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1 21st Century China: Does Civil Society Play a Role in Promoting Reform in China? Jenna Nicholas Center for Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law Thesis Spring 2012 Advisors: Frances Fukuyama and Thomas Fingar

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About civil society problems in different regimes.

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    21st Century China: Does Civil Society Play a Role in

    Promoting Reform in China?

    Jenna Nicholas

    Center for Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law Thesis

    Spring 2012

    Advisors:

    Frances Fukuyama and Thomas Fingar

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    Contents Page

    Chapter 1: Introduction p. 3 Chapter 2: The Case for Reform in Social Sector

    Organizations p. 9

    Chapter 3: The Case for Transparency and Accountability in Social Sector Organizations p.29

    Chapter 4: The Business Environment p. 47

    Chapter 5: Government and Civil Society p. 57

    Chapter 6: Conclusion p. 73 Appendix: p. 79 Bibliography: p. 91

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    Chapter 1: Introduction

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    Chapter 1: Introduction

    Hypothesis

    My hypothesis is that civil society has played an increasingly important role in

    China over the past ten years in putting pressure on social sector organizations, business

    and government to become more transparent and accountable. Modernization and

    capitalism with Chinese characteristics have highlighted the need for reform in all sectors

    of society. This, in turn, is producing a profound shift within China, leading to an

    increasing demand for social justice and accountability, especially at the local level. It is

    likely to be fraught with obstacles but in the end, I contend, China will have no choice

    but to respond to the circumstances of the times.

    Background

    Chinas economic miracle and meteoric rise in GDP over the past ten years, under

    the leadership of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, is well documented. This period will go

    down in Chinese history as an age of great industrialization and urbanization. It has lifted

    hundreds of millions of people from poverty, improving living standards of a vast new

    urban middle class, creating more billionaires than anywhere in the world except the U.S.

    and turned China into the largest manufacturing center in the world. A top down

    authoritarian regime has managed this great transition and, although China suffered

    during the economic recession affecting the whole world in 2009, and growth has slowed

    down, its economy is still strong. The Chinese Government is acutely aware, however, of

    the need to boost its domestic economy and develop the poorer inland areas. Vast sums of

    money have been allocated to this, but in many ways the results are so far uncertain and

    there is much call for reform.

    China may be number one in foreign exchange reserves but, in per-capita income

    terms, it is still a developing country lagging behind the majority of the world. Whilst the

    Chinese Communist Party (CCP) can perhaps no longer be described as a Party of

    utopian ideology, but more a Party of material interests with a pragmatic agenda, it is

    acutely aware of the increasing demands of civil society for justice and accountability as

    well as for higher levels prosperity for all. It holds on tenaciously to its power and does

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    not accept disobedience, but it is also resilient and resourceful. Furthermore, through the

    new elite class, travel, trade and the Internet, China is now deeply and irreversibly

    connected to the rest of the world. The need for transparency and anti-corruption

    measures are playing increasingly important roles in Chinas civil society as it relates to

    business, social sector organizations and governance.

    Gold describes Chinas plight: China is vibrant, undisciplined, and rollicking,

    yet simultaneously arbitrary, polluted, and oppressiveits leaders and citizens are

    grappling with a relentless onslaught of unprecedented challenges, while also trying to

    construct and consolidate institutions to manage the new order.1

    For the purpose of this paper I define the scope of the sectors dealt with and

    definitions used below:

    Definition of Civil Society as it Applies to China Today

    There are many different interpretations of what civil society means in the

    Chinese context. Before the reform period began in the late 1970s, civil society,

    translated as shimin shehui, was understood to mean capitalist society and therefore

    carried a derogatory connotation. Since the reforms, a new translation, gongmin shehui,

    has been adopted to emphasize the political meaning of civic engagement in public

    affairs. It is now understood to refer to the realm or sector that belongs neither to the state

    nor the market.2 The definition of the United Nations Development Program seems to be

    the most appropriate for the purposes of this paper: civil society is the space between

    family, the market, and the state; it consists of non-profit organizations and special

    interest groups, either formal or informal, working to improve the lives of their

    constituents.3

    1 Gold, Thomas, China, Countries at the Crossroads, (New York, Freedom House, 2007)

    2 Yu Keping, Civil Society in China: Concepts, Classifications, and Institutional Environment, China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House, 2006, issue 1

    3 UNDP, 2002

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    Accountability and Transparency

    The definition of accountability that will be used in this paper is the obligation of

    an individual or organization to account for its activities, accept responsibility for them,

    and to disclose the results in a transparent manner. The definition of transparency that

    will be used is action, method or procedures that lack hidden agendas and conditions,

    accompanied by the availability of full information required for collaboration,

    cooperation and collective decision making.

    Scope of the Social Sector

    Social sector organizations are those that are delivering social services. This could

    be through non-profit organizations, GONGOs (government operated NGOs), non-

    governmental organizations (those registered NGOs with government supervision),

    private foundations or public foundations. Also included are grassroots civil-society

    informal and unregistered groups, or organizations registered as a business but

    undertaking social work. There is also a brief consideration of the emerging sector of

    social entrepreneurship and impact investing4. The role of transparency within this sector

    is covered in a dedicated chapter to this topic together with information gleaned from

    organizations and people visited in Beijing between April and August 2011.

    Scope of Businesses

    Chinas positioning as the workshop of the world and as a major economic

    power has placed it under intense scrutiny, both in its dealing with business norms and

    procedures on the international stage as well its corporate social responsibility in

    enterprises within China. Calls for accountability and transparency, justice and fair

    working conditions are becoming louder both from Chinas civil society as well as

    international human rights and legal advocates. The chapter on business discusses the

    ramification of these changes.

    4 See Appendix 9 for a brief overview of impact investing and social entrepreneurship in China.

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    Scope of Government

    For the purpose of this paper I do not go into the intricacies of Chinese

    government structure, but refer to the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) and their top

    down approach to governance from the center to the provinces, to the townships and to

    the villages. I contend that all measures taken by the government are intended to maintain

    control from the top. However, as China is opening up to the world, the CCP is having to

    remain alert to changing conditions and public opinion despite the fact that there are not

    clear bottom-up channels for reform. The Internet is proving to be a major factor in

    generating citizen concerns, which cannot be ignored by the CCP, despite attempts to

    monitor and in many instances ban its use. So, far from being static and rigid, as is often

    assumed from a Western perspective, the CCP is constantly experimenting and using the

    best minds from China and the world to suggest innovative ideas to advance the declared

    aim of creating a harmonious society. The CCP knows that failure to demonstrate the

    will to be more sensitive to the changing times could lead to civil unrest and instability.

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    Chapter 2: The Case for Reform in

    Social Sector Organizations

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    Chapter 2: The Case for Reform in Social Sector Organizations - A Historical

    Perspective

    Overview of Chapter

    In this chapter, I hope to outline from a historical perspective how civil society in

    China has coped with development and reform over the last thirty years, during which

    time the focus of the Chinese government has been primarily on increasing GDP (gross

    domestic product), sometimes at the expense of civil society. I will explore attempts

    made by official government sponsored organizations as well as a growing number of

    grassroots organizations that attempt to address pressing societal problems. Finally I

    suggest that in response to civil unrest and the wide gap between the rich and poor in

    China, that the government is becoming more responsive to civil society demands

    for domestic reform aimed at facilitating, improving and funding social sector services as

    well as loosening restrictions and supporting grassroots initiatives.

    Civic Values in Chinese Society

    Chinas unique historical experience of thousands of years of rule by emperors;

    the role of communism and the rule of Mao Zedong; the Cultural Revolution and the

    opening up that has taken place over the past thirty years, are all important factors to

    consider when looking at the development of the social sector in China. Some argue that

    Confucian ideology has played a really important role in shaping civic values in Chinese

    history. Qiusha Ma suggests that, Before the Communist Party came to power, China

    had many, many private associations and institutions, such as private schools and

    hospitals5. Jessie Jiang suggests that, studies have referred to a millennia-long tradition

    of philanthropy in China, rooted in Confucius ethical concepts of benevolence (ren) and

    kindness (shan), which forms the basis of Chinese perception on volunteerism6. Li

    Xiaoxiao argues that the concept of volunteerism has historically been defined as

    5 http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=108_house_hearings&docid=f:86861.pdf

    6 Han, 2009

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    helping each other (huzhu) building up from the grassroots. 7 In addition to the

    Confucian values of benevolence (ren), righteousness (yi), kindness (shan) and

    truthfulness (xin), the current concept of volunteerism in China is also influenced by

    civic values and growing understanding of the role of an emerging civil society,

    especially in the context of globalisation and democratisation8. However, others suggest

    that traditional China had a distinctly un-civic culture and that charity in China was

    completely family-based with no basis for social trust between non-kin. It is for this

    reason that Chinese society was characterized as a "loose tray of sand," where each grain

    represented a family or lineage. Although influenced by Western concepts of civil

    society, Chinese scholars have adapted and redefined the understanding of civil society to

    include Chinese characteristics.

