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Susana Martinez

Gender Inequality in Colombia: from victims of civil conflict to the urban

working class woman

Gender inequality has become a prevalent aspect in Colombian society. It has

hindered the Colombian state to grow in terms of GDP and in the employment sector.

Many variables pertain to this phenomenon including economic, social and cultural

practices. The problems, which result in unequal opportunities for women to gain

economic and social equality in Colombia, occur within a multi-layered framework, that

affects the individual, household and community (Holmes and Jones 36). The question

posed in this essay is whether these persistent inequalities placed on women, which

prohibit the country as a whole from progressing and departing from a state of

development to fully developed nation, stem from social and cultural practices or whether

state intervention or lack thereof is a determining factor as to why a more gender-equal

society has not occurred in Colombia.

Beginning with the first section of this paper, a concise review of the different

theories in development pertaining to gender inequality will be discussed. We will then

proceed to consider the reasons for gender inequality in Colombian society, which will

later be placed in specific context to the urban labour market. Using empirical evidence,

we will then seek to understand why gender inequalities persist, the various factors—

economic, social and cultural. It is important to understand that gendered inequalities,

which continue in developing countries, are overlooked in policy implementation and

when enacting legislation. The premises of this analysis will be to understand the link

between gendered inequality and whether the actors that induce this problem are due to

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societal constraints or lack of initiative taken by the state. The paper will then conclude

with the outcomes of gendered inequalities in relation to women in the urban labour force

in Colombia, and will henceforth make deductions based on the literature assessed, and

which will perhaps add to the existing literature on gender inequality. Although one

solution cannot be implemented one every case, it is important through research and

analysis like this paper seeks to accomplish, more equitable solutions will empower

women and raise their status in society, and encourage the discussion on

intersectionalities and the multi-layered structure of gender and development in

Colombia.

Themes in Gender Inequality

Gender is a socially constructed idea that may vary from each society. Evidently,

the lines between gender equality between male and female in the workforce in

developed countries like Canada is much less marked than in Latin American societies.

Janet Momsen recognizes that despite these differences in gender roles across different

societies, there are three universal themes that hold true for gender inequality. These

three themes include, a clear-cut division of labour based on gender, the intersecting the

roles of women in the public and private spheres which have significant effects on the

development of society, and the differences in economic development between men and

women (Momsen 16). The extent to which these themes relate to urban inequalities in

Colombian society will be discussed in this section. It is imperative to mention that

although these theories are based on spatial patterns of gender (Momsen 16), these are by

no means the only forms of analyzing gender inequality in the developing world, and in

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order to comprehend the realities of women in the urban Colombian context, we must pay

attention to these themes by moving beyond generalized patterns of gender and identity

and looking at empirical field data (Momsen 18).

Although Momsen’s theory on gender and its place in labour society gives us a

nuanced view on the foundational aspects of gender inequality, it is essential to mention

other theories pertaining to this study. Theories on patriarchy which relate to feminist

thought are significant in that they bring a vital element to the study of gender relations in

both the political and sociological scholarship. Although mainstream literature on the

theoretical aspects of patriarchy have largely been ahistorical and not take fully into

account the differentiating factors of gender inequality, it nonetheless helps us understand

encompassing aspects of patriarchy. Walby for example, distinguishes between

patriarchies in the private versus public sphere where in the former women are controlled

by an individual (husband or father) and not allowed to leave the constraints of the

household. In the latter we see women are permitted in certain social areas, like the

workforce, they are expropriated in a more collective way, yet both forms of patriarchy

highlight the segregation and subordination of women (Bradley 123). The last theory

relating to this discussion on gender inequality and will be of use in understanding the

framework upon which this essays is based on is Sen’s capability theory. Sen looks at

gender inequality by “comparing things that intrinsically matter rather than the means to

get them” (Robeyns 63). Sen argues that looking only theories that value resources such

as commodities or freedoms will provide an incomplete view if we do not take into

account and individual’s capabilities. By looking at these intrinsically held values, other

intersectional factors such as social, environmental and cultural norms are then taken into

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consideration. A strong aspect in Sen’s theory which will provide support towards this

paper’s analysis on gender inequality is that this approach does not look exclusively at

the market economy but also pays attention level of education, marital status, and the

family unit (Robeyns 66). Similar to Momsen’s theory mentioned above it also takes into

account the inequalities in economic development between men and women and takes

into consideration intersectional differences specific to women. It explains why they do

not have as many opportunities to enter into the work force due to reproductive rights and

lack of social networking resources that are more readily available to men. Sen’s theory

on capabilities is critical when discussing gender inequality because the theory takes into

account “human diversity” and not treating separate factors that affect gender inequalities

as a cemented social construct, taking for example the family unit in which love, and

solidarity are not inherent factors for every individual and that differences therein may

play a significant factor in one specific case of gender inequality (Robeyns 66).

