Commercial horticulture in rural Tanzania ± an analysis of keyin¯uences

Kenneth Lynch 1

School of Geography, Kingston University, Penrhyn Road, Kingston-upon-Thames KT1 2EE, UK

Received 4 September 1998; in revised form 25 February 1999

Abstract

Food production per head of population in the sub-Saharan African region is in decline. This paper focuses on a particular sector

of food production; rural fruits and vegetables, which are intended for city retail markets through a case study of Dar es Salaam.

This paper is part of a wider integrated study of food production, distribution and marketing for the city of Dar es Salaam. The aim

of the paper is to establish some conclusions about why producers choose to produce horticultural foods for sale, and to investigate

the ways in which the commodities enter the channels of supply to the city. The paper evaluates the signi®cance of broad macro-level

economics and policy, and how important local and individual economic, social and environmental contexts may be to the geog-

raphy of fruit and vegetable production. Two case study areas, known to be important fruit and vegetable supply areas for Dar es

Salaam, were selected for analysis. The evidence collected in this analysis suggests that, in order to understand the activities of fruit

and vegetable producers, it is necessary to analyse local ecological and locational issues as well as broad economic and political

factors. The results of the survey demonstrate that certain aspects of production are in¯uenced by external economic issues and

others by local historical or environmental considerations. Ó 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Horticulture; Agricultural production; Tanzania; Crop selection

1. Introduction

The total African population was 728 million in 1995and has been estimated to increase to 1495 million by2025 (World Resources Institute, 1996). Evidence fromthe recent past would suggest that much of the growthwill take place in a relatively small number of majorcities. In 1990, cities accounted for 33.9% of the Africanpopulation. This proportion is expected to grow to40.7% by 2000 and 57.1% by 2025 (von Braun et al.,1993). The challenge for African countries will be toprovide for the future needs of this rapidly growing andconcentrated urban population. Given that food pro-duction per head in sub-Saharan African is in decline,one of the most fundamental needs of the growing urbanpopulation will be food.

A number of commentators have pointed out that theability of African countries to provide their nationalfood needs ± let alone their urban food needs ± is indecline (for example Grigg, 1993 on national food se-

curity and for urban food supply: Binns and Lynch,1998; Smith, 1998; von Braun et al., 1993). In Tanzania,for example, there is evidence that a decline in food andagricultural production during the 1970s and 1980s waspartly a result of economic deterioration. This decline ineconomic conditions was thought to have presaged thewithdrawal of peasant producers from the cash econo-my, and their reversion either to production for subsis-tence use (Hyden, 1980; Gri�ths, 1980; Raikes, 1986),or for informal or local markets (Bryceson, 1990). Theoutcome of this reorientation of production means thatrural areas and small towns and villages in Tanzaniahave su�cient local food supply, irrespective of whathappens in the larger urban food markets. However, thiskind of rural production does not conform to conven-tional ideas of output e�ciency, as producers hold backproduce, with the result that food supply to urban andexport markets is limited.

Tanzania provides a useful example for studyingurban food supply trends which are found across sub-Saharan Africa, as it has a high proportion of its pop-ulation directly employed in the agricultural sector and asmall, but rapidly growing urban sector. Academicanalysis of the Tanzanian agricultural sector has focused

Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183

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0016-7185/99/$ - see front matter Ó 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

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on agricultural policy and performance on the one hand,concentrating particularly on staple foods and exportcrops (Ellis, 1983, 1984, 1988; Gri�ths, 1980; Raikes,1986). While on the other hand research on food pro-duction and marketing also concentrates on staple foods(Bryceson, 1985, 1990, 1993; Gordon, 1988). As mostfood systems literature focuses on staple foods, thispaper will give attention to horticultural production.Mascarenhas (1984) is concerned that not enough isknown and understood about horticulture in Africa.``Despite the importance of fruits and vegetables in thefood pro®le of a country, data and information on thedemand for and supply of these items are notoriouslyscanty in most African countries. The situation is onlyslightly better in Tanzania'' (p. 1). In Tanzania, theagencies responsible for overseeing fruit and vegetableproduction and marketing include the Marketing De-velopment Bureau, the Ministry of Agriculture and theNational Food Strategy Unit. However, additional pri-orities of these institutions have absorbed their limitedresources, resulting in a paucity of established know-ledge of the fruit and vegetable production and distri-bution system. The Tanzanian Ministry of Agriculture,Food and Co-operatives included speci®c sections inTanzaniaÕs Second Five Year Development Plan (1969±74) on fruit and vegetable crops. This was in response toa speech by Julius Nyerere in 1969, in which he ex-plained the importance of fruits and vegetables to thenationÕs diet and economy, and that these crops werenot being utilised to their fullest potential (Mlambiti,1977). However, these sections had limited impact onthe fruit and vegetable sector.

Mascarenhas (1984) argued that ``...we cannot a�ordto carry on ignoring these two (fruits and vegetables)important elements of the national food basket'' (p. 1).He has carried out empirical research in this sector withMbilinyi, focusing on orange (Mascarenhas and Mbili-nyi, 1971) and banana (Mbilinyi and Mascarenhas,1973) marketing channels. Mascarenhas and MbilinyiÕsstudies each concentrated on only one commodity.Sporrek (1985) argues that rural sources of supply forDar es SalaamÕs fruit and vegetable retail outlets werevery important. Sporrek concentrates on the location ofretailing in the city and found that the retailing structurein the city had evolved into a highly centralised one.Kariakoo Market Corporation (KMC) systematicallyrecords statistics on fruits and vegetables sales, thoughthey have neither the time nor the resources to analysethem in any detail. The KMC data only cover foodcommodities which pass through Kariakoo WholesaleMarket. However, Lynch (1992) provides evidence thatthis was in decline from approximately 60% of totalsupply during the 1980s. Mascarenhas describes thesesources as ``a start (in) the process of ®lling in a vital gapin knowledge'' (p. 1) and ``an important data base'' (p.4). He goes on to conclude that ``a survey of the fruits

and vegetables in the rural and urban areas is urgentlyneeded'' (Mascarenhas, 1984, p. 15).