    Under Maos Rule

    Totalitarianism in the Communist state of China, under Mao, led to the breaking

    down of all vertical links between individuals, including the family. Therefore by the end

    of the Cultural Revolution any sense of individual liberty or community had been

    shattered. The Brookings Institute suggests that, From 1948-78, when China functioned

    under a planned economy system, social welfare was the responsibility of the

    government, leaving no role for NGOs.9 Qiusha Ma further suggests that, After 1949,

    first, the majority of civil associations were suppressed; and second; all the private

    service providers were nationalized, following the Soviet Unions model. Therefore,

    during that period in China there were no true private or non-governmental organizations

    of any type. However, social organizations continue to exist and some old social

    organizations, such as the Red Cross and other professional associations, remain.

    Although eventually they were nationalized, on paper they were still called social

    7 Li Xiaoxiao in Ding et al., 2007; 8-17 8 Appendix 4 looks at other motivations that people have for participating in philanthropic causes.

    9 Zhang Ye, Brookings Institute, China's Emerging Civil Society, http://www.brookings.edu/papers/2003/08china_ye.aspx

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    organizations.10 During this time, the focus was on participation in mass organizations,

    rural collectives and the Communist Youth League. Any sense of civic responsibility

    outside of state patronage mechanisms was not permitted. Carol Hamrin argues that this

    history had a strong impact in shaping peoples conception of civic engagement. She

    suggests, There is a deficit of humanitarian values throughout society stemming from

    decades of class struggle mentality coupled with the current un-tempered pursuit of short-

    term material gain.11

    The Increase in Civic Consciousness

    The state has traditionally played an extremely important role in China in terms of

    the protection of citizens. Before Deng Xiaopings reforms in 1978, the danwei/work unit

    system meant that people felt that they were supported by the state in such essential

    services as healthcare and education. However, after the era of reform, this support

    loosened up, and the vast majority of the population found themselves in dire need and

    without support. It was clear that the distribution mechanisms for social services had to

    be reformed and developed.

    In the aftermath of the 2008 Wenchuan Earthquake in Sichuan Province, China,

    many organizations gathered to try to determine what should be done. This earthquake

    measuring 8 on the Richter scale struck Sichuan Province, killing around 90,000 people

    and injuring 363,000, destroying more than 15 million homes and leaving 10 million

    homeless and 1.5 million displaced. The estimated damage was $20 billion. The media,

    in particular social media, was very quick to respond but the government was seen as

    slow in their response12. The response was challenging because each of the NGOs

    involved had their own mission and mandate and this was one of the first attempts to

    form a coordinated response to a huge societal problem in China. Many people therefore 10 Congressional-Executive Commission on China, To serve the people: NGOs and the development of civil society in China. http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=108_house_hearings&docid=f:86861.pdf

    11 Carol Lee Hamrin, Chinas Social Capital Deficit, http://www.globalchinacenter.org/analysis/chinese-society-politics/chinas-social-capital-deficit.php 12 Appendix 7 shows the increase in media coverage of philanthropic causes.

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    see the aftermath of the 2008 Wenchuan Earthquake as the beginning of a surge in

    philanthropic engagement and strong civic responsibility in China. There was certainly a

    great increase in philanthropic activity and donations from 2008 to 2010.13

    The Hauser Center for Non-Profit Organizations argues that, The growth of

    philanthropy in China is dramatic. Spurred by the 2008 Beijing Olympics and the

    Szechuan earthquake in May of that year, 2008 became the first year of philanthropic

    China.14 Despite the philanthropic activity that existed before 2008, the earthquake had

    an important impact in terms of galvanizing the laobaoxing, or ordinary citizens, around

    social causes.15 John Giszczak, Programme Division Coordinator of Save the Children,

    China, argues that the Sichuan Earthquake of 2008 brought to peoples attention that the

    government did not have much experience in dealing with any organization outside its

    own direct rule. In the case of the immediate and overwhelming aid that was required

    during and after the earthquake, NGOs, both foreign and local stepped in to fill the

    breach. This underscored a grave deficiency in the Chinese Governments ability to

    handle such disasters and coordinate between aid initiatives. The response to the Yushu

    earthquake of 2010 was even more poorly managed.

    The relative success of some NGOs in handling crises without posing a threat to

    the government has led to a tentative trust and cooperation between the two, affording

    more opportunities for civic engagement, for both registered and unregistered

    organizations. Thomas Gold suggests that currently more and more Chinese are

    participating in civic life on their own, such as in NGOs or via Internet chat rooms and

    blogs. Chambers of Commerce, with local and foreign members, have also begun to 13The earthquake inspired an increase in donations from RMB13.3 billion in 2007 to RMB76.4 billion in 2008 and highlighted philanthropy as an important approach to addressing these issues. Business for Social Responsibility, Catalyzing Social Investment in China, http://www.bsr.org/reports/Catalyzing_Social_Investment_in_China_BSR_CiYuan_November_2011.pdf Business for Social Responsibility (BSR) works with its global network of more than 250 member companies to develop sustainable business strategies and solutions through consulting, research, and cross-sector collaboration.

    14 P.152, Alex MacGillivray, Gefei Yin (China WTO Tribune), Kate Ives (Accountability), Joshua Wickerham and Yi Shi (Accountability), The state of responsible competitiveness, 2009 15 Business for Social Responsibility, Catalyzing Social Investment in China http://ciyuan.bsr.org/data/resources/Catalyzing_Social_Investment_in_China_BSR_CiYuan_November_2011.pdf

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    assume an important role in Chinese life.16 Foreign NGOs, however, are under more

    stringent restraints and surveillance as the government is ever watchful for subversion or

    anti-government rhetoric.

    Structure of Social Sector Organizations in China17

    According to Xu Wang, There are three types of civil society organizations

    within the Chinese context, all of which are called civilian non-state organizations18

    The first group comprises social organizations, which are membership-based entities.

    Included in this group are GONGOs (Government Operated NGOs) focused

    predominantly on associations such as sports, business, academic and other such areas of

    civil affairs, such as the Red Cross Society. The second group comprises of foundations,

    which are fund and asset based. These are split up into private and public foundations.

    The third group incorporate what are referred to elsewhere as non-governmental

    organizations (NGOs) and civilian non-enterprise units such as private schools, non-

    profit hospitals, and social service agencies which have a public-interest objective.

    Those organizations that are not able to comply with the registration process for an NGO

    register with the Bureau of Industry and Commerce and are considered as businesses with

    a social cause. Technically, those not registered at all are considered illegal.19

    GONGOs (Government Operated NGOs)

    One of the largest contingents of social sector organizations in China are the

    government operated non-governmental organizations (GONGOs).20 According to the

    Hauser Center, many of these GONGOs are able to gain an edge over other non- 16 P.18, Thomas Gold, China, Countries at the Crossroads 17 See Appendix 2 and 3 for statistics on social sector organizations

    18 Anthony J. Spires, Contingent Symbiosis and Civil Society in an Authoritarian State: Understanding the Survival of Chinas Grassroots NGOs http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/660741#rid_rf1 19 Ye Zhang, Chinas Emerging Civil Society, http://www.oycf.org/Perspectives2/22_093003/2b.pdf

    20 Zi Zhongyun, Crossing the New Threshold.

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    governmental organizations through a de facto unfair competition.21 Chen Jie suggests

    that, One major category of GONGO is born of traditional Leninist mass organizations

    (renmin tuanti). There are eight of them, including the All China Youth League, All

    China Womens Federation, and the All China Federation of Trade Unions. The

    government is trying to gradually restructure the function of these mass organizations

    away from their original role as Communist Party overseers of particular constituencies,

    towards one more of service facilitation and provision. As a result, satellite agencies

    (associations and foundations) have been created.22 According to Chen Jie, The fear of

    bottom-up social mobilization as well as practical needs have led the government to

    create a semi-official NGO sector, a policy practiced with increasing enthusiasm from the

    1990s. Government and Communist Party departments at various levels have been setting

    up foundations and other organizations to advance charitable, research, information and

    policy objectives.23 Spires suggests that the GONGOs are much more likely to attract

    foreign funding than grassroots NGOs. This is because many of the grassroots NGOs,

    due to difficulties with registration, often find it difficult to achieve legal status and are

    sometimes working on radical issues. Therefore foreign funders often prefer to work with

    professional and hierarchical grantees within existing institutional structures. As is seen

    from the table below, the majority of US foundation giving has bypassed grassroots

    NGOs. From 2002 to 2009, academic, government and GONGO grants together counted

    for 86% of total grants. Whereas grassroots NGOs received only 5.61% of the total

    grants.

