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Regional carbon storage, land ownership, and land-ownership changes in the southeastern United States
Michael W. Binford1,4, Grenville Barnes2, and Henry L. Gholz3
1Department of Geography, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611, USA.
2School of Forest Resources and Conservation (Geomatics Program), University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611, USA.
3Division of Environmental Biology, National Science Foundation, 4201 Wilson Blvd., Arlington, VA 22230, USA.
4Corresponding author ([email protected])
Plantation forests dominate the carbon dynamics of the southeastern United States coastal
plain, where most land is owned and managed by private individuals or firms. Primary land
owners include timber companies, private individuals, governments, mining companies, and
other commercial entities. We asked how ownership and changes in ownership affect regional
carbon storage, hypothesizing that (a) private land would contain the most carbon but that public
land would have the highest carbon density, (b) changing land ownership would trigger timber
harvest and decrease overall carbon storage, and (c) that timber companies would cut more as
pulpwood prices rise also decreasing overall carbon density (Mg C ha-1), but that other ownership
types would be indifferent to prices. We determined trajectories of ownership and associated
carbon storage from 1975-2001 for each parcel of land > 4 ha in three study areas in north-
central Florida. Parcel owners and ownership type were identified at five-year intervals from
property tax rolls. Parcel and ownership trajectory maps were overlain on time-series carbon
density surfaces derived from multi-temporal Landsat data. Timber companies owned the largest
share of the land (34.9% in 2000), followed by private individuals (31.6%), government entities
(16.3%), mining companies (9.8%) and commercial firms (7.4%). From 1975 to 2000, total land
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area owned by private individuals and timber companies each decreased 14%, while mining
company and government land increased. Carbon density and total landscape carbon were
greater on timber company land than any other ownership type, with a consistent cycling pattern
around a long-term average except when large wildfires occurred. Changes in ownership
sometimes decreased landscape carbon density, and neither total C nor carbon density on timber
company land responded to pulpwood prices. No ownership type showed systematic responses
of total carbon or density to either land sales or pulpwood prices, although commercial-timber
and private-government exchanges were occasionally associated with carbon losses. These
results indicate that much of the understanding of forest ownership and carbon dynamics derived
from work in western United States does not apply to forests in the eastern US, and suggests that
more research is needed where forest ownership is not predominantly federal.
Key words: ownership, Landsat, carbon, Florida, timber company, forests, ownership trajectory, pine plantations
Introduction
Global land-use and consequent land-cover changes (LUCC), including deforestation, forest
degradation, timber harvest, conversion to agriculture, and urbanization, were responsible for as
much as 33% of the increase in globally averaged atmospheric CO2 concentration from 1850 to
2006 (Canadell et al. 2007). LUCC and subsequent carbon cycling and storage patterns are the
aggregate sums of processes on individual parcels of land and are determined by the
management practices of individual landowners (Alig 2003, Kittredge et al. 2003). Management
practices and objectives of individual land owners, whether governments or a variety of private
organizations, are difficult to determine without extensive surveys of owners who may be
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reluctant to respond because of privacy or business concerns. Land ownership, which is defined
in public records at the county level throughout the United States, may be useful as a proxy for
management practices when ownership categories can be defined so that the members have
similar objectives and land-use practices.
We ask in this study how land ownership and land-ownership changes affect carbon storage
in the southeastern United States coastal plain, a large area of predominantly private ownership
and plantation forests. More than half (56%) of all forested land in the United States is held by
private owners, including individuals and corporations including timber companies (Smith et al.
2009). Private owners hold about 85% of the forested land in the southeastern United States with
more than half (54%) of that in corporate hands. Plantation forests, all of which are on private
land, comprise 22% of all forested land in the southeastern United States (182,000 km2, Smith et
al. 2010). Timber harvesting of plantations dominates regional carbon dynamics in most years,
although other disturbances (e.g., insect outbreaks or wildfire) and climate variation may also be
important locally in space and time (Binford et al. 2006, Haynes 2003, Bracho et al. in press).
Plantations of southern pines contain > 6 Pg C and averaged close to 0.4 Tg C yr-1 in net
accumulation between 1990 and 2000 (Conner and Hartsell 2002). Binford et al. (2006)
estimated that ecosystems of the southeastern United States coastal plain provided a net sink of
about 1-2 Mg C ha-1 yr-1 from 1975-2000, which they attributed to the broad-scale accumulation
of detrital carbon because of the reduced use of fire as a management tool in recent years, even
after accounting for wildfire occurrence and conversion of some forest land to mining.
Land ownership in the region is spatially complex and dynamic, and includes federal, state
and local government land, as well as land owned by private timber companies, individuals,
mining companies, investment organizations, and other commercial entities. All ownership
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parcels contain some mix of land uses and different owners can have very different management
objectives. Land owners determine how their land is managed, with management of pine
plantations one of several alternatives available to private landowners. Land owner dynamics
also include transfers from one owner to another through sales, mergers, inheritances and other
transactions. The economic objectives and management practices associated with parcels can
change with such transfers, potentially affecting carbon uptake and storage (Alig and Butler
2004).
We know very little about how land ownership affects carbon storage as a consequence
of the application of different management practices. Previous ecological studies of land
ownership have mainly examined effects of differences in ownership on timber harvest rates or
patterns (Cohen et al. 1998, Kettridge et al. 2003, Jin and Sader 2006), spatial heterogeneity of
forests (Cohen et al. 1995, Crow et al. 1999), forest fragmentation (Spies et al. 1994, Ko et al.
2006), tree species composition and forest structure (Ohmann et al. 2007), forest cover
“structure” (diversity, patch size, connectivity; Stanfield et al. 2002), land-cover distribution and
change (Turner et al. 1995, Wimberly and Ohmann 2004, Medley et al. 2003), and landscape
composition and configuration (Croissant 2004).