The results of the 1976/77 Household Budget Survey(Government of Tanzania, 1977) showed that 15% oftotal household spending on food and drink in Dar esSalaam was on fruits and vegetables alone. However,this under-estimates the real signi®cance of these food-stu�s because account tends not to be taken of infor-mally obtained fruits and vegetables. The government istrying to increase nutritional intake by encouragingpeople ± particularly the urban poor ± to increase theirconsumption of fruits and vegetables. Thus several areasin Tanzania with favourable locations for the produc-tion of fruits and vegetables, have become producers offruits and vegetables for Dar es SalaamÕs inhabitants.The in¯uence of the process of urbanisation will furtherincrease the urban demand for fresh foods. The fruit andvegetable sector could be important to the future eco-nomic development of some of TanzaniaÕs agriculturalareas, as well as the food security of the urban areas.

The aims of this paper are therefore to analyse thekey issues in rural fruit and vegetable production, toestablish some preliminary conclusions about the rea-sons producers have chosen to produce horticulturalfoods for sale and, ®nally, to investigate the ways inwhich the commodities enter the supply channels to thecity. It will address the signi®cance of broad macro-leveleconomics and policy and how important local and in-dividual di�erences may be to the geography of fruit andvegetable production. The larger study on which thispaper is based addresses the lack of information andanalysis of fruit and vegetable production, within thecontext of TanzaniaÕs liberalising socialist economy.Broader aspects of trading, distribution, retailing andprocurement are dealt with elsewhere (Lynch, 1992,1994, 1995; see also Briggs, 1990; Sawio, 1994). Thispaper complements the other work which focuses ondi�erent aspects of the system.

2. Background

Since the early 1980s, the Tanzanian government hasabandoned its policy of socialist transformation, andfood markets, along with many other markets, havebeen liberalised (Bryceson, 1990; Maliyamkono andBagachwa, 1990). However, the fruit and vegetableproduction and marketing system, contrary to the ex-perience of all other agricultural commodities, alwaysoperated in a relatively free market, the only restrictionsbeing the establishment of regional trading corpora-tions. These corporations were given monopoly controlin the inter-regional trading of commodities not alreadycontrolled by commodity marketing boards. In Dar esSalaam, the responsibility for fruit and vegetable tradingwas given to Kariakoo Market Corporation (KMC)

172 K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183

when it opened in 1976. This meant that legally all fruitand vegetable produce entering the Region had to passthrough Kariakoo Wholesale Market and be dealt withby one of KariakooÕs licensed dealers. The only e�ortsto in¯uence prices were through maximum and mini-mum guideline prices published by the KMC. However,these were not binding on the dealers, and were fre-quently undercut or exceeded, depending on marketconditions at any one time (Lynch, 1992).

Against this policy background, the production andmarketing of fruits and vegetables has remained largelyuncontrolled, and relatively unsupported. There were anumber of small initiatives involving co-operative soci-eties in the purchase and marketing of fruits and vege-tables during the mid-1970s. Examples include theLushoto Integrated Development Programme and theTchenzema Vegetable FarmersÕ Co-operative Society,both of which had retail outlets in Dar es Salaam(Marketing Development Bureau, 1973; Schae�er andJenders, 1987). However, both examples failed, partlybecause they were unable to withstand the competitionfrom private traders who operated legitimately in com-petition with them and partly because of poor man-agement.

Within a few years of completion in 1976, the newKariakoo Market Building was physically unable tocope with the volume of fruits and vegetables demandedby the increasing Dar es Salaam population. The cityÕspopulation had grown from 600,000 in 1975 (Sporrek,1985) to 1.4 million by the census of 1988 (Governmentof Tanzania, 1989), and in 1996 is now estimated to haveexceeded 2.3 million with an annual growth rate of 8%per annum (UNEP, 1996). As the private grain markettraders sought alternative outlets for their grain underliberalisation, so the fruit and vegetable traders soughtto avoid the congestion and the commission charges ofKariakoo. Instead they sold to parallel wholesale dealersin the retail markets elsewhere in the city (Lynch, 1992,1994).

There is already a body of literature that has beengenerated concerning the role of crop authorities andmarketing boards in staple grain marketing and distri-bution during TanzaniaÕs socialist transformation(Bryceson, 1985; Ellis, 1983, 1984; Lofchie, 1978; Shao,1986). A growing body of literature also exists on theinformal sector and open market for grain trading asTanzania entered its period of economic recovery (Ellis,1988; Bryceson, 1990; Gordon, 1988; Maliyamkono andBagachwa, 1990). However, very little is known of theconditions under which fruits and vegetables have beenproduced and marketed under the socialist transforma-tion (Mascarenhas and Mbilinyi, 1971; Mbilinyi andMascarenhas, 1973; Sporrek, 1985). Even less is knownabout the supply during the period of economic recov-ery (Mascarenhas, 1984). The lack of control or moni-toring of the fruit and vegetable sector before the 1980s

has resulted in sparse evidence with which to build apro®le of this period.

Only very recently have studies been published thatexamine in detail the decision-making of producers andthe linkages between rural production systems and theurban market. In Tanzania these include van Donge(1994) who argued that previous attempts at analysingrural agricultural change have tended to focus on themacroeconomic scale. He argues that such a structur-alist explanation belies the importance of individualsÕresponses to macroeconomic and social processes.Andersson (1996) argues that farm practices cannot beisolated from their social environments. ``Market andstate ± central elements in common views on agrarianchange in Tanzania ± are in¯uences, but agriculturalchange cannot be understood without considering theway it is created by actors from below.'' (p. 105).