    21Hauser Center, Shenzhen Government Delegates Some of Its Functions to Social Organizations, http://hausercenter.org/chinanpo/2009/11/shenzhen-government-delegates-some-of-its-functions-to-social-organizations/

    22 Chen Jie, The NGO Community in China 23 Chen Jie, The NGO Community in China

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    NGOs (Non Governmental Organizations)

    There is a difficulty in the conception of NGOs in China because of the fear that

    they could be seen as anti-government. Therefore the term minjian zuzhi or the

    peoples sphere organization is often preferred to the term fei zhengfu zuzhi as the

    prefix fei implies anti government.25 Any group that wants to establish a social

    organization has to register through The Ministry of Civil Affairs and they are overseen

    by the relevant affiliated supervisory branch. However, this can be an extremely difficult

    process in terms of application to the institution and being monitored by it. They are also

    closed down very quickly if they are seen as a threat. Anthony Spires suggests that the 24 http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/us-foundations-boost-chinese-government-not-ngos

    For more information on US donor giving, see Appendix 9

    25 Anthony J. Spires, Contingent Symbiosis and Civil Society in an Authoritarian State: Understanding the Survival of Chinas Grassroots NGOs http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/660741#rid_rf1

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    requirement to have a supervisory agency can be viewed as an enervating control

    mechanism. However, the former head of the Ford Foundations Beijing office and

    political scientist, Tony Saich suggests that registered NGOs can operate within the

    constraints of the regulations in a fairly efficacious, albeit not completely independent,

    manner. Saich, as others, argues that such organizations benefit from the legitimacy and

    protection extended by their sponsoring agency and may also be granted greater access to

    decision makers as new policies relevant to the field of their activities are formulated.26

    Around 2002 was the time, according to Shue, when shehuihua, societalization, of

    bringing society back into public service delivery, was trumpeted by the Chinese

    government as an important reformist initiative that would help to relieve the heavy

    welfare burdens on the state and mobilize otherwise dormant social forces and resources

    for good causes. The government also wants to ensure that they can monitor civil society

    and therefore does not enable civil society to develop as an autonomous unit. Xiaomin

    Yu, a professor from Beijing Normal Universitys School of Development and Public

    Policy, suggested in an interview that the Chinese government want to develop a strong

    third sector as service providers rather than as a social movement. The Hauser Center

    suggests that currently the government sees itself as the sponsor of all social

    organizations. Instead, it seems as though it would be more advantageous for the

    government to see social sector organizations as partners and establish mutual respect

    with them. Ma Qiusha suggests that despite the large role of government in NGOs, NGOs

    are still the mechanism through which people participate in public affairs, develop their

    personal interests and get their voices heard.27

    Gold suggests that, The governments policies toward NGOs pass through

    alternating periods of restriction and loosening, and the shifts are often

    unpredictableThe restrictions on NGOs are clearly motivated by the CCP (Chinese

    Communist Partys) concerns that groups in China, including foreign ones, might play 26 Anthony J. Spires, Contingent Symbiosis and Civil Society in an Authoritarian State: Understanding the Survival of Chinas Grassroots NGOs http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/660741#rid_rf1 27 Congressional-Executive Commission on China, To serve the people: NGOs and the development of civil society in China. http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=108_house_hearings&docid=f:86861.pdf

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    the same sort of role as those in Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan in fomenting Color

    Revolutions.28 The chart below gives some indication of how the government views

    certain sectors:

    Government generally supportive/mutually beneficial

    Government generally not supportive/controversial

    Running orphanages HIV/AIDS

    Delivering care to the elderly or disabled

    Tibet and other minority groups rights issues

    Providing education and other forms of welfare to the rural poor, especially girls

    Migrant education

    Nonetheless, numerous NGOs, especially in the environmental field, operate very

    actively in China. Although there are no established channels by which civic

    organizations can participate in the policy process, they comment quite forcefully on

    affairs of the day through their websites and blogs. They have had some successes, such

    as delaying (but apparently not canceling) dam building on the Nu River in the southwest

    and on a sacred Tibetan lake.29

    Foundations

    There is a significant distinction in China between private and public foundations.

    Foundations, in particular public foundations, traditionally act as operating entities rather

    than grant-making foundations supporting NGOs. However, recently some public

    foundations have taken on the role of grant making. Private foundations are independent

    but are often associated with a company e.g. Vantone, Narada and Soho. Li Jing,

    Secretary General and Executive Director of the Vantone Foundation, suggests that there

    are an increasing number of public foundations which are beginning to follow the models

    set by private foundations in innovation and grant-making with the encouragement and 28 Thomas Gold, China, Countries at the Crossroads 29P.7, Thomas Gold, China, Countries at the Crossroads

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    support of the government. Examples of this are the China Youth Development

    Foundation and the China Poverty Alleviation Fund, which have recently been given

    greater autonomy. According to statistics from the China Foundation Center, in 2011,

    China had 1,284 non-public foundations and 1,181 public foundations as is shown in the

    graph below.30 Even foundations that are trying to follow a grant-making model, find it

    difficult to develop their capacity to fundraise. Currently, the non-public foundations do

    not have the legal right to fundraise from the general public; instead they can only

    fundraise from specific individuals. When private foundations give grants, they want to

    see tangible results showing how their money has been used. When the NGOs do not

    produce tangible results, distrust arises which raises the whole issue of transparency and

    accountability. The lack of this leads to distrust, which in turn leads to less assistance.

    A model of contingent symbiosis

    It is important to consider ways in which the state and civil society can work

    together to pursue mutually beneficial goals. Spires suggests that in the case of China, it

    is important not to consider state and society as being inevitably in opposition and

    30 Cheng Yingqi, Scandals put a big dent in donations http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2011-10/19/content_13928884.htm

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    unalterably in competition with each other for influence and authoritythe relationship

    between the two need not be imagined as zero-sum.31 According to Spires, there seems

    to be a shift from a corporatist model to a model of contingent symbiosis between state

    and social sector organizations in China. Corporatism is a system of economic, political,

    or social organization that involves association of the people of society into corporate

    groups such as agricultural, business, ethnic, etc. on the basis of common interests.