Few studies have gone beyond comparing carbon storage (considering dry biomass to be
50% carbon) on public vs. private land. These studies are difficult to compare in drawing general
conclusions, mainly because no two use the same ownership classifications. Land tenure and
land use can vary considerably across the United States, so different classifications are
inevitable. For example, northern Maine has large areas of cutover private land that are
designated “regulated private” lands and regulated by a Land Use Regulation Commission that
has no counterpart in other states. These areas have lower carbon per hectare (carbon density)
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than any other ownership types in Maine (Zheng et al. 2010). In a separate study in the same part
of Maine, Jin and Sader (2006) showed that investment-focused management companies (i.e.,
Timberland Investment Management Organizations (TIMO), Real-Estate Investment Trusts
(REITs)), logging companies and non-governmental organizations all shortened the rotation
time for natural forests, probably decreasing total forest carbon. In some other areas, there is
little difference between the carbon content of land under different ownership. Public lands may
contain more carbon than private lands, if stand ages are younger on private lands as a
consequence of more frequent harvests. But in other areas, public lands are the dominant sources
of timber, which may reduce carbon densities. For example, generally older stands on National
Forest lands in western Oregon and generally younger stands on non-federal lands resulted in
lower carbon density in the non-federal lands (161 + 128 Mg ha-1 vs. 89 + 72 Mg ha-1,
respectively); but when age was controlled, there was no difference in carbon trends over time
(Van Tuyl et al. 2005). A follow-up study found that, while there was great variability among six
different sub-regions, forests of the Pacific Northwest in private ownership had a slightly greater
carbon density (in dead plus living organic matter) than public lands (derived from Hudiburg et
al. 2009). In New England, aboveground carbon content of forests on public lands was greater
than on “other private” lands, or on “regulated private” lands (Zheng et al. 2010). In central
Massachusetts, the public authority responsible for managing the watershed of the Quabbin
Reservoir, the water supply for metropolitan Boston, had the highest proportion of its land area
harvested annually (1.4%) and nearly the highest intensity of cutting (69.3 m3 wood ha-1 yr-1)
compared to all other landowner classes (McDonald et al. 2006, Kittredge et al. 2003). In
Colorado, private lands contain the bulk of the state’s carbon stocks, leading all federal, state,
municipal, and Native American landowners (Failey and Dilling 2010).
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Based on these prior observations, we hypothesized that, in the southeastern United States
coastal plain, most of the carbon in forests is found on private land, the majority of which
belongs to timber companies and private individuals. We further propose that carbon density will
be higher on public land (owned by local, state and federal governments), because more frequent
harvesting on private lands keeps forests in a younger state with less biomass (as in Oregon, but
not Colorado, in the studies cited above).
None of the previous studies addressed the carbon consequences of changing timber prices.
Although there have been a number of studies that model the potential economics of carbon
storage (Boyland 2006, Lorenz and Lal 2009), there is no existing monetary incentive in the
United States to store carbon in forest biomass. Consequently, our perspective is that carbon
storage is not an important aspect of land management in the United States and that decisions to
harvest are made solely in terms of immediate and medium-term economic returns on the sale of
the timber. This theory goes back to Faustman (1849) who first estimated the optimum time to
harvest a forest. The relationship between timber price and harvest magnitude, and consequently
carbon storage, is a complex problem in forest economics and includes calculation of
management costs and forecasts of future timber prices (Adams et al. 1991, Prestemon and Wear
2000). Various models explain the interaction of inventory, owner objectives, and prices that
lead to a supply of harvestable timber to meet demand for pulp and lumber (Adams and Haynes
1996, Adams 2002). The fundamental economic logic underlying these models is that if demand
for timber products increases, for example with an upturn in housing starts which is a leading
driver of timber prices (Adams and Haynes 2007), then the price of the products will increase
and harvest intensity will then increase to meet the demand. An increase in harvest intensity
would then reduce the standing biomass (or carbon density) of the forests. Some empirical
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evidence supports this idea (Adams and Haynes 2007). The fundamental demand-supply process
may hold for industrial forest managers, but owners of non-industrial private forests (NIPF)
generally have a more complex decision making context and may or may not exhibit the same
responses (Amacher et al. 2003, Beach et al. 2005, Ní Dhubháin et al. 2007). On the one hand,
NIPF owners in central Massachusetts consistently removed the most “…commercially valuable
tree sizes, grades, and species…” (Kittredge et al. 2003). In a counter-example, a study of
changing forest tenure and land use in three townships in the Kickapoo Valley in Wisconsin
found that timber harvesting by NIPF owners occurs on an impromptu basis with little
consideration of timber market prices (Heasley and Guries 1998). Nonetheless, we hypothesize
that because a large proportion of land in our study area is owned or managed by industrial
forestry companies, increases in timber prices will drive increases in harvesting frequency and
thereby decrease carbon storage.
Nothing we could find considered the consequences for carbon storage of land transfers from
one ownership class to another, or for that matter, from one owner to another within an
ownership class. To address this gap in understanding, we focused on the role of changing land
ownership in triggering management responses by either a current owner in anticipation of a
sale, or by a buyer (new owner) with different management objectives. We developed
trajectories of land ownership from 1975-2001 and associated carbon storage for each parcel of
land in three 15 km x 15 km study areas in north-central Florida. Ownership parcels are the
smallest unit of land ownership readily available in map form at the county level in the United
States and were the basis for our analysis. Ownership changes might lower overall parcel carbon
storage because trees are either the most valuable and liquid commodity, or because other forms
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of land use (e.g., agriculture/pasture or mining) have lower inherent carbon stocks because
existing trees must first be cleared in any case.
In summary, we hypothesize that:
(i) In the southeastern United States coastal plain, most of the carbon in forests (total
carbon content Mg C region-1) is found on private land, the majority of which belongs
to timber companies and private individuals.