Gender inequalities in the Colombian Urban Labour Market

This research intends to look at inequalities that occur in the urban labour market

in Colombia from a gendered perspective. The relevant theories in sociological and

political fields have been discussed in the previous section. Having laid the basic

framework in which this discussion will be based on, we can now move on to the topic of

gendered inequality in the labour marketmitself. Looking at Colombian society and

whether persistent gender inequalities in the work force are due to cultural norms that

place women in a position of less privilege than men or whether it is the state’s lack of

initiative that has lead to the continuation of these inequalities. In order to gain a better

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understanding, this analysis will draw from empirical data from national polls and past

academic literature that seeks to determine the components that has lead to the

furtherance of gender inequalities in the developing world.

It is evident that in the past fifty years, in the developed world has seen significant

progressions in gender relations in the work force due to a more universal education

system, decrease in family size, as well is the division between sexuality and

reproduction which has influenced both men and women’s approach to gender roles

(Montaño 233). Although participation in the economic market for women is still lower

in developing countries in contrast to developed countries, Colombia has shown to have

active growth reaching more than half of the total population by1997 (Montaño 235). The

effects of increase of women in the labour market have had effects not only on the

economy but in other areas of society. For instance, the expansion of health and

education services as a result of women entering the workforce is one such example. An

often-overlooked example as well has been the drop in fertility rates which, have lead to

women enter the urban work market. This has lead to national public campaigns, which

have encouraged women’s ability to make their own decisions regarding their sexuality

and reproductive rights (Montaño). These examples echo Sen’s capability approach as it

is important to look at factors of quotidian life that are affected by gender inequality

rather than purely economic factors. Colombia is still significantly distant from achieving

reproductive freedom for women in a country where the Catholic Church is tied to the

health system, their laws on abortion are still quite conservative; abortion is only

considered when health of the woman is threatened, in the case of rape or incest, and

when “grave” fetal deformations are present (Roa 25).

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It is important to bear in mind that these findings, though generally progressive

and positive in terms of women’s increased participation, remain specific to a certain

kind of socio-economic class, and should not be taken as a generalization with all women

in the urban labour market.

State policies in regards to gender inequality

Now that we have studied the various aspects of gender inequality in the urban

labour market, and have compared it to both women in higher and lower socio-economic

classes, it is now imperative to evaluate the final section of this examination. In order to

achieve gender equality, it is important that the state is able to “mainstream” the

processes that allow for gender equity to take place. In Colombia, government integrate

towards programs that would begin to provide an equal opportunity for women was with

the creation of the new Constitution in 1991. Under the Gaviria administration was the

Presidential Council for Youth Women and Family was created, which focused on the

assessment of pieces of legislation that would provide better opportunities for women. It

later became a more established institution where it had the influence to challenge

policies and oversee the planning processes of bills (Beall 520). The Council was also

significant in its coordination with the National Council for Social and Economic Policy

(CONPES) in which the Council would give a gendered approach on CONPES’

programmes and policies, and how the policies therein would impact women and

children. Although this was a highly significant institution in terms of establishing a

gendered approach, these innovations were still strictly welfare-based and done at the

regional level, not at the national level. In 1994 under the following President, the Policy

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for Equity and Participation of Women was passed on Congress in which the government

increased social spending on health, housing and education subsidies for the poor. An

important aspect of this was that this organization was a specifically aimed at

mainstreaming gender based issues at the national level, where most of the funding and

administration was done by the state (Beall 521). Although the 1990’s saw a significant

improvement in terms of institutionalizing gender equality and government-funded

programs to provide a “gendered lens” on welfare and economic issues, as well as the

enactment of policies and legislature, empirical data demonstrates policy interventions in

the form of labour market regulations have had little impact on reducing gender wage

gaps (Hoyos 1).