    Corporatism is theoretically based upon the interpretation of a community as an organic

    body. Often a corporatist model is used to describe how authoritarian states ensure tight

    control over interest groups and prevent democracy from arising. Contingent symbiosis,

    Spires suggests, acknowledges the real-life micro level negotiations that take place

    between the state and bottom-up associations. It is in these details that we can start to

    understand both the possibilities and the limits of political life in an authoritarian

    regime.32 Spires further suggests that: While this may reflect the relationship between

    government and official NGOsGONGOs, to be more accuratecorporatism cannot be

    suitably applied to understand the existence and survival of ostensibly illegal grassroots

    organizations.33 The protagonists of this model of contingent symbiosis suggest that

    despite the fragility of the NGO-government relationship, such a relationship is

    beneficial. Vivienne Shue agrees with Spires that there is an intriguing relationship that

    exists and extols the mutual benefit achieved, between the emergence of a robust sphere

    of civil associational life, on the one hand, and the consolidation of social power in

    relatively strong or resilient state organizations, on the other. Putting it in simple terms,

    we might propose thatunder certain conditions at least, strong and robust civil

    associations can go together with powerful and resilient states.34

    31 P.2, Vivienne Shue, The political economy of compassion

    32 Anthony J. Spires, Contingent Symbiosis and Civil Society in an Authoritarian State: Understanding the Survival of Chinas Grassroots NGOs http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/660741#rid_rf1 33 Anthony J. Spires, Contingent Symbiosis and Civil Society in an Authoritarian State: Understanding the Survival of Chinas Grassroots NGOs http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/660741#rid_rf1 34 Shue, 1994:66

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    The Growth of Civil Society - Grassroots

    The last decade has seen the emergence of a large number of grassroots

    organizations. These groups are formed by Chinese citizens, some registered as

    businesses and some not registered at all. Professor Wang Ming of the Tshinghua

    University NGO Research Centre suggests that despite the fact that the official statistics

    from the Ministry of Civil Affairs in 2010 suggest that there are 400,000 social sector

    organizations; it seems as though the unofficial figure of 3-4 million is much closer to

    reality. This research is based on rigorously going through old periodicals to find groups

    that act as NGOs but have not officially registered.35 The advantages of them registering

    is that they have the legal protection of the state and they are not acting illegally.

    However the disadvantages of trying to register are that often the registration

    requirements are too onerous and many groups prefer to avoid contact with the

    authorities.

    They perform an important function in society, engaged often in providing

    essential social services to local communities. However, the government is often fearful

    of fully empowering organizations to take responsibility for social causes for fear they

    will not be able to control them. In an interview with Jianyu, a Tshinghua Professor, he

    said, The Chinese government is cautious about supporting civil society because there is

    fear that civil society organizations might play an anti-government role. Mutual trust

    develops over time through social capital and organizations sharing resources amongst

    themselves. 36 Therefore, unless the social sector organizations cause a social

    disturbance or incite violence, by and large the government leaves them alone. Spires

    quotes one grassroots activist as saying: In China, if the government doesnt say no,

    you can experiment and understand their failure to say no to mean yes, or you can say

    I thought since you didnt say no, I could do this. Thats the way things work here. So

    35 Statistics from Chinese Ministry of Civil Affairs, Bureau of Management of Nongovernmental organizations, http://www.chinanpo.gov.cn/web/listTitle.do?dictionid=2201

    36 This interview took place between April and August, 2011

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    we do take some risks here in our work.37 One supportive government official explains

    the suspicion from the governments perspective as follows, Not enough government

    officials know anything about civil society. Some of them are very afraid of it, wondering

    what it is and what political motives people haveBut I think that the government needs

    to understand that civil society in China today is not political. These NGOs, the

    grassroots NGOs who are mostly registered as businesses, theyre outside of the civil

    affairs system, but theyre not looking to do anything political. Theyre trying to help

    alleviate poverty or provide educational assistance or help people with diseases. This

    is something the government needs to understand.38

    There is additionally an incentive system for local government officials in

    supporting grassroots initiatives. The officials are largely judged based on GDP so

    decisions they make are often based on short-term economic growth rather than long-

    term social benefit. Officials are also judged based on the lack of social unrest, disruption

    and protests that take place in their area of jurisdiction. Therefore, the existence of both

    official and unregistered social organizations that are addressing important social

    challenges can be seen as useful to local officials. The officials are able to take credit for

    positive social activities but attempt to hide unfavorable or unsuccessful ones. In like

    manner, government-NGO conflicts do not necessarily represent central government

    directives but rather clashes of interest between local NGO activities and local political

    and economic interests.

    Some social sector organizations, however, make their protests louder. Spires

    comments that in more candid moments, many civil society spokespeople present

    themselves as critical thinkers, patriotic progressives who dare to pursue the promises of

    socialism that the government has seemingly abandoned in the name of economic reform.

    With the Internet penetration into more households and daily lives, the information flow

    has increased exponentially in recent years. It has become harder for social tensions to be 37 Anthony Spires, Contingent Symbiosis and Civil Society in an Authoritarian State: Understanding the Survival of Chinas Grassroots NGOs

    38 Anthony Spires, Contingent Symbiosis and Civil Society in an Authoritarian State: Understanding the Survival of Chinas Grassroots NGOs

  • 23

    ignored or suppressed by powerful interests or some local governments. Civil society

    groups allow the disadvantaged to be heard. Some take it to the next step.

    Mounting Unrest

    In an environment where civil society has very limited ability to apply pressure on

    the government to rectify ills of social justice; where there is little rule of law, and

    grievances are dealt with in an ad-hoc manner, it is not surprising that the only recourse

    open to citizens is to resort to demonstrations, protests and occasionally to riots. Civil

    unrest is officially known as mass incidents in China. It would seem that as China

    surges ahead in becoming a world economic power and the Chinese elite are enjoying all

    the excesses, which money can provide, the poor are becoming understandably aggrieved

    and mass incidents are increasing exponentially. According to a report in Open

    Democracy Shenzhen alone, one of the more advanced industrial centers in China has

    officially registered about six hundred unexpected mass incidents each year from 1990

    onwards. Whilst there is no way of confirming the accuracy of the data, statistics have

    been taken from various sources to indicate that grievances range from issues of

    unemployment, pensions, wages, corruption, tax collection problems, misuse of funds,

    widespread informal bankruptcy, neighborhood and housing issues, land acquisitions,

    forced relocations, environmental damage and mismanagement. A graph representing the

    rise in protests is shown below.

  • 24

    39

    The strategy mostly used by the government is mainly to adopt measures between

    concession and repression and to keep the protests localized. What the party seems to

    fear the most is coordination between groups or across provinces, which would render the

    situation untenable for the CCP. Wen Jiabao called for urgent political reform in his

    final news conference on March 14th 2012, cited in the China Post. He said: New

    problems that have cropped up in Chinas society will not be fundamentally resolved, and

    such historical tragedy as the Cultural Revolution may happen again.40 This would 39 1993-94 data from Murray Scott Tanner (2004) China Rethinks Unrest, The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 27, No.3, Summer 2004, pp 138-39; 1995- 2002 data from Albert Keidel (2005) The Economic Basis for Social Unrest in China, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace- for The Third European- American Dialogue on China; 2003-2004 data from South China Morning Post, July 7, 2005; 2005 data from Thomas Lum (2006) Social Unrest in China, CRS Report for Congress, Congressional Research Service; 2006-07 data from Ben Blanchard (2011) Riot in South China After Fruit Vendor Allegedly Beaten to Death by Officials, July 27, 2011; 2008 data from Goh Sui Nui, (2010)Political Reform, China Style, Asia New Network, November 4, 2010; 2009 data for from Gordon C. Chang (2011), Repression in China Losing Its Effectiveness and Its People are Becoming Defiant, Fox News, April 25, 2011. Elizabeth J. Perry and Merle Goldman (2007) Grassroots Political Reform in Contemporary China, Harvard University Press, Cambridge.Ching Kwan Lee (2007) Against the Law: Labour Protests in Chinas Rustbelt and Sunbelt, University of California Press, London. Susan L. Shirk (2007) China: Fragile Superpower, Oxford University Press, New York. Jenifer Huang McBeath and Jerry McBeath (2010) Environmental Change and Food Security in China, Springer Dordrecht Heidelberg, London.

    40 Tania Branigan, China needs political reform to avert 'historical tragedy', says Wen Jiabao http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/14/china-political-reform-wen-jiabao

  • 25

    explain also why China is so adamant about controlling the civil society organizations

    and the Internet.

    Meeting Social Demand

    It is assumed that the Chinese government is able to act uniformly to ensure

    control over the various provinces and social service organizations within them, with a

    top-down directive. However in todays China the central government in Beijing enjoys

    much less control over these provinces and receives far less feedback. It relies heavily

    on the social sector to meet social needs and, as incentives are given to local and

    provincial level authorities based on the economic performance in their areas of control,

    societal development often takes second place. Much of the community-based social

    service is government driven but relies on civil society participation, as the government

    cannot take all of the financial responsibility.