(ii) Carbon density (Mg C ha-1), however, will be higher on public land (government
owned: municipal, county, state or federal) because harvest rotations on timber
company land are shorter, keeping forests in a younger state and therefore with less
carbon.
(iii) Carbon density and content are negatively related to changes in ownership type,
because such changes in this region usually signal a shift in land use/management
strategy accompanied by a liquidation of the main asset, trees.
(iv) Carbon density and landscape content decrease with frequency of owner/ownership
type change because the average time for carbon recovery declines.
(v) For land continually under timber company ownership, carbon density and content
are not affected by changes in owner because the overall management objectives
remain the same.
(vi) Deviations from long-term average carbon density and content are mainly related to
timber market prices, because timber companies cut more during years of higher
timber prices.
(vii) Effects of exogenous disturbances, such as wildfires, may be locally important in
space and time, but will not significantly alter the results; effects of climate change
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over the 25-year study period are assumed to be random and minor enough to ignore
(Bracho et al. in press).
Materials and Methods
Study areas
We selected three of the four 15 x 15 km areas in north Florida previously used by Binford et
al. (2006) to represent the southeastern United States coastal plain (Figure 1). The largest land
use in the region is plantations of pine, which covered about a third of the area in 2000. Other
land uses include, in order of areal importance, cultivated agriculture and pasture, unmanaged
upland forest (mostly pine but including some mesic hardwoods), unmanaged wetland (including
riparian) forests, phosphate mines, and urban/suburban/exurban areas (Myers and Ewel 1990).
The selected study areas were all in a single Landsat footprint (WRS II path 17, row 39) to
simplify image processing, and each of the study areas was completely within one county to
simplify the retrieval of land ownership data. Developed (urban/suburban) areas, characterized
by high concentrations of small parcels, and areas with large federal government ownerships
(e.g., National Forests or military bases) were avoided in the original selection of the four areas.
Even-aged plantation forests have a well-known pattern of carbon exchange and storage
(Bracho et al. in press). Harvested management units become large sources of CO2 to the
atmosphere for several years, after which regrowing planted trees and detritus accumulate carbon
at high rates for about two decades, when harvesting occurs again. Unmanaged forests are
uneven-aged and are smaller annual carbon sinks than growing plantation stands, although they
maintain positive carbon storage over much longer periods of time (Powell et al. 2008, Clark et
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al. 2004). Conversion of forests to agriculture (Woodbury et al. 2006), or clearing for mining or
urbanization, results in large and long-lasting net releases of carbon.
Characterizing ownership parcels
Parcels and their owners were identified at five-year intervals from 1975 through 2000 from
publicly available county property tax rolls and maps that included owner names and parcel
identification numbers. Ownership category (private individual, commercial entity, timber
company, mining company, government institution) was inferred from the owner names. Timber
companies, mining companies and government institutions are well known and easily identified
by their names on the tax rolls. Commercial ownership consisted of law firms, investment firms,
or other institutions that were not categorized as government or timber companies. Private
ownership included owners with individual or joint-ownership names.
While parcel data are available in digital form as polygon GIS layers for recent years in
Florida counties, past records are not. We reconstructed parcel data by inferring prior sales and
parcel subdivisions from tax roll data with a method that we developed previously (Barnes et al.
2003), producing a time series of GIS layers consisting of parcel maps at five-year intervals from
1975-2000 . We eliminated parcels that were < 4 ha in 2000 to remove homesteads and other
smallholder properties that were not likely to manage their land resources (as distinguished from
houses) for financial reasons. These same parcels were then also eliminated in all the earlier
parcel maps to provide a consistent geographic area for our analysis. All Landsat and GIS data
storage and calculations were conducted with ArcGIS 9.1 to 9.3 or ERDAS Imagine 9.3.
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The parcel polygon data layers were rasterized to the same spatial resolution as Landsat TM
or ETM+ reflective band data (30-m grid cells), yielding several raster data layers with each grid
cell in each layer having one of the attributes from the original polygons. The time series of
parcels and ownership categories were then aggregated into “ownership trajectories” in two
ways. First the sequence of ownership categories from 1975-2000 was assigned to each grid cell.
For example, a parcel owned by a timber company in 1975, 1980 and 1985 that was sold to a
government entity between 1985 and 1990 and remained in government ownership through 2000
was designated TTTGGG. Second, in the case of “constant timber” (TTTTTT) ownership
trajectories, we analyzed owner names to determine the trajectory of transfers from one timber
company to another. For example, if Rayonier LLC held the land for the first three time periods,
then sold to Smurfit-Stone, who held it for two periods and then sold it to Georgia-Pacific, each
pixel in the parcel would be assigned the attribute RaRaRaSmSmGe. For efficiency, we
determined when a property was sold (and in the case of timber companies also the buyers and
the sellers) for only the most important parcel trajectories, which we defined as those each
covering >1% of the landscape area.
Landsat imagery was available from a previous study for almost every year from 1975 to
2001 between December and March, the period of minimum leaf area index. We analyzed it
using the methods of Binford et al. (2006) to create annual maps of stand age for plantation
forests and land-cover classification for other major land cover categories (wetland, agriculture,
unmanaged forest). Urban areas were excluded from all the years, based on their extent in the
study areas in 2000, mainly because their parcel sizes were generally under our minimum size of
4 ha.
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Annual maps of cell-level carbon content (Mg C cell-1) and carbon density (Mg C ha-1) were
calculated for each grid cell (0.09 ha) using a look-up table that relates measurements made in
various studies from north-central Florida to stand age for plantations or to constant values for
wetland and unmanaged forests (Table 1). The gridded parcel, ownership trajectory, timber
company trajectory, and carbon density maps were then overlaid and the carbon content and
density of each parcel and of each ownership category calculated using a zonal analysis.