3. Methodology

Two case study areas, known to be important fruitand vegetable supplying areas for Dar es Salaam, wereselected for analysis. The Marketing Development Bu-reau, a department of TanzaniaÕs Ministry of Agricul-ture, identi®ed six regions as being important forsupplying Dar es Salaam with food at the time of survey(Marketing Development Bureau, 1986), which aresummarised in Table 1. A number of areas around thecity of Dar es Salaam, are also increasingly important assources of supply for the city, although these are dis-cussed in more detail elsewhere (Binns and Lynch, 1998;Briggs, 1990; Sawio, 1994).

The choice of the two survey areas was based in parton the evidence of the secondary data, and also partlyon the evidence collected from in-depth interviews car-ried out in Dar es Salaam during May to September1989. These two areas are of enormous importance tothe supply of fruits and vegetables to the urban marketof Dar es Salaam.

The survey focused on the producers of fruits andvegetables who were selling to the urban markets. Pro-ducers were chosen with the help of village governmento�cials and agricultural extension o�cers. The resultsof this questionnaire survey are therefore drawn frominterviews with farmers who were known to be fruit andvegetable producers.

One problem encountered in the analysis of the dataobtained was the di�culty in converting local units ofmeasurement to more standard measure of kilograms.Table 2 illustrates the problem of attempting to quantifythe volume of goods in any scienti®c way. The highdegree of variability comes principally from varyingtypes and sizes of commodity and container, but dif-ferences also come from the degree of e�cient packingof the goods and the di�erent varieties, size, and the

K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183 173

degree of estimated wastage as a result of transporta-tion. For example, a market o�cial at Mwenge marketin Dar es Salaam estimated that out of one hundredoranges arriving at his market, via Kariakoo or Tan-dale, up to twenty-®ve may be spoilt. The road fromTanga Region (including Lushoto) had a worse repu-tation than most for causing high rates of damage tofresh produce. All discussion of volumes of commoditiesand of prices should therefore be treated carefully.

4. The rural producing study areas ± Morogoro rural

district

Morogoro is located 200 km west of the city of Dar esSalaam (see Fig. 1). It is, in fact, the closest area with anenvironment capable of producing temperate vegetables.At only 200 km distance, along relatively good roads, itis about a three-hour lorry drive from Dar es Salaam.The villages studied are located on either side of theUluguru mountain block, and range in altitude from1200 to 1800 m. They have been described as being verysimilar in ecology to areas of Lushoto in Tanga Regionin the north of Tanzania, ``with vegetable growing of-fering about the only major possibility for a cash crop''(Marketing Development Bureau, 1973). The monthly

mean temperatures range from 10°C to 30°C at Langalivillage (1200 m) and from 4°C to 18°C at Tchenzemavillage (1800 m). Rainfall reliability can be a problem,particularly in lower altitudes where drought has beenexperienced. In the higher altitudes, ample water isavailable during the rainy season, particularly in thelong rains from March to May, and from the springsand rivers in the dry season. Highly developed systemsof terraced irrigation are evident in the area from belowLangali Village up to Tchenzema Village, where irriga-tion makes it possible to obtain up to three crops peryear depending on the type of vegetables being given(Marketing Development Bureau, 1973). For example, itis possible to produce three cabbage harvests per year ataltitudes up to 1800 m, given an assured supply of inputsand good weather conditions (Paul, 1987).

The ®rst period of development began in the 17thcentury with the expansion of the cultivated land areainto the natural forest of the mountains, to the extentthat little of the original forest remains, and leopardswhich once inhabited the forests are no longer seen inthe area (Paul, 1987). The increasing population hadalso begun to exert pressure on the landÕs ability tosustain the traditional agricultural practices. When theGerman colonists arrived in the late 1880s with newinnovations for increasing the productivity of the landthe local people, the Waluguru, were receptive. This wasreinforced with the arrival of the railway in 1910(Hadjavayanis, 1987).

With the advent of the market economy money,transactions for land slowly became more common.Paul (1987) argued that the conversion of the Waluguruto Catholicism during the early colonial period served toemphasise individualism and male-headed family kin-ship at the expense of the matrilineal clan system.Hadjavayanis (1987) argues that this was a part of theincreased commercialization and intensi®cation of themodes of agricultural production. The result has beenthat payment of rent in cash by tenants has increased.Intense competition for land was reported in in-depthinterviews with the farmers and agricultural extensiono�cers, with tenants planting trees on land to add to

Table 1

The main open market supply regions for Dar es Salaam and Coast Regions 1984/85 a

Region Distance (km) Commodities

Staples Fruits and vegetables

Morogoro 200 Rice, cassava Bananas, Irish potatoes, onions, cabbage, tomato, pineapples

Tanga 350 Maize, rice Beans, Irish potatoes, cabbage, tomatoes, oranges, apples, and pears

Iringa 500 Maize, wheat, millet Beans, cowpeas, Irish potatoes, onions, cabbage, tomatoes

Moshi 570 Maize, bananas Beans, cowpeas, Irish potatoes, tomatoes

Arusha 650 Maize, wheat Bananas, cowpeas, onions, cabbage, peas

Mbeya 900 Maize, rice Bananas, beans, Irish potatoes, cabbage,tomato, peas, carrots

a Source: Marketing Development Bureau, 1986.

Table 2

Approximate conversion table a

Container Description volume � Approx. metric (kg)

Gunia Large canvas sack 80±100

Tenga Oval woven basket 40±50 (small)

60±80 (large)

Mfuko Discarded fertiliser bag 40±50

Ndoo Plastic bucket (20 litres.) 16±18

Ndebe 5 gallon cooking oil tin 16±18

Mkungu Bunch of bananas on the

stalk

70±100

a Source: Lynch, 1992.* The volumes vary depending on the size and type of commodity.

174 K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183

claims for rights of ownership, where previous agree-ments had been vague (Delobel et al., 1989).