    For a number of years the government has referred to building a harmonious

    society. In the National Peoples Congress in 2005 and in the recent 12th 5-year plan, it

    refers to inclusiveness and improving peoples livelihoods by way of the promotion of

    happiness, sustainability and addressing economic disparity. As much as this may be

    rhetoric, it acknowledges the fact that there are problems with the provision of social

    services. Carol Hamrin suggests that, To NGOs on the receiving end of policy, the

    (focus on building a harmonious society) appears to be a cover for cutbacks in state

    funding, without adequate tax incentives for donors or protection for genuine autonomy

    in decision-making. This problem is aggravated by the fact that there is little

    communication and coordination amongst the NGOs. Furthermore, there is often a

    disconnect between the NGOs and other sectors of society.41 The UNDP has been

    working with the government on public-private partnerships. These partnerships are often

    useful because they help to keep each organization accountable.42 Linxiu Zhang of the

    Rural Education Action Project further reiterated in an interview the importance of

    participatory governance whereby there was teamwork between local organizations and 41 Carol Lee Hamrin, Chinas social capital deficit http://www.globalchinacenter.org/analysis/chinese-society-politics/chinas-social-capital-deficit.php 42UNDP, Public Private Partnerships, http://www.undp.org.cn/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&sid=12&file=article&pageid=3

  • 26

    policymakers. In this way, each is able to bring their expertise to the table and each is

    able to benefit from the other.

    In a report in Caixin newspaper on April 6th 2012, East China Normal University

    Professor Xu Jilin says it is no longer a question of whether social organizations will

    reform, but when the next step will be made. He is further quoted as commenting: If

    there are no grassroots-level reforms, top-down reforms will be rendered ineffectual43.

    Xu Jilin further argues that, in the absence of vibrant social organizations, harmful

    activities fill a vacuum of services catering to social needs.44 For example, the

    emergence of criminal gangs.

    This raises the whole issue of building trust. Bonds of trust and cooperation help

    to promote the strength of the social sector and depend heavily on transparency. Putnam

    argues, "In all societies dilemmas of collective action hamper attempts to cooperate for

    mutual benefit, whether in politics or in economics. Third-party enforcement is an

    inadequate solution to this problem. Voluntary cooperation (like rotating credit

    associations) depends on social capital. Norms of generalized reciprocity [for favors

    received] and networks of civic engagement encourage social trust and cooperation

    because they reduce incentives to defect, reduce uncertainty, and provide models for

    future cooperation. Trust itself is an emergent property of the social system, as much as a

    personal attribute. Individuals are able to be trusting (and not merely gullible) because the

    social norms and networks within which their actions are embedded.45"

    Premier Wen Jiabao, in a report released on March 19th, 2012, pushed for further

    social innovation and for redefining the relationships among the government, citizens,

    and social organizations46. The Chinese Ministry of Civil Affairs has recognized the 43 Wang Su, In the Field of Social Organizations, a Constant Need for Reforms http://english.caixin.com/2012-04-06/100376927.html 44 Wang Su, In the Field of Social Organizations, a Constant Need for Reforms http://english.caixin.com/2012-04-06/100376927.html 45 p.177 Robert Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy

    46 Social media give voice to the disadvantaged http://www.herald.co.zw/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=37075:social-media-give-voice-to-the-disadvantaged&catid=45:international-news&Itemid=137

  • 27

    need for a supportive legislative framework for social sector organizations. On July 4,

    2011, Li Liguo, the head of the Ministry of Civil Affairs, announced that charity, social

    welfare, and social service organizations would be permitted to register directly at local

    civil affairs agencies. This initiative was spearheaded by Guangdong provinces recent

    reforms relaxing the registration requirements for social organizations. These reforms

    were followed up with The Standing Committee of the Guangzhou Municipality Peoples

    Congress passing a law entitled, Guangzhou Municipalitys Fundraising Regulations.

    This enabled more social organizations and public institutions to expand their fundraising

    activities.47 It is hoped that this will set the pace for reforms across the country. The

    greatest hope and aspiration of Chinese civil society organizations is that they can bridge

    the ever-widening gap between the rich and poor. Lifting people out of poverty could

    also have marked advantages for Chinas domestic markets, especially now that China

    can no longer depend on sustained growth in exports.

    The jury is still out on whether the new administration will implement the reform

    measures outlined by Premier Wen Jiabao in his last public speech, but few doubt the

    need for such measures. It is worth speculating that if the government put as much effort

    into creating a harmonious society as it has done in achieving the miraculous economic

    growth China has witnessed, then the world may in many ways look to China as the new

    paradigm of world order.

    47 China Development Brief, Guangzhou frees fundraisers http://www.chinadevelopmentbrief.cn/?p=603

  • 28

  • 29

    Chapter 3: The Case for

    Transparency and Accountability in

    Social Sector Organizations

  • 30

    Chapter 3: The Case for Transparency and Accountability in Social Sector

    Organizations

    During my five month stay in Beijing in 2011, I visited more than seventy

    organizations offering some form of social benefit to the Chinese society, from

    Registered Government NGOs (GONGOS) to NGOs, to Public and Private Foundations,

    to philanthropists, to grassroots organizations (civil society). My aim was to interview

    each to get a sense of how the social sector has developed in China over the past ten

    years, what role various organizations play and what relevance transparency and

    accountability have played in their development. My particular interest was in looking at

    the benefits and challenges for each sector providing a social service, the role of the

    government, and trends over the past ten years in relationship to the broader questions of

    modernization in 21st century China.

    One of the greatest challenges in the development of Chinas social sector is the

    legitimacy for providers of services, for donors, for recipients of non-profit organizations

    (NPOs) and for the general public. It is also important to make sure that money is being

    used effectively. The absence of transparency in social sector organizations has been

    important in a number of recent famous cases. Various non-profit organizations in China

    have been discredited due to claims of corruption and this has had negative repercussions

    on the sector in general. Transparency is important from the perspective of donors,

    recipients and the government. If there is no transparency, then the organizations become

    de-legitimized and cannot be trusted by either donors or the government. Transparency is

    therefore considered as a means to an end where the end is effective delivery of social

    services. Unless there are more transparent organizations, there is no way that the sector

    will gain legitimacy and that these organizations will be able to receive funds and thrive.

    Transparency in social sector organizations: a comparative perspective

    Transparency is incredibly difficult to encourage, irrespective of the country or

    organization concerned. Whether it is foundation leaders reporting the provenance of

    their donations or the philanthropic organizations accountability on distributing funds,

  • 31

    transparency is a murky area. It may not be a question of dishonest dealings, it might be

    just a reluctance in the philanthropic sector to openly report failures for fear that this will

    have negative repercussions on the branding of the organization and hence peoples

    willingness to donate. It has been widely observed that there is not an open discussion of

    failure within the philanthropic sector. Organizations want to present a positive image of

    themselves and often do not want all of their work to be evaluated. This is particularly the

    case with respect to US foundations that have a huge repository of data and information

    but often do not reveal this information to the public. The supposition is that if there are

    any negative issues revealed, or failures reported, this may disincline the American public

    from donating. There are various initiatives based in the US that are focused on

    promoting transparency. For example, Guidestars mission is to revolutionize

    philanthropy and nonprofit practice by providing information that advances transparency,

    enables users to make better decisions, and encourages charitable giving.48

    The National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy (NCRP) in the United

    States works on promoting transparency and conducting action research. They analyze

    and advocate for the support of institutional philanthropy operating with integrity and

    openness.49 In Hong Kong, the National Council of Social Service50 plays an important

    role in promoting transparency and impact measurement. Stoner Weiss describes the

    difficulty for civil society organizations in Russia, civil society and non-governmental

    organizations (NGOs) have been stifled through legislation that imposes onerous re-

    registration requirements. A few of these organizations have been unceremoniously

    raided and closed by the authorities, while human rights and democracy groups have been

    accused of pushing an agenda that benefits foreign states. More generally, civil society

    finds itself increasingly unable to serve as an effective check on abusive state practices at

    a time when the hollowing out of political opposition has increased the importance of

    48 GuideStar, http://guidestar.org/

    49 National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, http://www.ncrp.org/campaigns-research-policy/accountability

    50 National Council of Social Service, http://www.ncss.gov.sg/home/index.asp

  • 32

    external monitoring.51 Russia, like China, is fearful of negative feedback from civil

    society organizations.

    Why is transparency in social sector organizations in China important?