Average annual pulpwood prices from 1975-2000 were obtained from TimberMart-South
reports for Florida Region 1 (http://www.timbermart-south.com/index.html, last accessed 15
April 2011), normalized to constant 2000 dollars, and used to test Hypothesis 4.
Results
Parcels and ownership
In 2000 the three study areas had in aggregate 1299 parcels (> 4 ha) and 483 different
owners, including 19 timber companies, 38 commercial firms, 18 government agencies, 403
private owners, and 1 mining company. The total number of parcels and number of parcels
belonging to different ownership categories were not constant through time, because land was
bought and sold, subdivided and aggregated, or otherwise altered (Table 2). However, the total
area that we studied did not change over time since we considered only those parcels that were >
4 ha in 2000; if there were subdivisions of large parcels earlier in the study that led to small (<4
ha) parcels later, the land was not included at any time in the analysis. Also, ownership changes
are zero-sum; transactions between owners in different categories simply transferred the entire
land area and its associated carbon from one ownership category to another.
Each of the study areas had very different patterns of ownership and changes in ownership
over time. Figure 2 shows maps of ownership classes for each time period for the three study
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areas. One area, within the Clay County study area, experienced a very large change over time to
government ownership from various other ownership categories that did not happen in the other
two areas. Figure 3 shows the spatially explicit time series of carbon for the three areas, with
ownership boundaries shown as color-coded polygons. Although Figure 3 displays carbon data at
five year intervals, annual carbon raster data sets, equivalent maps and GIS data are available in
the ESA data archive { data.esa.org/xxxxxxxxxxx}.
Ownership and Carbon
The time series of aggregate area, aggregate carbon density, and total landscape carbon
content by ownership category is shown in Figure 4. These data are for parcels that were under a
particular ownership in each year; as parcels changed hands, their carbon stocks were transferred
to the purchaser’s category. Private owners and timber companies held most of the land. Land
owned by timber companies and private individuals decreased over the study period, while
government ownership increased (Figure 4a). The bulk of conversion to government ownership
occurred in the Clay County area, where a single family sold 6,390 ha (11.5% of the total study
area) over 10 years to various government agencies to eventually form the Jennings State Forest
(owned by the State of Florida). In the Hamilton County area, the largest transfer of ownership
was from land previously owned mainly by timber companies to a phosphate mining company.
There were no similarly large-scale transfers among ownership categories in the Alachua County
study area.
Privately owned land and timber company land had the highest aggregate carbon densities,
averaging about 37 Mg C ha-1 and 30 Mg C ha-1, respectively (Figure 4b). Carbon density
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gradually increased over time on privately held land, while it fluctuated with about a 10-year
cycle on timber land. Carbon density on government-owned land fluctuated more than land
under any other ownership, as government agencies bought a diverse array of land with disparate
original vegetation and different original carbon densities. Carbon density on land owned by
mining companies increased over time as they bought more forested land with plans to mine in
the future. Although some of the acquired land was eventually mined and all carbon essentially
removed, much more was simply transferred and left un-mined with no further timber
management, and thus continued to slowly accumulate carbon over time.
As with carbon density, regional carbon storage (i.e., for all three study areas combined) was
by far the highest on private land and timber company land (Figure 4b), largely because these
two ownership categories held the most land. In contrast, the other three ownership types held a
very small proportion of the total carbon stocks, regardless of its density at the pixel scale.
Land Ownership Trajectories
A total of 52 different ownership category trajectories were found across the three study
areas over the 25-year period (Table 3). ‘No-change’ trajectories (TTTTTT, PPPPPP,
MMMMMM, GGGGGG, and CCCCCC) dominate, covering 40,328 ha (73%) of the 55,109 ha
landscape (Table 2). One-change trajectories covered an additional 13,882 ha (25%). The rest of
the trajectories covered less than 2% of the study areas. Eleven individual trajectories each
covered at least 1% of the landscape and 36 of the trajectories together covered 99% of the total
landscape. Of the top six trajectories where ownership category changed, the dominant change
was from private to government, followed by private or timber to mining company, and timber to
commercial. Again, most of the area that went into government ownership over time was in the
Clay County area.
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The largest number of changes within any one trajectory was three, and that happened in only
one case of a parcel of 63 ha (Tables 3 and 4). The vast majority of the landscape did not change
hands or did so only once. Only 899 ha (<2%) out of the entire 55,109 ha in the aggregate study
area were sold to a member of a different category more than once during the study period
Important Trajectories, Total Landscape Carbon, and Carbon Density
The vast majority of carbon was contained in areas that remained under the constant
ownership of timber companies (TTTTTT) and private owners (PPPPPP) (Figure 5). Carbon on
land in constant private ownership steadily increased over the study period, while the carbon on
timber company land declined slightly from the early 1980’s, but then stabilized. The small drop
in 1998 for the TTTTTT trajectory was caused by a large wildfire in Alachua County that burned
across mostly timber company land (red arrow). Total carbon contents of all other trajectories
were stable over time.
Carbon density was also highest for the constant timber and private trajectories, with density
on private land gradually increasing over the study period and that on timber company land
varying around a long-term mean of about 42 Mg C ha-1 (Figure 5). Carbon density of
government land and of land owned by commercial firms fluctuated for most of the period
around an average of 33 Mg C ha-1, while lands owned consistently by mining companies
showed a gradual increase. Carbon density of lands in the other six important trajectories
behaved variously. With one exception, there were only weak relationships between changes in
carbon content and changes in ownership category. In that one case, the sale of land in the
PPPPPG trajectory from a private owner to a government agency between 1995 and 2000 was
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associated with a drop from around 60 to 47 Mg C ha-1, due to large-scale timber harvesting that
occurred in the years prior to the sale. There was also a small decline for the PPPGGG trajectory
that may have been associated with a land sale between 1985 and 1990. But the vast majority of
land ownership changes in the “to-government” trajectory were part of a series of transactions in
the Clay County area between one family and several government agencies to create the Jennings
State Forest. Other changes in carbon were not associated with land sales.