The modern phase of intensive production of fruitsand vegetables in the Mgeta area began in the early1950s, (Paul, 1987; Hadjivayanis, 1987; Marketing De-velopment Bureau, 1973), roughly coinciding with thedeparture of most European producers from the regiontowards the end of the colonial period. The settlers in-troduced the crops during the 1930s and 1940s, such asChinese lettuce and cabbage, and some techniques, suchas terracing and new varieties, as well as more com-mercialised modes of production (Delobel et al., 1989;Hadjavayanis, 1987; Paul, 1987). In the 1960s, a secondmajor expansion in production came about after theopening of the Kireka Fruit Nursery, in Morogorotown. Sales of seedlings from this nationally importantnursery increased from 12,000 when it opened in 1966,to 70,000 in 1971. According to the Ministry of Agri-culture extension workers interviewed by the author inthe area, this level of sales has been more or less main-tained since then.

The Marketing Development Bureau estimated thatTchenzema was producing up to 90% of MorogoroRegionÕs total fresh food production by 1971 (Market-ing Development Bureau, 1973). Much of the RegionÕsfruit production is still accounted for by the area aroundMatombo, where citrus fruits, mangoes and bananas areproduced in large quantities. No data were available toallow an accurate estimate of the level of production offruit in Matombo; however, the area is considered bywholesalers interviewed in Dar es Salaam to be an im-portant source of these commodities.

At the start of the 1970s, Morogoro Region produced60% of Dar es SalaamÕs vegetable requirements (Mar-keting Development Bureau, 1973). However, as thepopulation of the city has increased this proportion hasalmost certainly declined as traders travel increasingdistances in search of suitable supply areas. Van Donge(1992) and Bryceson (1993) argue that it was also duringthis period of the mid-1970s that household food secu-rity started to break down, leading to a change in theeconomy and society of the area.

Fig. 1. Horticulture Supply Areas for Dar es Salaam.

K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183 175

5. The rural producing study areas ± Lushoto district

The second district selected as a case study area isLushoto in Tanga Region. Lushoto District can be di-vided into two distinct zones according to physicalgeographic characteristics, the West Usambara Moun-tains and the Umba Plains. The Umba Plains are acontinuation of the semi-arid plains which stretch fromthe coastal area through Muheza and have little rainfall(TIRDEP, 1985).

The West Usambaras are comparatively cool, withtemperatures dropping as low as 0°C during the coldseason between April and August. Mean monthly tem-peratures are between 16°C and 22°C. The UsambaraMountains range from 800 to 2000 m in altitude, withmainly natural forest cover on the peaks and ridges.Non-laterite red and grey loamy mineral soils are to befound on the mountain slopes, while grey to black, freshmineral soils are found in the valleys. The natural veg-etation has been cleared for cultivation from almost allareas except for the very mountain tops, with slopeseven up to 80% gradient being cultivated (Sender andSmith, 1990). The occurrence of frost is rare, but,nonetheless, a possibility. Mean annual rainfall rangesfrom 1200 to 1400 mm (Sender and Smith, 1990), butrainfall levels as low as 600 mm and as high as 2000 mmhave been recorded (SECAP, 1988; TIRDEP, 1985).Two distinct rainy seasons can be distinguished: the longrains from March to June (called Masika in Kishambaa,the local dialect) and the short rains, from November toJanuary (called Vuli).

Cli�e et al. (1975) suggested that the most frequentlystated problem of LushotoÕs development crisis isoverpopulation. The mountains have one of the highestrural population densities in Tanzania, which in 1978was 153 persons per km2 and had grown so that the 1988Census reported a population density of 192 persons perkm2 (Table 3). As the population in the area increased,the pressure on the landÕs carrying capacity has alsointensi®ed. There has also been tremendous pressure onthe producers to increase output in order to retaineconomic viability (SECAP, 1988). This was attemptedinitially through the expansion of cultivated land intosome of the last natural forest areas of Tanzania, par-ticularly in the 1960s when 3000 hectares of forest re-

serve were cleared and distributed to farmers in theDistrict (Taube, 1988). The male±female ratio of 83:100gives an indication of the high level of male out-migra-tion in the area, a further phenomenon common to ruralareas of high population density.

The farmers of Lushoto have gradually entered intothe production of commodities through two channels(Cli�e et al., 1975). They ®rst began with the introduc-tion of settler farms and, more recently, a small numberof wealthy farmers and state bodies who have boughtinto these large production units. These farms are gen-erally large-scale and run on commercial lines, requiringsigni®cant capital and labour inputs. According to Cli�eet al. (1975) this created a class of land owners and aclass of labourers.

Secondly, those producers with su�cient land to beagriculturally viable were able to begin commercialproduction of cash crops on a small scale. Fruits andvegetables became an important sector for this areabecause of its temperate climate, and, with irrigation, itis possible to produce more than one harvest per year.As in Morogoro, the arrival of European settlers andmissionaries brought in many new varieties of fruits andvegetables which were able to mature at much fasterrates than the traditional subsistence crops. Indeed,Delobel et al. (1989) report that the ®rst species oftemperate fruit trees to be planted in Tanzania wereplanted in Lushoto.

More recently, producers have adopted exotic vari-eties of fruits and vegetables and begun using agricul-tural inputs. For example, in the case of tomatoes, afarmer in Lushoto explained that di�erent types of fe-rtilisers are required at di�erent stages in the growth ofthe tomatoes. The estimates calculated on the basis ofone farmerÕs report are summarised in Table 4. If afarmer planted tomatoes in time to harvest at the peakin Dar es SalaamÕs market prices (usually at the end ofthe long rains in May), then he would need to investconsiderable amounts of money in fungicide. Inputssuch as these were becoming progressively more di�cultto purchase at the time of the survey in 1989. (The sit-uation is a little improved by 1998, but prices are highrelative to what producers can generally a�ord.) How-ever, the table demonstrates that even assuming mod-erately high prices paid, there are signi®cant advantagesfrom investing in these inputs if the capital is available.Prices in Dar es Salaam in excess of TShs 10,000 pertenga (approximately TShs 200/kg) 2 were reported inMay 1989, when prices of TShs 2000 (approximatelyTShs 40/kg) were accepted at most other times of theyear. Clearly there are numerous other costs which havenot been accounted for, however, should one lorry loadof 70,000 kg of tomatoes arrive in time to sell at TShs

Table 3

Population change in the West Usambaras a

Year 1978 1984 1988

Population 266,181 304,000 334,435

Increase No data 37,819 30,435

Density (persons/km2) 153 175 192

Mean annual growth

rate

No data 2.4 2.5

a Source: TIRDEP, 1985 and Government of Tanzania, 1989. 2 At the time of survey (1989) TShs 235 � UK£1.00.