    Lack of transparency and accountability in social sector organizations is one of

    the biggest hindrances to charitable giving and the development of the social sector in

    China.52 The various cases of corruption reported over the past couple of years have had a

    very negative affect on the perceptions of Chinese civil society.

    The US has taken steps to encourage accountability in social sector organizations.

    The US government requires non-profit organizations, or 501C3s, to complete annual tax

    forms (entitled 990 forms), which provides an accountability mechanism; the absence of

    completely stringent requirements in China impedes accountability. Donors often have no

    idea how their money is spent. Deng Guosheng, an associate professor at Tsinghua

    Universitys School of Public Policy and Management, suggests that, Charitable

    organizations seldom respond to donors requests for information about financial reports

    so few donors have a clear understanding of what their money is used for and what

    effects it brings about.53 Over recent years, there has been an increase in annual

    philanthropic giving. However, in a recent survey of people who donated to the Sichuan

    relief efforts, Deng found that of the 1,684 who responded, more than 60 percent had

    little or no idea how the money was being spent.

    Tsinghua's Deng argues that although there is officially a national tax deduction

    policy for charity donations, these are often extremely difficult to actually claim. Jessie

    Jiang argues that, Today, even for China's nouveau riche who are willing to give, 51 P.2, Stoner-Weiss, Kathryn, Russia, Countries at the Crossroads

    52 According to Business for Social Responsibility (BSR), Beijing, While the growing dollar amount of donations is encouraging, the donations impact also deeply matters. Frustrated by the lack of information about how their donations have been used, individuals and corporate donors are demanding increased transparency from organizations. Catalyzing Social Investment in China: http://ciyuan.bsr.org/data/resources/Catalyzing_Social_Investment_in_China_BSR_CiYuan_November_2011.pdf

    53 Hauser Center, Donors Kept in the Dark on Where Money Goes http://hausercenter.org/chinanpo/2010/06/donors-kept-in-the-dark-on-where-money-goes/

  • 33

    government policies often fail to encourage charitable actions...Moreover, the policy only

    applies to donations made to the very few government-sanctioned charities, which are

    commonly blamed for lack of transparency or even corruption.54 Domestic foundations

    receive annual government inspections and submit annual reports every year, but the

    responses are only accessible by the government, not the public. A lack of rating agencies

    also contributes to the problem. Apart from government supervision, there are no

    independent third-party agencies monitoring these charities.55 Deng Guosheng further

    argues that the scandals in the social sector industry might disappoint the public, but

    refusing to donate was not a reasonable action and it would eventually hurt people in

    need. Instead, people could and should invest time in finding the most transparently

    operated charity organizations.56

    The State and transparency

    Transparency is important both from the perspective of the government and

    society. Transparency regarding the activities of social sector organizations is important

    for the government because it is helpful for them to know what types of activities these

    organizations are engaged in so that they can develop stronger partnerships with these

    organizations. For the general society, transparency is important because it helps to build

    trust in the social sector organizations. The Ministry of Civil Affairs suggests that, Still,

    much can be done to improve the professionalization and accountability of Chinas

    burgeoning civil society sector. The governments proposed reforms to expand

    registration options for NGOs in China will help broaden the scope and potential of civil

    society to promote responsible competitiveness.57 Zhou Xiaozheng, a professor of

    sociology at Renmin University, suggests that, "We urgently need laws to regulate the

    area of charityPeople can't just say they are going to donate to charity, receive the

    public's praise and do nothing afterwards. 58" Zhou further points out that promised 54 Jessie Jiang, Amid China's Economic Boom, Philanthropy Lags http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2027055,00.html 55 Hauser Center, Charity transparency criticized, http://hausercenter.org/chinanpo/2011/02/charity-transparency-criticised/

    56 Global Times, Trust in charities waning http://china.globaltimes.cn/society/2011-04/646502.html

  • 34

    charity recipients have the right to sue donors for fraud if they do not carry through on

    their promises. However, this channel is rarely used, as there is limited legal support for

    transparency cases.

    The Wenchuan earthquake of 2008 had a significant impact on transparency in

    philanthropic organizations in China. The state insisted on maintaining control over all

    emergency aid initiatives. Brian Hoyer suggests, Although the state deserves praise for

    its handling of the response, a lack of transparency in terms of specific data and details of

    the response have concealed many of these successes, as well as obscuring areas for

    improvement.59 After the initial rush of donations had passed, the disaster and the large

    donations triggered public scrutiny and transparency over the use and impact of

    charitable funds. 60

    Challenges of promoting transparency amongst donors

    The Chinese philanthropists are generally unwilling to divulge much information

    about philanthropic activities they undertake. This proved to be a potential problem

    when Bill Gates and Warren Buffett organized a dinner for Chinese billionaires on

    September 29th 2010. Many of the invitees were concerned that they would be asked to

    participate in a public pledge.61 One of the reasons that people are reluctant to be too

    public about their giving is the fear that they will then be harassed to donate to many

    different causes. One philanthropist that I interviewed in Hong Kong indicated that 57 Statistics from Chinese Ministry of Civil Affairs, Bureau of Management of Nongovernmental organizations, http://www.chinanpo.gov.cn/web/listTitle.do?dictionid=2201

    58 Beijing Global Times, Checking up on charity, http://beijing.globaltimes.cn/society/2011-04/635928.html

    59 Brian Hoyer, Humanitarian Exchange Magazine, Lessons from the Sichuan earthquake http://www.odihpn.org/report.asp?id=3008 60 Business for Social Responsibility, Catalyzing Social Investment in China http://ciyuan.bsr.org/data/resources/Catalyzing_Social_Investment_in_China_BSR_CiYuan_November_2011.pdf 61 However, approximately two-thirds of the invitees eventually came.

  • 35

    Chinese billionaires have an iron-wall security around them protecting them from being

    harassed by the many needy people and organizations. However there are some

    exceptions to this. Some people enjoy the public attention that they receive from giving

    and are actually criticized for how public they are about their giving. For example, Chen

    Guangbiao, president of Jiangsu Huangpu Renewable Resources Company, constructed a

    money wall at the Industrial and Commercial Bank of Chinas (ICBC) Jiangsu Branch

    to collect donations. The wall had 330 bricks made up of 100-Yuan bills worth 100,000

    Yuan. He also goes into the streets and hands out money and encourages others to do the

    same.62 He visited Taiwan in early 2011, on a thanksgiving trip to thank the Taiwanese

    for their contribution to the Wenchuan earthquake relief effort63.

    However, the notion of Chinese personal and corporate philanthropy is growing.

    Many super-rich Chinese have come from humble backgrounds and have a sense of

    wanting to help the less fortunate. The obstacles are that they are not always sure

    whether their philanthropic gifts will reach the desired recipients. Appendix 5 shows

    the increase in Chinese Corporate Philanthropy.

    Social Sector Organizations Visited in Beijing:

    A common thread that ran throughout my interviews was the emphasis that was

    placed on the importance of accountability and transparency amongst social sector

    organizations64. Another important element that emerged was the extent to which an

    individuals status and their guanxi (relationships) played in their perception of the

    social sector. Xiaotong Fei describes the interconnectedness of personal relationships,

    "The path runs from the self to the family, from the family to the state, and from the state

    62 Xinji Letu, Top philanthropist tangled in fraud accusations http://www.beijingtoday.com.cn/tag/chen-guangbiao

    63 Ko-Shu-ling, Government stewed over tycoons visit http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2011/01/28/2003494635

    64 See Appendix 1 for Interview list

  • 36

    to the whole world.65" The higher an organizations social standing, the stronger their

    government connections, the more likely they are to have a favorable view of the sector.

    This is because it is much easier for individuals and organizations that have these types of

    relationships to gain access to funds and to freely operate. For a full list of all

    organizations and individuals interviewed, please see Appendix 1. I have documented a

    few particularly noteworthy examples below.

    1) China Foundation Center (CFC)

    The China Foundation Centers66 mission is to bring transparency to philanthropic

    markets through access to the highest quality data, news, and analytics to enhance a

    bigger social impact of philanthropy. In 2009, a delegation of several Chinese Private

    Foundations visited the US Foundation Center in New York. The participants on this trip

    were greatly inspired by the US Foundation Center and this led to the formation of the

    China Foundation Center in 2010. The US Foundation Center uses data, analysis, and

    training to connect people who want to effect social change to the resources they need to

    succeed. Their aim is to inform public discourse around philanthropy and encourage a

    broad understanding of the role that non-profits can play.