Timber Company Ownership Transfers
Carbon storage dynamics for land transfers within the continual timber company ownership
category (TTTTTT) for the Clay and Alachua County areas are shown in Figure 6 and Table 3
(Hamilton County had no such transfers). While there is some evidence of reductions in carbon
either just before or just after an ownership change (e.g., red ellipses in Figure 6), there are also
cases where transfers were not related to changes in carbon stocks (e.g., green ellipses in Fig. 6),
and cases where no change in carbon density occurred around a transfer (e.g., black circles in
Figure 6). The JS-GI-GI-JS-JS-JS trajectory, involving Jefferson-Smurfit (JS) and Gilman Paper
Company (GI), shows a significant reduction in carbon for the first transfer between JS and GI
between 1975 and 1980, but no change associated with the transfer back to JS between 1985 and
1990. The GI-GI-GI-GI-GI-FF trajectory (where FF = Fulghum Fibers) also supports our
hypothesis, with significant carbon decreases in the period 1995-2000 when Gilman sold to
Fulghum Fibers. But there is no further support for this hypothesis in the Clay County study area.
In fact, our data show that the other two transfers that occurred in the Clay County area did not
lead to changes in carbon, other than increases over time through tree growth. Furthermore, the
steep decline in carbon in the 1975-1980 period for the GI-GI-GI-GI-GI-JS trajectory mirrors
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the JS-GI-GI-JS-JS-JS trajectory, suggesting that harvests occurred in both cases for reasons
other than an ownership transition (since no transfer occurred in the first trajectory for this
period).
Our analysis of the timber ownership trajectories for the Alachua County area shows similar
results (Table 5). The colored cells in the table show where a change in carbon content occurred
during the ownership trajectory associated with ownership change. If our hypothesis that such
ownership transitions trigger timber harvesting is valid, then we would expect to see negative
values in these colored cells. Even though some of the larger losses in carbon coincide with a
transfer (e.g., 47.6% loss when Jefferson Smurfit sold to Timberlands), it is clear from the data
that this is not the general case. In fact, the largest loss (-75%) does not coincide with a change in
ownership, and the mean change in carbon over all trajectories is positive both when transfers
occurred and when they were absent.
Carbon Dynamics and Timber Prices
Not a single landowner category or important (in area) ownership trajectory showed a
relationship between either aggregate total carbon or carbon density and constant-dollar timber
prices during the study period (Figure 7, 8, and 9).
Discussion and conclusions
Hypothesis tests
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Our first hypothesis that the majority of carbon would be found on private, especially timber-
company, land was supported. The vast majority of the study areas were owned by either timber
companies or private individuals, so they of course owned most of the carbon. The second
hypothesis that public lands would have the highest carbon density was rejected. “Natural
regrowth” and natural forests in the south-eastern United States have less biomass than the
managed plantation forests, both because the spatial density of trees is so much less (individual
trees are farther apart), and because land may have been acquired from previous owners who
harvested the forests before selling the land. Non-plantation forests in the south-eastern United
States coastal plain do not sequester more carbon than plantations, even when accounting for
longer harvest rotations (Clark et al. 1999, Binford et al. 2006, Powell et al. 2008).
The third hypothesis, that both carbon density and total carbon content on the landscape
would be negatively related to changes in ownership category, because such changes would
trigger a change in land-use or management practices, was rejected. We saw no pattern in carbon
storage related to changes in ownership category. Sometimes there was a reduction associated
with a sale, but more often there was not. There were also many instances of reductions in
carbon in the absence of sales. Some of these were caused by large wildfires, but most were
caused by normally-scheduled tree plantation harvesting.
The fourth hypothesis predicted that carbon density and content would decrease as parcels
were sold more often, because if the first hypothesis were true, then the time for regrowth would
be shortened. The main result from this part of the study was that the hypothesis is rejected
primarily because land sales were far less frequent over the 25 years than we had anticipated.
The dominant ownership category trajectories were either no-change or one-sale, with only a tiny
fraction of the aggregate landscape being sold more than once. In addition, land sales and
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changes in carbon totals and density were not related. Landowners cut when the harvest rotation
time comes (or, anecdotally, sometimes a few years prematurely to pay extraordinary bills), but
seldom because land ownership is about to, or has just, changed hands.
The fifth hypothesis predicted that the carbon density and content of land always belonging
to timber companies would be independent of changes in specific company ownership because
the overall management objectives of all timber companies are similar. This hypothesis was
supported by our results. Furthermore, changes in carbon density and content occurred during
intervals when land was both sold and not sold, and in other cases there were no changes in
carbon when sales did occur.
Our sixth hypothesis was that timber market prices would influence carbon density and
content because timber companies would respond to higher prices by cutting more forests on
land that they owned. This hypothesis was rejected. No relationship between carbon storage and
timber price was seen. Instead, fluctuations in carbon storage and content in these study areas
was more related to exogenous disturbances such as wildfires. This was surprising, but probably
reflects the larger scale economic conditions to which timber companies in the region, some of
which are large and multi-national corporations, respond. Timber companies own vast areas of
land, some fraction of which must be harvested each year to maintain a revenue stream
regardless of prices. Timber prices are set more or less globally (with some regional variation).