176 K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183

200 per kg, this would earn a signi®cant return on theinvestment.

Food systems involve a wide range of strategies em-ployed by the consumers for obtaining food and by theproducers for supplying food. These range from formalstate-controlled production, distribution and marketing,through to urban subsistence production and informal,non-cash food exchanges. Obtaining meaningful datacan be problematic, particularly where, as in the case offruits and vegetables in Tanzania, the market is almostunregulated. The two case study areas are predomi-nantly rural areas, which are signi®cantly far away fromthe city, and are similar in that they are both highlandareas, with a history of signi®cant colonial in¯uence.However, there are di�erences in the agricultural sys-tems that evolved in these areas. Section 6 analyses theresults of a survey of producers in selected villages ineach of the areas carried out in 1989.

This section has demonstrated a number of key in-¯uences on the patterns of regional production in boththe Uluguru and Usambara Mountains. The RuralDistrict of Morogoro is the closest high land area to Dares Salaam. Both areas have sub-tropical and temperateclimates ideal for the production of a variety of fruitsand vegetables. The pre-colonial period and the growingpopulation pressure in¯uenced the receptiveness of thepopulation to colonial in¯uences in changing the struc-ture of agricultural production. The colonial period in-troduced the cash economy, provided a market fortemperate produce and provided seedlings to the pop-ulation. Finally, the response of the local population ineach area to the market has had an important impact onthe structure of the local society. This has had the e�ectof commercialising agriculture and making it reliant onexternal markets, commercialising the markets for landand placing increasing pressure on already vulnerablenatural resources. However, Sender and Smith (1990)describe the formation of wage labour in the Usa-mbaras, while van Donge (1992) sees limited evidence ofthis is the Ulugurus. Clearly while there are ostensible

similarities, there are some di�erences between the twoareas.

6. Analysis of the survey of producers

Farmers were interviewed in six villages in the twokey fruit and vegetable producing areas closest to Dar esSalaam (see Fig. 1) in order to investigate why producerswere engaged in fruit and vegetable production. Ancil-lary aims included establishing a socio-economic pro®leof horticultural producers in the areas, analysis of thelevels of production and analysis of the di�erences be-tween villages and between regions. The village di�er-ences were found to be frequently more important thanthose between the regions. This suggests that the im-portance of local circumstances is very signi®cant andshould not be ignored.

6.1. General characteristics of horticultural producers

The data presented in Table 5 indicate that the headof household, who in most cases is the male, and whosells the householdÕs produce, is a relatively experiencedfarmer. Only 15% of the sample is under 30 yrs old. Inboth areas, men carry out wholesaling of produce, while,overall, women are con®ned to retailing activities. This

Table 5

Summary table of socio-economic variables a

Variable Minimum Mean Maximum

Age 20 44.9 87

No. of years schooling 0 5.4 8

Household size 1 7.3 20

No. of children 0 3.0 9

Farm size (Ha.) 0.3 3.2 30.0

No. of plots 1 3.4 20

No. of crops produced 1 4.8 9

a Source: AuthorÕs survey.

Table 4

Estimated earnings and some costs for 2 hectares of tomatoes a

Costs (@ TShs)

100 kg of Triple Super Phosphate (fertiliser) transplanting to ®eld 1,785

100 kg of Sulphur Ammonia (fertiliser) ¯owering 7,860

100 kg of NPK (fertiliser) fruits begin to appear 5,000

300 kg fungicide (preferably Dithane M45) during rainy season 300,00

7 tonne truck hire ´57 trips to Dar es Salaam (400,000 tonnes tomatoes @ TShs 80,000 per trip) 4,000,000

Total 4,314,645

Earnings (TShs)

400,000 kgs (10 kgs tomatoes per plant; 20,000 plants per hectare; 2 hectares)

@ TShs 42/kg (TShs 2,500 per tenga (1 tenga � 60 kgs) 16,700,000

Total 12,385,355

a Source: Lynch, 1992.

K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183 177

may be due to the in¯uence of Islamic culture (Binns,1994), but may also be a re¯ection of the dominance ofmen in commercial agriculture. More recent interviewswith both male and female horticultural producerssuggest that men have moved into producing fruits andvegetables ± crops previously associated with women ±because of their income generating potential.

Table 5 also shows the producers to be a relativelyhighly educated group with a wide range of householdand plot sizes. The overall mean household size is 7.3persons, while the mean number of children (de®nedhere as those under 12 years old) in each household is3.0. Comparison with similar data (Paul, 1987; Senderand Smith, 1990) suggest that this is relatively low. Thisis an important factor for consideration of agriculturalproduction, as Paul (1987) reported that 57% of thehouseholds in Mgeta had su�cient family labour to runtheir farm, while in Lushoto Sender and Smith (1990)identify links between school absenteeism and child la-bour, particularly among the poorer households, whocannot a�ord to hire labour.

The mean farm size is 3.2 hectares, which compareswith Paul (1987) and Taube (1988), who estimate themean farm sizes in Mgeta and Lushoto respectively asbetween 2 and 3 hectares. This suggests that fruit andvegetable producers have larger farms than general ag-ricultural producers in the study areas. The farm whichwas 30.0 hectares is an exception, being located in Sonivillage and the only farm included in the survey whichproduces fruits and vegetables under contract.