In a survey conducted by the Inter-American Development Bank, statistical

evidence determined that wage increases between men and women between the years

1994-2006 have been marginal (Hoyos 2). Differences in wage earnings are a result of

economic standing, and also variances such as level of education, presence of children in

the household, marital status, and households with two incomes instead of one. These

differences, then, are attributed to what Hoyos calls “labour-market characteristics” rather

than differences between men and women per se (Hoyos 3). This methodology is unique

in the way that it looks at various characteristics and matches both men and women’s

wages based on similar characteristics. These qualities may also be seen as socially

constructed practices, which play into gender roles, as well as being critical in

demonstrating the prevalence of women’s roles in Colombian society and how this is

affected through the perceived gaps in gender inequality (Hoyos 3). For example, it was

found that in terms of level of education, men always earned more than women, and

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households which had children, tended to have both men and women with lower incomes

than married couples who did not have children (Hoyos 11). In Colombia, there have

been visible changes in the formation and dissolution of the family unit, and thus the

presence of children in households have impacted gender wage gaps where wages are

higher for men than women in this category when the children live with the mother rather

than when they live with their father (Hoyos 15).

However, the wage gap in terms of job-related variables for both men and women

has shown a significant increase in all areas of wage gap decomposition from 18.3% gap

in 1994-98, 13. 8% in 2000-1 and 13.5% in the 2002-2006 sub-sections (Hoyos 17). This

analysis also found interesting findings comparing wage distribution of men and women

both in and out of the “common support”, here meaning formal institutionalized jobs, and

ones out of the mainstream job market such as domestic services, casual labour,

contractual jobs that require little or no education as well as being divorced or widowed.

The findings here show that wage gaps for women within the common support tend to be

higher than women out of the common support. While this also holds true for men, the

gap is narrower. This is important to consider in this analysis because this helps

determine whether differences in gender-based wage gaps (taking into account cross-

sectionalities) are a result of lack of state intervention. The fact that the wage gap is

higher for women out of the common support which again means that they will be older,

more likely to be widowed or divorced and less educated is telling in the state’s ability to

provide social support for these citizens.

Hoffman and Centeno argue that the intersection of class and gender play major

roles in the experiences of women entering the labour force. The literature regarding

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gender inequality in Latin America consistently affirm that education will help improve

conditions for women. Education will encourage women to seek employment and thus

leave the private sphere. This will bring about changes in the structure of the family unit

(resulting in less children) as well as a redefinition of “traditional” women’s roles, which

will reduce the limits on women’s participation in the labour market (Hoffman and

Centeno 374).

Conclusion

In conclusion, we have analysed various intersecting factors that contribute to

gender inequality. Despite an overall improvement in terms of the integration of women

in the urban labour market, it is still evident that in jobs where higher education is

required, men still have a larger salary than women. Other factors such as being divorced

or widowed and the number of children in the family play a determining factor in wage

gaps. Jobs that are considered “informal” such as employment in the domestic service or

casual labour and short-term contracts have a higher wage gap versus “formal” jobs when

looking particularly at women. This is a revealing fact in this study as this demonstrates

the state’s lack of attention paid to inequalities towards women facing higher

discrimination rates due to social status, marital status and lack of education. State

policies should be implemented that will either provide financial support for these

marginalized groups of women, or a stronger emphasis on education may well provide

starting points to reduce these inequalities in the urban labour market. However, in the

theories illustrated in the first section of this composition, Sen asserts that we must not

only concern ourselves with economic aspects in determining inequalities in developing

nations, but also factors that contribute to one’s way of life. This has lead to our analysis

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based on the quantitative data found in the Inter-American Development Bank, which

looks at factors such as marital status and considers children as a factor when considering

why women earn less than men.

These intersectionalities have becoming a decisive factor in understanding what

causes gender wage gaps in the urban labour market in Colombia, or more specifically

whether the state or cultural norms are push-pull factors. It has been mentioned that since

the 1990’s with the introduction of the new Constitution, progressive policies by the

subsequent administrations, committees that provided a gendered lens have given

women’s concerns, including wage equality provide a significant voice in Colombian

policy-making. Unfortunately, this has been overshadowed by guerrilla-induced

problems.

Colombia, like other Latin American nations, remains a highly patriarchal society

where gendered roles are still assumed and thus openings for more equal wage in various

areas of the labour market (educational, occupational, small/larger firms etc.) still need to

be looked at and ensured to these marginalized citizens by policies enforced by the state.