Empirical studies of the relationship between harvesting and prices often show only some price
elasticity (Adams et al. 1991), or complete price inelasticity. Some studies suggest that steadily
increasing prices would tend to increase the rotation period, while decreasing prices would drive
owners to harvest earlier, as the Net Present Value (NPV) of standing timber steadily increases in
the former case but decreases in the latter case (Thomson 1992). Finally, leasing of timber rights
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by private owners to timber companies is common in the south-eastern United States coastal
plain. If timber companies cut timber on their own land in response to price fluctuations, then
they would probably also cut on their leased land, and the response should be clear in the data.
Rejecting four of the six hypotheses may seem to be to be an overwhelmingly negative result
of this study. Furthermore, concluding that most of the carbon in the region and the highest
carbon densities are found on private and timber company land is counter to most previous
studies. Instead, we find these results remarkable because they indicate that much of our theory
and understanding about how land ownership influences carbon storage is at best incomplete and
at worst wrong. Much of the theory and most previous results, as described in the introduction
section of this paper, are based on case studies in the western United States where the
government owns a very large proportion of the forested landscape. Private individuals and
organizations own the majority of land in the eastern United States and the management
practices of the different landowners are much more diverse. The generalized understanding that
more carbon is found on public land is not correct for eastern forests, based both on our results
and those from other areas. More research is required across these forests to develop a reliable
understanding of the complex relationship between land ownership, LUCC and carbon
dynamics.
Is ownership a good proxy for management? The land ownership categories that we used are
only partially a reasonable proxy for management approaches. Unlike Massachusetts, which
since 1983 has required forest harvest plans to be filed for even small parcels so the data can be
mined to determine trends in resource management (Kittredge et al. 2003), no states in the south-
eastern United States coastal plain keep official records of individual landowner management
practices. Our data show differences in carbon behavior among all the landowner categories. The
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time series of total carbon and carbon density for private and timber company owner categories
were quite different, despite a considerable amount of plantation-style harvesting on private land,
while the other three were more similar to one another but still distinguishable. Carbon on timber
company lands varied around an average, with several peaks and valleys, and even declined
slightly over the study period. Plantation forests existed on both private and timber company
land, but not on government properties (except for a state-owned experimental forest in the
Alachua study area) and commercial properties. Private landowners with large forest holdings
tend to manage as timber companies, often by leasing timber rights or timber contracts to forest-
product companies. Because the aggregate carbon density and total carbon mostly increased over
the study period, we infer that the very large number of private landowners with smaller forest
holdings tend not to mimic conventional timber company harvest patterns.
The number of sales over time in our study region was surprisingly low, especially compared
with other areas in the eastern United States. Jin and Sader (2006) report that 80% of the timber
lands in northern Maine changed hands in the six years between 1994 and 2000, 74% of which
were sold to TIMOs and the remainder to other industrial forest owners. Nationwide, around
12.6 million ha (31 million acres) were sold to TIMOs and REITs in the decade 1996-2006, as
vertically integrated timber products companies sold out to, or transformed into, publicly traded
investment companies (Froese et al. 2007). These studies point out how the national forest-
products industry has undergone significant changes since the 1980’s, especially through the
creation of TIMO and REIT ownerships that may or may not have the same management
objectives as traditional timber companies (Smith et al. 2009, Jin and Sader 2006). Most of the
conversion of vertically integrated timber companies in the south-eastern United States occurred
since 2000, the last year considered in our study. We did not investigate restructuring within
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timber companies, as these data are not readily available and would involve additional interviews
and more labor-intensive data mining. As only about 2% of the timber land in the southeast was
owned by TIMOs or REITs in 1999 (Conner and Hartsell 2002), most of the sales occurred after
the end of our study. These changes in the industry probably did not confound our results, but
any analyses of subsequent ownership changes at this level clearly must take this into account.
Our finding that carbon densities are greater on private plantation forests than forests under
other forms of ownership implies that carbon sequestration strategies, at least in the eastern
United States, must focus more centrally on forests that are managed as plantations. Our
ownership analysis does not distinguish between owner-managed forests and private forests that
are leased and managed by a third party. The complex relationship between ownership and
management has been further complicated in recent years by the restructuring of vertically
integrated timber companies and the emergence of investment-oriented REITs or TIMOs,
broadening the suite of management goals that may have a much greater impact on carbon
sequestration than the property transfers examined in this paper. Although we found relatively
few land transfers across ownership categories (73% remained in the same ownership category
across our 25 year study period), a recent U.S. Forest Service survey indicates that almost one
quarter of private timberland owners intend to “sell or transfer the land in the near future.”
(Smith et al. 2009: 20). Since owners are the ultimate decision-makers as to how a forest is
managed, or whether or not to sell or lease forest land, the monitoring of our nation’s forests
must include information on ownership. Finally, forest policy, particularly with regard to carbon
sequestration, must recognize the fundamental differences between forests and forest ownership
in the western United States and those elsewhere.
Acknowledgements
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The project was originally funded by the NASA Earth Science Enterprise Land Cover–Land Use
Change Program, grant NAG5- 9331. Levent Genc, Scot Smith, Anurag Agrawal, Balaji
Ramachandran, Vijay Sivaraman, and Bharath Pudi, and Elizabeth Binford all contributed to the
original data preparation and analysis. This paper was partially based on work supported by the
National Science Foundation, while H.L.G. was working at the Foundation. Any opinion,
findings and conclusions expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the
views of the Foundation.
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Table 1. Look-up table for Pinus elliottii plantation biomass, biomass of natural regrowth pine
forests, and biomass of forested wetland (cypress) wetlands for assigning values to grid cells
based on stand stand age or vegetation type (based on Brown 1981, Gholz and Fisher 1982, ,
Brown et al. 1999, Clark et al. 1999, ,, Powell et al. 2008, and Bracho et al. 2011).