Most farmers have their farms split into plots ofvarying land quality and at varying distances from thehousehold. However, only 12% of the respondents hadfarms of more than 5 plots. Paul (1987) reported that themean number of plots in Mgeta is about 4 and Taube(1988) that most producers in Lushoto have between 4and 6 plots, suggesting that there is a slightly lower degreeof fragmentation among fruit and vegetable producers.This may be partly due to the higher purchasing poweravailable to vegetable producers. In contrast to this, thedata concerning the number of crops grown suggest adiversi®ed crop regime, with the mean number of cropsbeing grown for sale 4.8, and only ®ve respondentsgrowing just one crop. This may relate to the relativelyshort growing season for most vegetable crops in theDistrict and the need to rotate them.

One hundred and ®fty respondents, or over half thesample, speci®ed no form of employment as an alter-native to farming, and as a means of obtaining addi-tional income. There were a total of 26 di�erent types ofalternative employment indicated. These have been di-vided into four categories and they are listed in Table 6.The professional/administrative category refers to peo-ple mainly employed in the public sector, such asteachers, levy collectors or extension o�cers. The com-mercial sector is mainly involved in running private

businesses, such as trading, or providing local servicessuch as producing local beer, running a hotel or a shop.The ÔTrade/CraftÕ sector accounts for those selling apractical skill as a service, such as carpentry, bicyclemaintenance or plumbing. Finally, the other categoryaccounts for a small number of occupations that do noteasily ®t into the previous de®nitions.

The commercial category is the most important of thegrouped activities, accounting for more than 55% ofrespondents. The interviews with key informants inLushoto District, including farmers and traders, suggestthat these traders may trade their own produce, butmore frequently use it to add to the produce they havebought from other producers, in order to assemble aload that would be large enough to make hiring a lorry,or space on a coach, viable. Alternatively, those withaccess to wood for timber are able to earn a living incarpentry. This suggests producers are diversifying intoactivities related to their primary agricultural produc-tion. Several fruit and vegetable producers who wereinterviewed, had diversi®ed into selling their own pro-duce, some travelling as far as Dar es Salaam to do so.Van Donge (1992) reports that the Waluguru have astrong history of trading, particularly from their homearea to Dar es Salaam, resulting in high adult male out-migration.

However, the involvement in petty trading at alllevels of rural Tanzanian life, make an accurate estimateof the proportion involved in fruit and vegetable tradingimpossible. Indeed, in some cases, petty trading may beoverlooked, as it is frequently perceived as such a nat-ural part of the way of life, and so respondents may nothave reported it. The above proportion can thereforeonly be taken as an estimate of those producers fre-quently involved in this type of trading, as opposed tothose who take part in trading on an occasional basis,for example as a means of partly covering the cost of along journey. During the economically crippling years ofthe early eighties, some party o�cials encouraged thecreative use of resources and conservation of transport.A call was issued for those who were travelling with avehicle to make sure that all available space was beingused in order to reduce the countryÕs fuel demand, whichwas rapidly using up the meagre foreign currency re-serves.

Table 6

Employment groupings a

Employment type Frequency (%)

Commercial 67 55.4

Trade/craft 32 26.4

Professional/administrative 14 11.6

Other 8 6.6

Survey total 121 100.0

a Source: AuthorÕs survey.

178 K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183

Analyses of the survey data were carried out includ-ing tests for relationships between various data. Nosigni®cant di�erences between the socio-economic vari-ables in the two case study areas were found. This sec-tion will examine three variables where signi®cantdi�erences were found: crop choice, motivations forcrop choice and the use of credit.

6.2. Crop choice

The respondents reported growing ®fty-six di�erentcrops. They were asked to rank their crops according totheir signi®cance in their farm. Thirty-three di�erentcrops were ranked ®rst by respondents. The crop thatwas most frequently selected as most important wascabbage, accounting for 20.7% of the survey alone.Tomatoes, accounting for 18.5% closely followed this.The crops were grouped into crop type categories, asshown in Table 7.

The most important crop group was cooking vege-tables (including cabbage, onions and cauli¯ower), ac-counting for 31.4% of the sample. Salad vegetables (suchas tomatoes, lettuce and cucumber) and fruit (such asbananas, oranges, and lemons) are almost of equal im-portance, accounting for just over 20% each of theoverall sample. Staples (such as cassava, Irish potatoesand sweet potatoes) and pulses are relatively less im-portant. Despite the low status given them by the hor-ticultural respondents, staple foods are considered moregenerally to be the most important food crops grown inboth the producing areas visited (SECAP, 1988; Paul,1987), and nationally (Government of Tanzania, 1988).In-depth interviews suggest staples are grown widely assubsistence crops and rarely sold. Van Donge (1992)reports that most households have to buy their staplesfrom the market, particularly as their stocks run low inthe run up to harvest, suggesting a complex relationshipbetween production of staples for subsistence and theproduction of vegetables for cash.

In Lushoto the main staple consumed is maize,however this crop matures relatively slowly in the coolerupland areas. In highland areas of Lushoto District, it

can take nine months to produce a maize harvest (Cli�eet al., 1975), while on the hotter, drier plain, it is possiblewith irrigation to produce a maize harvest in only threemonths. Clearly, there is a strong argument for farmersin the higher altitudes of Lushoto to produce fruits andvegetables for cash, and to use some of the cash to buythe cheaper maize produced on the plain. There is areluctance among producers to stop producing somestaples because of the risk of not earning su�cient in-come from cash crop production alone.

6.3. Crops choice motivations

This section analyses data relating to farmersÕ moti-vation for their highest ranked crops. The responsesvaried greatly, but it was possible to group them into 25di�erent answers. The modal motivation for growing themost important crop, indicated by the respondents, wasÔto obtain cashÕ. This accounts for one hundred re-spondents or 38.5% of the sample. The importance ofthe crops as a cash earner is reinforced by additionalsimilar motivations such as Ôit is my major source ofincomeÕ, accounting for 5.8% of the sample.