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Having spoken to various representatives of Colombia’s National Congress, I was

able to attain different perspectives on not only the issue of gender inequality in

Colombia, but also being informed on the goals and future of female representation inside

the Colombian government through the Congressional Commission on Gender Equality,

and what the state is currently doing in addressing inequality issues, both at the national

and local (municipal) levels. It is important to note the progress being made in terms of

gender equality through the institution of this committee, closing the gender gap indeed is

a crucial aspect in achieving equality and for the country to progress.

Rep. Flora Perdomo Huila partido Liberal

SM: ¿Piensa usted que sería efectivo en implementar la ley 1257 más al nivel municipal que nacional y por qué?

FP: Si. Todas estas leyes que hemos sacado para la protección de las mujeres colombianas es para el ámbito nacional que obviamente tiene su aplicación en lo regional y local esto cobija todo nuestro estado lo que es necesario es implementarlas, que haya una estrategia e infusión que, en lo local, sea en lo regional o municipios, o en los departamentos se apliquen y revisen y que sean aplicadas siempre con el enfoque del derecho de las mujeres.

SM: ¿Como el actual proceso de paz a afectado el progreso hecho por la comisión en implementar las leyes que se enfocan en las victimas de desplazamiento?

FP: Hay una serie de leyes acá que se han construido para proteger todas las víctimas del conflicto y necesariamente tenemos que sacar otras leyes que consolidan la paz alrededor de todas estas víctimas que durante tanto tiempo en este conflicto han sido afectadas. Pero tenemos que seguir construyendo ese escenario legislativo—pero no solamente dejarlo ahí pero también que se operativos al nivel del plano local y el plano regional de manera que todas las instituciones tengan estas leyes claras y para que todas las victimas todos los días consoliden sus derechos.

SM: ¿Según la ley 1257 que hace énfasis en la igualdad de género que reconoce la mujer como ciudadana autónoma, sin

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embargo, hay muchos aspectos culturales que prohíben que la ley sea actualizada, que se hache para conciliar las presiones culturales con la implementación de esta ley?

FP: Acá en el nivel nacional no es solamente suficiente hacer las leyes. Necesitamos implementarlas, civilizar, divulgar, todas estas víctimas alrededor de este proceso para que cada vez lo interiorarisemos no solo en la parte legislativa, pero en executivo, judicial para poder llevar a la práctica. Tenemos es que seguir construyendo escenarios y sobre todo reuniendo a todo este grupo de mujeres para que unidas podamos defender este tipo de leyes.

SM: ¿Cuál diría usted es el obstáculo más grande para obtener igualdad de género en la sociedad colombiana actualmente?

FP: Hay muchos obstáculos sobre todo porque tenemos que seguir consolidando las mujeres en la parte legislativa en la parte de cargos, las leyes y las mujeres en su formación—académica—tenemos es que seguir construyendo toda una serie de estrategia de mecanismos que nos permitan que haya más mujeres en la política. Los partidos, tienen que abrir esos espacios y apoyar todo ese liderazgo que, por mucho tiempo, nosotras las mujeres hemos construido. Tenemos que superar esos obstáculos, pero muestras como mujeres tenemos que perder ese temor que los gobiernos al nivel del departamento y municipal vean más participación de las mujeres en su estructura. Se tiene que consolidar y verificar que el treinta por ciento de las mujeres, el gabinete lo estén formando. Pero también se necesita con nosotras las mujeres que podamos seguir trabajando de manera que nosotras sigamos unidas y creando una conciencia también en todos los hombres que las mujeres tenemos igualdad de derechos.

SM: ¿Piensa usted que sería efectivo en implementar la ley 1257 más al nivel municipal que nacional y por qué?OV: No es solamente al nivel municipal o nacional—las mujeres tenemos que empezar a tener más autonomía y liderazgos, pero además abrirnos espacios en una sociedad patriarcal que en muchos casos es machista que no es fácil para la mujer entonces es en todos escenarios que toca implementar la ley.

SM: ¿Como el actual proceso de paz a afectado el progreso hecho por la comisión en implementar las leyes que se enfocan en las victimas de desplazamiento?OV: El actual proceso de paz no a solamente tenía en cuenta el desarrollo por la comisión de la mujer si no también el tratado en la

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Habana. Es decir, la comisión legal de la mujer está pendiente de toda la legislatura que tiene que ver con mujer y genero, pero también ha incentivado la participación de la mujer en los diálogos de paz la participación de la mujer en proyectos de ley para implementar territorio en pos-conflicto, entonces yo creo que la mujer es un actor fundamental para la implementación de los diálogos y compromisos de paz en la Habana.

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