Age (yr)
Tree Biomass
(Mg C ha-1) s.d.Understory (Mg C ha-1)
Forest Floor (Mg C ha-1)
CoarseWoodyDebris
(Mg C ha-1)Total
(Mg C ha-1)
0 0.0 0.0 1.5 0.0 35.0 36.51 0.1 0.0 1.5 0.7 32.7 34.92 0.1 0.0 1.5 1.4 30.3 33.43 1.2 1.5 2.2 28.0 32.94 2.3 1.5 2.9 25.7 32.35 3.4 1.8 1.5 3.6 23.3 31.86 6.8 1.5 4.3 21.0 33.67 10.3 6.0 1.5 5.0 18.7 35.58 13.7 1.9 1.5 5.8 16.3 37.39 19.1 1.5 6.5 14.0 41.110 24.5 1.5 7.2 11.7 44.911 29.9 1.5 7.9 9.3 48.712 35.3 1.5 8.7 7.0 52.513 40.7 1.5 9.4 4.7 56.214 46.1 20.4 1.5 10.1 2.3 60.015 49.0 1.5 10.8 0.0 61.316 51.8 1.5 11.5 0.0 64.917 54.7 1.5 12.3 0.0 68.518 57.6 0.5 1.5 13.0 0.0 72.019 61.2 1.5 13.7 0.0 76.420 64.8 1.5 14.4 0.0 80.821 68.5 1.5 15.1 0.0 85.122 72.1 1.5 15.9 0.0 89.523 75.7 1.5 16.6 0.0 93.824 79.4 1.5 17.3 0.0 98.225 83.0 1.5 18.0 0.0 102.526 86.6 23.5 1.5 18.8 0.0 106.927 85.7 1.5 19.5 0.0 106.7
655
656
657
658
659
28 84.8 1.5 20.2 0.0 106.529 83.8 1.5 20.9 0.0 106.330 82.9 1.5 21.6 0.0 106.031 82.0 1.5 22.4 0.0 105.832 81.0 1.5 23.1 0.0 105.633 80.1 1.5 23.8 0.0 105.434 79.2 37.2 1.5 24.5 0.0 105.2
Natural pine
regrowth 66.5 9.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0Cypress wetlands 107.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
660661
Table 2. Time series of numbers of parcels and ownership classes in the three study areas, 1975-2000.
1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000
ALACHUA Total 300 316 329 340 367 374Timber 68 70 71 76 81 90Commercial 13 14 13 13 30 33Private 198 209 220 228 227 214Government 21 23 25 23 29 37
CLAY Total 627 627 627 627 627 622Timber 90 108 98 97 96 96Commercial 111 89 104 114 111 107Private 394 406 423 396 301 300Government 32 24 2 20 119 119
HAMILTON Total 221 240 251 267 292 303Timber 51 51 51 49 39 38Commercial 1 3 3 4 10 10Private 130 128 139 150 160 169Government 2 2 2 2 2 2Mining 37 56 56 62 81 84
AGGREGATE Total 1148 1183 1207 1234 1286 1299Timber 209 229 220 222 216 224Commercial 125 106 120 131 151 150Private 722 743 782 774 688 683Government 55 49 29 45 150 158Mining 37 56 56 62 81 84
662
Table 3. Aggregated ownership category trajectories. Trajectories are designated by the first
letter of the ownership category at each time period. T = timber company, P = private owner, C =
commercial firm, G = government agency. Trajectories above the first line (under PPPPPG) each
cover >1% of the total study area. Trajectories in gray together cover 99% of the total study area.
Study Areas indicate in which county/ies each trajectory occurred (A = Alachua, C = Clay and H
= Hamilton).
TrajectoryArea (ha)
Cumulative Area (ha)
Area (%)
Cumulative Area (%)
Ownership Category Changes Study Area
TTTTTT 18009 18009 32.7 32.7 0 A,C,H
PPPPPP 16109 34118 29.2 61.9 0 A,C,H
PPPPGG 4928 39046 8.9 70.9 1 A,C
MMMMMM 2525 41571 4.6 75.4 0 H
CCCCCC 2208 43779 4.0 79.4 0 A,C,H
GGGGGG 1477 45256 2.7 82.1 0 A,C,H
PPPGGG 1428 46685 2.6 84.7 1 C
PMMMMM 988 47673 1.8 86.5 1 H
TTTTMM 980 48652 1.8 88.3 1 H
TTTTCC 753 49406 1.4 89.7 1 A,H
PPPPPG 683 50089 1.2 90.9 1 A,H
CCTTTT 382 50471 0.7 91.6 1 C
CCCTTT 355 50826 0.6 92.2 1 A
TMMMMM 335 51161 0.6 92.8 1 H
TTTMMM 327 51488 0.6 93.4 1 H
PPPPCC 287 51775 0.5 93.9 1 A,C
TTTPPP 284 52058 0.5 94.5 1 H
PCCCGG 262 52320 0.5 94.9 2 A
TTTTPP 242 52562 0.4 95.4 1 H
PPPPPT 226 52788 0.4 95.8 1 A
PPCCCC 199 52987 0.4 96.1 1 A
663
664
665
666
667
668
669
CCCCGG 153 53140 0.3 96.4 1 C
TPPPPP 145 53285 0.3 96.7 1 C
TTPPPP 142 53427 0.3 96.9 1 C
PTTTTT 141 53568 0.3 97.2 1 A,C
TTTTCM 138 53707 0.3 97.5 2 H
PPPPPC 98 53805 0.2 97.6 1 A
PCCCCC 94 53899 0.2 97.8 1 C
CCCPPC 85 53984 0.2 98.0 2 C
CPPPPP 82 54066 0.1 98.1 1 A,H
CCPPPP 81 54148 0.1 98.3 1 A,H
TTTTTC 76 54224 0.1 98.4 1 H
PPPPTT 75 54299 0.1 98.5 1 A
GGCCCC 69 54368 0.1 98.7 1 C
PPTTTT 69 54438 0.1 98.8 1 C
PPPPCP 64 54501 0.1 98.9 2 A
TPCCPP 63 54564 0.1 99.0 3 A
PPPGPP 62 54626 0.1 99.1 2 C
TTPPPP 55 54681 0.1 99.2 1 H
PPPCCP 52 54733 0.1 99.3 2 C
PGPPPP 50 54783 0.1 99.4 2 C
TCCCCC 44 54827 0.1 99.5 1 C
PCPPPP 44 54870 0.1 99.6 2 A
PPPMMM 43 54913 0.1 99.6 1 H
PGGGCC 42 54955 0.1 99.7 2 A
TTTCCC 38 54993 0.1 99.8 1 H
CCCGGG 37 55030 0.1 99.9 1 C
TTPPPC 34 55064 0.1 99.9 2 C
MMMMCC 18 55082 0.0 100.0 1 H
GGGGGP 15 55096 0.0 100.0 1 H
CMMMMM 10 55106 0.0 100.0 1 H
TTPCCC 3 55109 0.0 100.0 2 H670
Table 4. Frequency distribution of trajectory changes.