In a tentative exploration of farmer crop choice, thesetwenty-®ve motivations have been divided into fourbroad motivations: economic, such as for its high orconsistent price; geographic, such as the crop is suited tothe areas; ecologic, such as the cropÕs short growingseason; and social or cultural, such as the land was in-herited with the trees already planted, or the crop isgrown mainly for domestic purposes, such as during theMuslim fasting period of Ramadan. The results of thiscomparison have then been related to the crop selectedas the most important by the respondents. This is pre-sented in Table 8. More in-depth analysis is necessary toproduce conclusive results; however, there are somebroad patterns that suggest themselves.

The economic motivation for selecting a crop, hasbeen given priority over the other main themes men-tioned by the respondents, with 59.6% indicating thistype of reason as their most important for selecting theirmain crop. However, the producers are clearly aware of

Table 7

Regional Analysis of Crop Selection a

Count Salad Vegetables Cooking Vegetables Fruit Staples Pulses Row Totals

Expected Value

Morogoro 0 21 35 0 20 76

16.0 23.8 15.8 6.8 13.4 29.8%

Lushoto 54 59 18 23 25 179

37.8 56.1 37.3 16.1 31.5 70.2%

Column 54 80 53 23 45 255

Percent 21.2% 31.4% 20.8% 9.0% 17.6% 100.0%

a Source: Author's survey, 1989.

K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183 179

the importance of the ecology of their District. A sig-ni®cant proportion of respondents (18.4%) opted fortheir main crops because of ecological reasons, such asthe crop was best suited for the growing environment, orthe crop was resistant to adverse environmental condi-tions, such as drought. This concern is likely to havearisen from the high population density and the long-term concern over the lack of available new land and thehigh population density in the west Usambaras (Cli�eet al., 1975, van Donge, 1992).

The results show that these motivations and the typeof crop are related. For example, the salad and cookingvegetables have been selected primarily for economicreasons. Ecological and social or cultural reasons havesome importance in the selection of a cooking vegetable,while a low, but higher than expected frequency ofgeographic motivations also exists behind some deci-sions concerning salad vegetables. Although the greatestproportion of fruit producers gave an economic moti-vation for deciding to grow fruit, the count was never-theless lower than expected. The data suggest social andcultural reasons are more signi®cant than might beotherwise expected. This may be the result of two dif-ferent, but not entirely unrelated, in¯uences. Firstly,there are a number of producers who have inheritedland with the fruit trees already growing on them. Mostproducers have left the trees to continue producingwithout any form of husbandry, especially where theirfruit is not in demand. In Matombo where the produc-tion of citrus fruits is very important to the local econ-omy the trees are a valuable asset in any inherited landand are looked after with care.

The distribution of staple foods suggests that it islittle a�ected by the motivations of the producers dis-cussed above. The production of pulses is similar, butthis appears slightly more a�ected by the social andcultural motivations. This is likely to be the case if sta-

ples are produced by farmers for subsistence consump-tion. This analysis may be interpreted as re¯ecting thelevel of economic awareness related to di�erent crops.Either a high level of economic awareness is required todecide to grow the vegetable crops, or those producersgrowing vegetable crops have developed a higher level ofeconomic understanding. The former seems the morelikely where the producer is operating on a small scale,and is reliant on a small number of crops to providesu�cient income for the household. Where the produceris operating on a larger scale, it is more likely that di-versi®cation is possible and thus the producer can investin less certain crops, while at the same time producingsu�cient quantities of crops already known to give goodand reliable returns.

Individual crop choice motivations, rather than thegrouped motivations, appear to be of greater signi®-cance to the producersÕ decisions than grouped moti-vations. For example, in Lushoto, the British colonialgovernment ordered a very large number of fruit trees tobe planted, producing temperate fruits which wouldcater for the increasing expatriate population. Thepopulation never expanded fast enough to consume thesupply, and most have now departed, leaving a verylarge number of fruit trees, particularly pear trees. Themarket for pears in Tanzania is very small, indeed pearshave been sold at very low prices, given away or left torot simply because there is insu�cient demand for thequantity which are produced. The pear trees continue toproduce with minimal care, although the quality is low.It has been estimated that Lushoto District produces100,000 tonnes of pears every year. Of this 100,000 to-nnes, it is estimated that the district can consume or sell20%, while the rest are left on the trees to fall o� andlater rot on the ground. Some farmers are reported to becutting the pear trees down in order to use the land formore productive uses, from which they will gain direct

Table 8

Analysis of Motivations of Crop Choice a

Count Economic Geographic Ecologic Social/Cultural Row Total

Expected Value

Salad Vegetables 39 8 5 1 53

31.6 4.9 9.8 6.8 21.2%

Cooking Vegetables 50 9 16 4 79

47.1 7.3 14.5 10.1 31.6%

Fruit 26 3 8 16 53

31.6 4.9 9.8 6.8 21.2%

Staples 15 2 4 1 22

13.1 2.0 4.0 2.8 8.8%

Pulses 19 1 13 10 43

25.6 4.0 7.9 5.5 17.2%

Column 149 23 46 32 250

Percent 59.6% 9.2% 18.4% 12.8% 100.0%

a Source: Author's survey, 1989.

180 K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183

bene®t. The geographic variation in crop selection mayalso be explained by the in¯uence of the growing con-ditions in each village, which vary according to altitude,among other factors and also by historical in¯uences.For example, the colonial government imposed fruit treeplanting before independence and this has meant thatmany fruit tree producers in Lushoto have inherited aplantation of fruit trees, which they may not want. Bycontrast, planting fruit trees in Mgeta strengthens alandholderÕs claim on a piece of land, and so treeplanting has increased in this area.

