274 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. APRIL 13,

Allison, Anthony, BJair, Burnside, Conger, Dawes,

Ferry, Harrison,

NAY~!:!'J.

Hill of Colorado, Hoar,

McDill McMillim, :Mahone, Miller,

Ingalls, Kellogg,

Mitchell, Morrill,

ABSENT--35. Beck, Edmunds, Hill of ~orgia, Butler, Fair, Jackson, Camden, Frye, Jonas, Cameron of Pa., Garland, Jones of Florida., Cameron of Wis., Gorman, Jones of Nevada., Cockrell, Groome, Logan, Conkling, Grover, Maxey, Davis of Dlinois, Hale Pngh, Edgerton, Hawley, Rolli.ns,

So the amendment was rejected.

Platt of Conn., Pla.ttofN. Y., Plumb, Sewell.

Saulsbury, Saunders, Sawyer, Sherman, Teller, VanWyck, Voorhees, Williams.

. The PRESIDING OFFICER, The question recurs on the motion of the Senator from Tennessee, that when the Senate_ adjourns to-day it be to meet at nine o'clock to-morrow morning.

Mr. HARRIS called for the yeas and nays, and they were ordered. Mr. DAVIS, of West Virginia. I believe it would be better to go ­

into executive session and attend to the' business we came here for than to adjourn to nine o'clock to-morrow morning, and I think by the consent of the Senator I will make that motion. I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration ef executive business, and ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. INGALLS. Can that motion be made pending a motion to adjourn T

Mr. DAWES. I raise the point of order that the pending motion being to adjourn-

The PRESIDING OFFICER. This is not a motion to adjourn. It is a motion that when the Senate do adjourn, it be to meet at a, par­ticular hour.

Mr. DAWES. I was not aware of that. Mr. DAVIS, ~f West Virginia. I would advise my friend to look

attherule-Mr. INGALLS. lly Rule 43 motions relating to adjournment take

precedence. Mr. DAVIS, of West Virginia. I withdraw my motion. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on the motion of

the Senator from Tennessee, [Mr. HAruus,] that when the -Senate adjourns it be to meet at nine o'clock to-morrow morning, on which motion the yeas and nays have been ordered.

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll. ltlr. GROVER, (whenhis name was called.) I beg to announce for

the day that I am paired with the Senator from Nebraska, [Mr. VAN WYCK.]

The roll-call was concluded. Mr. BLAIR. I wish to announce the pair of my colleague [Mr.

ROLLINS} with the Senator from Florida, [Mr. JONES,] my colleague having been called away from the city for a few days by reason of the destruction of his property by fire.

The result was announced-yeas 20, nays 21 ; as follows :

Bayard, Brown, Call, Coke, Davis ofW. Va .

Allison, Anthony, Blair Burn.Side, Conger, Dawes,

Farley, George, Gorman, Hampton, Harris,

YEAS--20. Johnston, Lamar, McPherson, Morgan, Pendleton,

NAY~21.

Fel'11, Harrl80n, Hill of Colorado, Hoar,

McDill, McMillan, Mahone, Mitchell,

Ingalls, Kellogg,

Morrill, Platt of Conn.,

ABSENT-35. Beck, EFair~undB, Jackson, Bntler, , Jonas, Camden, ~rlane, d, Jones of Florida, Cameron of P &., u-co Jones of Nevada, Cameron of Wis., Groome, Logan, Cockrell, Grover, Maxey, Conkling~_ Hale, Miller, Davis of Dlinois, Hawley, Pngh, Edgerton, Hill of Georgia, Rollins,

So the motion was not agreed to.

~m. Slater, Vance, Vest, Walker.

Platt of N.Y., Plumb, Sewell.

Saulsbury, Saunders, Sawyer, Sherman, Teller, VanWyck, Voorhees, Williams.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question recurs on the motion of the Senator from Ohio, that the resolution be indefinitely post­poned, upon which the yeas and nays have been ordered.

