the decree of the amīr (principis), he slaughtered her by the

sword. He then immediately ordered for her dead body to be suspended head-down on the

cross of a murderer, who had been nailed up a few days earlier.10 Her blessed body, along with

the body parts of various thieves, who had been killed on account of their crime(s), were

immersed in the gurgling current of the Guadalquivir, and up to now, have made no sign of

appearing…

This virgin was crowned on the nineteenth of July 856.

10 It was customary for the Umayyad authorities to decapitate apostates and blasphemers, and then to display their bodies on crosses opposite the city on the banks of the Gualquivir. These bodies were sometimes dismembered and thrown into the river, as in the case of Aurea; at other times, they were incinerated and then thrown into the river. Crucifixion, dismemberment, and burning are common motifs in martyrdom narratives from across the early Islamic period