6.4. Use of credit

The use of credit in the two study areas also di�ers.Lushoto respondents concentrate their credit power onpurchases of seeds, inputs and food, while the Mo-rogoro respondents concentrate on obtaining labourand transport and implements. This con®rms the opin-ion of extension o�cers in Lushoto, that the purchase ofmaterial inputs for agricultural production, such as fe-rtiliser or fungicides, is severely hampered by infrequentand insu�cient supply through o�cial channels. How-ever, the high levels of initial capital investment requiredto grow salad vegetables, which are predominantlygrown in Lushoto, and the di�ering levels of economicdevelopment in each of the areas suggest that the eco-nomic infrastructure is not su�cient to maintain suchcostly investments in Mgeta. The result of this is thatproducers in both areas have to purchase from uno�cialinformal market sources at much higher prices. Thepurchase of inputs is particularly important for the saladvegetable crops, such as tomatoes, lettuce and cucum-ber, which require much more inputs than the tradi-tional, more resilient, crops such as staples or pulses.

In addition to these in¯uences, the geographic loca-tion also in¯uences the likely employment of the pro-ducer. Matombo and Mgeta di�er greatly in the numberof their producers who are employed in addition toagricultural production. Mgeta had the lowest (65.1%)proportion of respondents who were full-time farmers,while Matombo had the highest (23.5%) (Lynch, 1992).

The reasons for this may have been related to thelocations and functions of the villages. Mgeta has itsdivisional headquarters for the local level government,agricultural extension and co-operative society in itsvillage. In addition, the road on which Mgeta is locatedbecomes di�cult at higher altitudes, and so Mgeta hasbecome a focus for commercial activities particularlyduring the rainy season, when lorries transporting pro-duce to their markets have to stop and collect their loadsat Mgeta because the road becomes closed further intothe mountains. This is the reason for the location inMgeta of the wholesale building as well as administra-tive and commercial o�ces. These important geographicfactors in Mgeta, and similar conditions in Soni, have

contributed to the provision of some employment ineach of these villages. However, van Donge (1992)suggests that such employment is casual and poorlypaid, precipitating the high male migration. The com-parative isolation of the other villages has meant thatthe producers there have had to rely much more on theincome derived from their production.

The problem of isolation and lack of independentsources of market information was a particular concernheld by the extension o�cers interviewed in the Mgetaarea. The lack of independent market information fos-tered a suspicion among the farmers and extension of-®cers alike that the traders who bought fruits andvegetables in this area were conspiring against them toobtain prices that are more favourable for themselves.

7. Conclusions

The evidence from the two case study areas tenta-tively suggests that the motivations for growing certaincrops vary between the type of crops the producersgrow. For example, salad and cooking vegetable pro-ducers can be described as more economically motivat-ed, while those producing pulses may have moreecological, or social or cultural motivations. Closeanalysis of these ®ndings is required to establish moreclearly the factors involved in producersÕ crop choices.The research reported in this paper suggests that farm-ersÕ crop selection and other decision making is moti-vated by more than economic considerations. Clearlythis has a bearing on possible future policy development.

A greater number of distinguishing variables existbetween the villages. This suggests that small-scale lo-cational di�erences may be more in¯uential in cropchoices than broad similarities, such as external eco-nomic in¯uences or national policy. For example, lo-cational considerations identi®ed by the respondentsincluded proximity to the main road or location nearcommercial or government services. This suggests thereare implications for attempts to intervene in this sector.

The evidence suggests therefore that in order to un-derstand clearly the activity of fruit and vegetable pro-ducers, it is necessary to analyse the broad economicand political factors as well as local ecological and lo-cational issues. The survey results demonstrate that ex-ternal economic issues and some local historical orenvironmental considerations in¯uence certain aspectsof production. However, there is no evidence here thateither dominates the decision-making of producers.More work is needed to build on this and the work ofvan Donge (1992) and Andersson (1996), in order toestablish the relative importance of in¯uences at themacro-scale and the local scale. If anything, the resultsof this work appear to agree with van Donge (1992). Hecontends that development and change that is initiated

K. Lynch / Geoforum 30 (1999) 171±183 181

from the centre, initiated by government, can hardly beexpected to have universal bene®cial results, such is theimportance of the ÔactorsÕ responses to their circum-stances. Successful policy development, therefore, re-quires a strong understanding of local circumstancesand the introduction of policies that are sensitive tothese local di�erences.

The focus of this paper has been on general patternsand processes of fruit and vegetable production. How-ever, during the research a number of key issues emergedthat require further detailed investigation. Not least ofthese issues, is that of the role of men and women inproduction and distribution processes. It became clearthat in the past horticulture has been seen as ÔwomenÕsworkÕ, as it was for subsistence purposes and thereforere-productive, rather than productive. However, menhave quickly become aware of the cash-earning potentialof commercial horticulture. This is combined with agenerally held belief that wholesale buying and selling isÔmenÕs workÕ to produce a gender split in horticulturalactivities. Women still do produce fruits and vegetablesfor subsistence and retail small quantities at local peri-odical markets, while men tend to monopolise the morelucrative commercial activities. Van Donge (1992) takesthis analysis some way, arguing that agricultural pat-terns are bound up in the role which local Uluguru so-ciety reserves for women who remain in the area. Thispaper reinforces this general argument. However, it alsodemonstrates that the di�erences between villages maybe even more important than between regions. The im-plications of this for policy development relate to howinterventions can be structured e�ectively if farmersdecision motivations vary considerably from village tovillage. Further research is required to build on theconclusions presented here and combine these resultswith investigations of how the production sub-systemintegrates with the fruit and vegetable supply system as awhole. More light will be shed on this system if the studyof Dar es Salaam supply system is compared with otherintegrative studies of city supply systems. Such studiescould pro®tably focus on issues such as the role ofgender (particularly in countries, such as Tanzania,where horticultural crops are considered to be ÔwomenÕscropsÕ), the role of market information in the productiondecisions of the producers and the relative signi®canceof reported rise in urban horticulture in relation to ruralhorticulture.

Acknowledgements

Thanks are due to Tanzanian colleagues and friends,the Economic and Social Research Council who fundedthe main part of the research on which this paper isbased, Professor John Briggs and the anonymous ref-erees for their helpful comments on various stages of

development of this paper, and Debbie Millard andClaire Ivison for their cartography.

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