    The China Foundation Centers executive team includes Cheng Gang, Geng

    Hesun and Tao Ze who all have experience working in the philanthropic sector. CFC

    received initial seed funding from the Ford Foundation and has recently received further

    funding from LGT Venture Philanthropy. CFC uses a network map system designed and

    developed to provide easily accessible information about foundations. Foundations can

    voluntarily upload information regarding their annual giving and annual expenditure,

    which can then be viewed by the general public. CFC is currently working on developing

    a transparency index and rating system that would be similar to Morningstar or Nasdaq

    for social sector organizations. They are also working on initiatives to promote more 65 p.66, Xiaotong Fei, From the Soil: The Foundations of Chinese Society 66 China Foundation Center, http://en.foundationcenter.org.cn/index.html

  • 37

    professionalism in the social sector through training programs for foundation leaders. I

    have had the opportunity to spend extended periods of time with both Cheng Gang and

    Tao Ze and they both have a keen desire to help support an infrastructure for social sector

    organizations in China.

    2) China Charity Donation Information Center (CCDIC)

    Established in 2008, and led by Peng Jianmei, who has extensive experience

    working in the media, business and the philanthropy sectors in China, the China Charity

    Donation and Information Center (CCDIC) is a non-profit organization supported by, and

    working closely with, the Ministry of Civil Affairs in China. Its mission is to promote

    effectiveness and transparency of Chinese civil society organizations (CSOs) and of the

    sector as a whole.

    In 2011, in response to growing transparency problems, the CCDIC published a

    report on the state of the charity sector transparency in China. The CCDIC reviewed the

    disclosure practices of 99 nonprofits but received feedback from only 65 of them. These

    organizations included non-public offerings and local non-governmental organizations.

    Of the 65, 42 percent of them claimed to have no guidelines on information disclosure,

    and 37 percent said no staff was specially designated for carrying out related work.

    Furthermore, the report found that, 90 percent of the public is dissatisfied with how much

    information is being disclosed and the way it is made public. Among the 99

    organizations, 20 percent of them did not have their own websites and, for those with

    websites, 43 percent were not updated regularly or users found them to be unhelpful

    when searching for information. Only 10 percent of the public interviewed in this survey,

    expressed that they were partly or very satisfied with the state of information disclosure.

    According to the Global Times, 90 percent of interviewees felt that they were not given

    enough information about the use of donations, the result of sponsored projects, and the

    final destination of

  • 38

    their money.67 CCDICs research team believes that a lack of relevant laws and

    regulations, standards for information disclosure and the training of professional

    personnel were the main reasons for poor performance in transparency for domestic

    charitable organizations. In the charity field of China, information disclosure has both

    mandatory and voluntary aspects. A related government department supervises

    mandatory disclosure but there are differences in the responsibilities between local and

    central government and this makes it difficult for The Ministry of Civil Affairs (MOCA)

    to oversee charities that lack registration records.68

    In November 2011, CCDIC announced that its newly-created online disclosure

    platform would kick off next year, enabling any member of the public to see how

    charities are receiving donations, and where they are spending them. The Ministry of

    Civil Affairswhich oversees the CCDICsaid a new 2012 donation information law

    will also force charity organizations to disclose more of their accounting records.69 If

    this is passed, this could have significant consequences on building transparency in social

    sector organizations in China. It is however extremely difficult for them to collect

    information from public channels to match the high scores charitable organizations give

    themselves. The biggest gaps in the information disclosure are found in financial auditing

    and personnel appointments. In an interview, Kong Can suggested that the CCDIC are

    working hard to create training materials and programs to support the work of

    philanthropic organisations in China.

    67 Global Times, Trust in charities waning http://china.globaltimes.cn/society/2011-04/646502.html 68 Business for Social Responsibility, Catalyzing Social Investment in China http://ciyuan.bsr.org/data/resources/Catalyzing_Social_Investment_in_China_BSR_CiYuan_November_2011.pdf

    69 Hauser Center, Charity Transparency Criticized http://hausercenter.org/chinanpo/2011/02/charity-transparency-criticised/

  • 39

    3) Vantone Foundation

    The Vantone Foundation was established in April 2008 as a non-public

    foundation registered with the Beijing Municipal Civil Administration. The Foundation

    aims to promote environmental protection and energy conservation, and to promote

    harmony between man and nature. Its main business endeavor is to promote the

    construction of ecological communities. The Foundation aims to become an important

    driving force for the construction of urban ecological communities in China.70 Li Jing,

    the Executive Director and Secretary General of The Vantone Foundation suggested in an

    interview that The Vantone Foundation aims to build these ecological communities by

    developing local partners and a strong feedback mechanism. This feedback mechanism

    helps to ensure accountability and transparency. The foundation is run using a business

    model and therefore has a strong set of internal metrics. They believe in attracting strong

    talent and professionalism to the social sector and therefore pay their employees a lot

    more than most other foundations. The Vantone Foundation is one of the few private,

    grant-making foundations in China. Their vision is to generate positive social change

    through developing the capacity of NGOs to influence the environment around them.

    They have recognized that if they want these organizations to grow and prosper, it is

    essential that they have a strong level of accountability between themselves and their

    NGO partners to ensure that money is being used as intended. Mr. Feng Lun, the

    chairman of Vantone Holdings, has great hopes for the Vantone Foundation and the

    development of the philanthropic sector more generally in China. Therefore, they place

    great emphasis on developing innovative models. They have a very strong internal

    mechanism of accountability and transparency whereby projects are regularly presented

    to the board and communicated to their partners. Furthermore, the Vantone Foundation

    often runs capacity-building sessions with their community leaders to ensure efficient use

    of funds.

    70 Vantone Foundation, http://www.vantone.net/en/contents/427/1568.html

  • 40

    4) Red Cross Society, Guo Mei Mei

    As mentioned, transparency has become particularly important over the past year

    because there have been some cases of corruption in social sector organizations that has

    had the impact of in some ways delegitimizing the sector. In particular the Guo Mei Mei

    case of June 2011 had a negative affect on peoples attitude towards the Red Cross

    Society. Guo Mei Mei, a 20-year-old female Chinese micro blogger, flaunted her

    extravagant lifestyle by posting photos of herself with luxury sports cars. She claimed to

    be a general manager at a branch of the Red Cross Society. Although it turned out that

    she did not work for the Red Cross, this case began to raise questions about the

    legitimacy of not only the Red Cross Society but also other philanthropic organizations in

    China. Data from the China Charity and Donation Information Center under the Ministry

    of Civil Affairs suggests that there is a connection between this case and general giving

    in the social sector. Certainly the case of the Red Cross scandal came up in many of my

    interviews as a significant impediment to giving. Public

    donations to charitable organizations dropped from March to May 2011 from

    6.26 billion Yuan to 840 million Yuan, with a decrease of 86.6%, from June to August

    2011.

    The Guo Mei Mei case added to problems that the Red Cross was already facing

    as a result of the information that came out earlier in the year regarding a huge amount of

    funds being embezzled. There was exposure of a 9,859 Yuan ($1,510) dinner bill for Red

    Cross staff in its Luwan, Shanghai branch.

    Despite the quick handling of the case by the organization, public trust in the charity

    plummeted as

    news of the scandal spread. According to a report in the Beijing Times, the image of a

    receipt was uploaded onto a sina.com micro blog. Many netizens were soon complaining

    of the Red Cross' extravagance, and wondering where their donations were going. As one

    of China's major charities, China's Red Cross enjoys heavy subsidies and its staff is often

    treated as if they were government officials. It claimed that the money had already been

    reimbursed but also appealed to

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    all the Red Cross branches in the city to discipline themselves. There have been other

    cases of corruption with the Red Cross. Southern Weekly reported that a staff member of

    the Red Cross said they would send over 1,000 tents worth 13 million Yuan ($1.9

    million) to the

    earthquake-stricken area. The extortionate prices for the tents raised questions as to how

    the funds were being spent.