Number of Changes in Trajectory
Number of Trajectories
Land area of changes trajectory (ha)
0 5 403281 35 138832 12 8363 1 63
Total 54 55109
671
672
Table 5. Percentage change in carbon over five-year intervals for timber company ownership
trajectories in Alachua County. The grayed cells in the table show where a change in carbon
content occurred during the ownership trajectory associated with ownership change.
Year/trajectory
COCOCOCOCORA
COCOCOCOCOTI
COCOCOCORARA
HUHUHUGEGENO
COCOCOCOJSTI
COCOCOCOJSRA
ITITITRARATI
ITHUHUHUHUHU
ITITITRARARA
ITHUHUGEGENO
COCOCOCOJSJS
1975 1981 3.4 24.3 37.2 15.7 -75.0 14.5 66.4 32.9 8.5 7.6 -25.91985 -12.7 -9.8 -51.5 19.2 42.2 -1.4 21.9 23.9 1.7 6.4 1.11990 -0.1 6.1 -1.4 -13.1 83.3 7.1 3.1 -24.4 -30.4 -9.7 -14.61995 10.8 -3.4 57.7 17.2 59.8 -3.7 -55.0 25.5 25.1 6.7 32.02000 2.9 -7.1 29.6 -24.5 -47.6 -12.1 37.6 -5.4 -12.6 -8.3 22.2
Mean % change in Carbon
COCOCOCOCORA
COCOCOCOCOTI
COCOCOCORARA
HUHUHUGEGENO
COCOCOCOJSTI
COCOCOCOJSRA
ITITITRARATA
ITHUHUHUHUHU
ITITITRARARA
ITHUHUGEGENO
COCOCOCOJSJS
No Transfers 0.3 4.3 3.5 17.4 16.8 6.7 4.8 7.2 1.6 -0.9 -4.3
Transfers 2.9 -7.1 57.7 -18.8 6.1 -7.9 29.7 23.9 1.7 -1.1 32.0All Trajectories
No Transfer
s 5.2Transfer
s 10.8
Note: CO – Container Corp; GE – Georgia-Pacific; HU – Hudson Pulp and Paper; JS – Jefferson Smurfit;
NO – North American Timber; RA – Rayonier Timberlands; TA – Tatum Brothers; TI – Timberlands; IT
- ITT Rayonier
673
674
675
676
677678
679
680
681
682
683
FIGURE LEGENDS
Figure 1. Study region with individual study areas outlined. Study areas are named by the county
in which they occur. The background is a Landsat ETM+, band 5-4-3 composite image
from 04 January 2001.
Figure 2. Maps of ownership classes for each time period for the three study areas.
Figure 3. Time series of carbon density (Mg C pixel-1) maps from the study area, with the
ownership classes shown as color-coded polygon boundaries. The carbon density maps show
the data only for 1975, 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995, and 2000. All the annual C density raster
data sets, equivalent maps and GIS data are deposited in the ESA data archive {URL
HERE}.
Figure 4. Aggregate area, carbon density, and aggregate total carbon by ownership category.
Figure 5. Time series of (a) aggregate total carbon, and (b) carbon density for ownership type
trajectories that comprise >1% of the study area. Color-coded arrows indicate the time of
sales for each trajectory.
Figure 6. Timber company owner trajectories and carbon densities for 1975-2000. Red ellipses
indicate times of major change in carbon density associated with sale from one company to
another, green ellipses indicate changes in carbon density not associated with a sale.
Figure 7. Relationships between pulpwood prices and aggregate total carbon (top) and carbon
density (bottom) for all ownership categories. Note that parcels that change ownership
category are counted in the new category.
Figure 8. Relationships between pulpwood prices and aggregate total carbon on land with
constant ownership trajectories (top) and other important trajectories (bottom). Note that,
684685686
687
688
689
690
691
692
693
694
695
696
697
698
699
700
701
702
703
704
705
706
unlike in Figure 7, constant trajectories mean that the land ownership category never
changed.
Figure 9. Relationships between pulpwood prices and overall carbon density on land with
ownership trajectories (top) and other important trajectories (bottom).
707
708
709
710
711
Figure 1712
713
Figure 2A – Alachua714
715
Figure 2B: Clay 716
717
718
Figure 2C: Hamilton Study area719
720
Figure 3A-C721
722
Figure 2C. 723
724
725
726
Figure 5.727
728
Figure 6.
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 20000.000
2.000
4.000
6.000
8.000
10.000
12.000
JS-GI-GI-JS-JS-JSGI-GI-GI-GI-GI-JSGI-GI-GI-GI-GI-FF
Carb
on (M
g/ha
)
729
730731732
Figure 7.733
734735
Figure 8.736
737738
Figure 9.739
740741