    5) Henan Soong Ching-ling Foundation

    An accusation was made against The Henan branch of the Soong Ching Ling

    Foundation that they have been 'abusing and profiteering from donation money' including

    investing in a US$6.2mn land project in Zhengzhou, Henan's capital. According to Toby

    Webb, This is a serious allegation as it is not just anonymous donations that have gone

    astray but from poor farmers who have invested in the Foundation's "public welfare

    medical insurance" scheme, run by the Foundation, and supposedly offering better

    interest rates than the local banks. The financial experts argue the land deal makes the

    fund fragile and any collapse would mean huge losses for very poor farmers.71 However,

    others argue that the Soong Ching Ling Foundation are merely exploring innovative ways

    of addressing social problems and are therefore not inherently corrupt.

    6) Initiatives supporting corporate social responsibility

    One initiative supporting corporate social responsibility in China was initiated by

    Business for Social Responsibility (BSR). BSR was founded in 2002 and has the mission

    to work with businesses to create a just and more sustainable world. In Spring 2011, I had

    the opportunity to work with BSR to conduct monitoring and evaluation of a partnership

    they were supporting between Nike and the China Youth Development Foundation. This

    partnership helped to promote transparency in both organizations. Nikes community 71 Toby Webb, China charity tales: Where philanthropy meets corruption http://tobywebb.blogspot.com/2011/11/china-charity-tales-where-philanthropy.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+Tobywebbssmarterbusinessblog+%28Toby+Webb%27s+Smarter+Business+Blog%29

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    investment strategy uses sport as a tool for positive change. This strategy leverages its

    brand, experience, and passion for sport to improve the lives of the disadvantaged and

    inspire others to take action. Nike launched a program to ignite a grassroots youth

    movement using sports to tackle social causes. To achieve the desired impact in China

    the company sought a partnership with the China Youth Development Foundation

    (CYDF), which also engages and empowers youth. CYDF has networks nationwide and

    the resources to connect with local government and local communities to expand Nikes

    program. More information can be found about Business for Social Responsibility and

    this partnership in Appendix 8.

    7) Other Initiatives promoting transparency in social sector organizations in China:

    Other organizations that are making significant headway in promoting

    transparency amongst social sector organizations are the Social Venture Network, Qifang

    and the Beijing Charity Association. The Internet, in particular social media, is playing an

    important role in the promotion of transparency. One such organization is Qifang. Qifang

    is an open platform and online community whose mission is to give everyone a way to

    pay for their education. Leveraging the latest in web and community technologies, Qifang

    efficiently brokers data and relationships through a transparent platform built on trust to

    connect and assist everyone involved in education finance. Qifang is committed to

    maximize social benefits through a sustainable business model.72

    The government recognizes the importance of contributions and wants to facilitate

    this by making the social sector organizations worthy of funding. The Ministry of Civil

    Affairs has made significant steps in utilizing the web to promote transparency. They

    have a very robust web portal for civil society, both nationally and locally. Karla Simon

    suggests that, The national web portal73 has online application and filing mechanisms

    for acquiring registration or changing registration and for filing annual reports. On the

    basis of such reports, all CSOs (civil society organizations) are awarded grades and they 72 Qifang, http://qifang.com/pageAboutUs.htm?pageName=aboutUs 73 www.chinanpo.gov.cn

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    are required to prominently display the plaques showing the grades awarded in the annual

    inspection. These processes are obviously designed to enhance accountability and

    transparency for CSOs. After a report unveiled by a subdivision of the Ministry of Civil

    Affairs showed that about 75 percent of charitable organizations in China either lack or

    have no guidelines on the disclosure of information, MoCA has taken these facts into

    account and has responded in important ways. First, in the Five Year Plan for the

    Development of Charity published in July 2011, MoCA pledged to adopt rules that allow

    for an organized and regulated system that will encourage further charitable initiatives

    from various enterprises. Specifically these will be: (i) the implementation of the charity

    law; (ii) regulations pertaining to community fund raising and volunteerism; and (iii) new

    regulations for the management of social organizations (including foundations and non-

    profit social enterprises). 74 If these initiatives are put into place, this will have

    significant ramifications for the social sector in China.

    8) Other types of organizations that are engaging in the social sector: Impact Investing

    The Impact Investing space is an emergent sector in the world in general but

    particularly in China. Impact Investing involves investing in social ventures or triple

    bottom line companies, which are companies that are trying to, maximize their social,

    financial and environmental impact. The development of metrics to assess social ventures

    has been essential for the growth of the impact investing space. These metrics help to

    ensure accountability of the businesses. One of the most successful that has been created

    so far is the Impact Investing Reporting Standards (IRIS). Societal demand for such

    standards plays an incredibly important role in encouraging the development of impact

    investing. As Amy Domini argues, For socially responsible investors, impact starts by

    changing the dialog. That's what is accomplished by setting standards to what you buy.

    There was no such thing as a corporate social responsibility report until responsible 74 Karla Simon, Fashioning new government-mandated charity policies for accountability and transparency http://philanthropynews.alliancemagazine.org/fashioning-new-government-mandated-charity-policies-for-accountability-and-transparency/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+alliancemagazine%2FDeMY+%28Latest+from+Alliance%29

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    investors demanded them. Now there are over 4,000 published each year, according to

    the Corporate Register. There was no pressure on the Securities Exchange Commission

    for greater disclosure until socially responsible investors raised the issue. There was no

    baseline ongoing corporate social impact being studied until the research needed by my

    field created it. Applying standards to what we buy has literally changed laws; it has

    changed corporate behavior; and it has done this globally.75

    There are a number of impact investing funds that are currently operating in

    China that I had the opportunity to interview. For example, LGT Venture Philanthropy,

    which is the Lichentensteins princely familys impact investing branch, has a presence in

    China with most of their investments being $1 million or more. There are a number of

    smaller funds such as the Lanshan social investment fund, the Yu fund and Transist.

    Although it is early days, these organizations have the potential to really drive forward

    impact investing in China.

    9) Social Entrepreneurship

    Social entrepreneurship is a relatively new concept in China. Meng Zhao suggests

    that there are three forms of social entrepreneurship in China. There is shehui qiye (the

    social enterprise), shehui chuangye (the social startup), and gongyi chuangye (the startup

    for public good). The reason for these distinctions is that in Chinese the words social

    and enterprise have different meanings than in English. The word social in Chinese

    does not connote nonprofit, philanthropy, or charity, nor is it used in phrases like social

    sector or social economy. In Chinese, the term public good has been used more

    frequently to refer to philanthropy or charity. The word enterprise in Chinese contains

    little implication of innovation, risk taking, or venture. It narrowly indicates business or

    company. On the other hand, startup has a clearer reference to innovation and

    venture.76 One of the challenges with the growth of the sector is the lack of government 75 Amy Domini, Want to Make a Difference? Invest Responsibly http://www.huffingtonpost.com/amy-domini/want-to-make-a-difference_b_834756.html 76 Meng Zhao, The Social Enterprise Emerges in China

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    recognition of the term social entrepreneurship. Therefore currently no organization can

    register as a social enterprise. Currently, it is not possible for organizations to register as

    social enterprises. For social enterprises that have a revenue producing model, there can

    be a challenge conceptually as to whether an organization that is doing good should be

    allowed to also make a profit out of this. As with many other grassroots organizations,

    the government neither bans them nor overtly gives them the right to operate. There are a

    number of organizations, which help to support the emerging social enterprise sector. For

    example, the Schoenfeld Foundations ECSEL Program. The ECSEL Program helps to

    support some incredible social entrepreneurs through mentorship, training and seed

    funding.77

    77 ECSEL Fellows Program, http://www.ecselfellows.org/en/about-ecsel

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    Chapter 4: The Business Environment

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    Chapter 4: The Business Environment

    As China positions itself more and more on the central stage as a world economic

    power, it is challenged both internally and externally on the need to be both accountable

    and transparent. Internally, companies, especially those set up to supply the West with

    branded labels made in China, are under scrutiny to incorporate more responsible

    business practice and CSR (corporate social responsibility) into their working

    environments; Chinese workers are equally demanding better working conditions and fair

    wages. On the international scene, there is pressure on China to comply with international

    norms on disclosure for company listings on the stock markets and to allow the Chinese

    currency to float on international currency exchanges. The more powerful China gets,

    the more it will be subject to intense scrutiny about its trading practices. China has a long

    way to go to meet these demands, much of which is dependent on an evolving rule of law

    The CCP is being forced to take account of these issues of