Mr. PENDLETON. Mr. President, I intended to submit a few re­marks to the Senate upon the resolution before it; but the speeches made by the Senator from Kentucky and the Senator from Alabama anticipated so much that I had to say that I feel very ready to yield. to my friend from Massachusetts if he desires to go into executive session or even if he desires to do no business and adjourn.

lli. HOAR, (in his seat.) We would rather hear your speech. 1\!r. PENDLETON. The junior Senator from Massachusett-s is ex­

tremely polite and I am obliged to him for the suggestion; butjust at that particular moment I was addressing myself to the senior Sen­ator from 1\!assachusetts, [Mr. DAWES.]

Mr. HOAR. Mr. President, I trespassed on the courtesy of my col­league to express my very great desire to hear the speech of the hon­orable Senator from Ohio. I hope he will not disappoint us.

Mr. PENDLETON. Well, I will not disappoint you; but I should prefer to gratify you to-morrow.

Mr. DAWES. Does the Senator suggest that he would desire to proceed to-morrow Y

Mr. PENDLETON. It would be rather more agreeable to me tog(} on to-morrow morning, but I have no disposition to trespass too much on either the courtesy of the Senator from Massachusetts, from whom I always receive a full measure of it, or npon the courtesy of the gen­tlemen on the other side, and while it would be convenient to me to go on to-morrow, I am prepared to go on now.

Mr. DAWES. If the Senator from Ohio cannot reconcile it to his duty to proceed with the public business this afternoon, I cannot re­fuse to yield to his appeal for an adjournment, he holding the floor for to-morrow morning. Therefore, I move that the Senate do now adjourn.

The motion was agreed to; and (at two o'clock and fifty-five min-utes p. m.) the Senate adjourned. ·

WEDNESDAY, April 13, 1881.

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. J. J. BULLOCK, D. D. The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved.

.OFFICERS OF THE SE...~ATE.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The Chair lays before the Senate the unfinished business of yesterday, being the resolution of the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. DAWES] providing for the election of cer­tain officers of the Senate, the pending question being on the motion of the Senator from Ohio [Mr. PENDLETON] to postpone the resolu­tion indefinitely, on w-hich motion the yeas and nays have been or­dered. The Senator from Ohio [Mr. PENDLETON] is entitled to the floor.

Mr. PENDLETON. I should be very glad tomovethatthe Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business so that what I may have to say shall not detain the Senate one moment from the consid­eration of its legitimate duty, if such a course would be agreeable •to my friend from Massachusetts who has charge of the debate.

Mr. DAWES. I beg the Senator's pardon; I did not hear him. Mr. PENDLETON. I said I should be very glad to move ;that the

Senate proceed immediately to the consideration of execut;ve busi­ness in order that what I may have to say shall not detain it a moment from the business for which we have been called, if such a course would be agreeable to my friend, the Senator from Massachusetts, who has charge of the debate.

Mr. DAWES. Does the Senator desire to submit his remarks in executive session Y

Mr. PENDLETON. I shall be very willing to do so. Mr. DAWES. If the Senator will only consent to proceed at once

to the disposition of the pending resolution we shall be delighted to hear his remarks in ten minutes. It will not take ten minutes to pass the resolution. Otherwise I think the Senator will have to overcome his modesty and make his remarks in public.

Mr. PENDLETON. I rather think, from the experience we have ha_d1 that it will take more than ten minutes to pass the resolution.

.Mr. DAWES. The difficulty is that the Senator will not submit to the majority. That is the only difficulty in getting at it.

Mr. PENDLETON. Oh, "the majority" is but one-half, aided by a constitutional contrivance to get us out of a dilemma.

Mr. DAWES. However, I will not interfere with the Senator's choice. If the Senator prefers to reserve his speech until we get into executive session, if he thinks it will keep, I hope we shall proceed to act on the resolution. .

Mr. PENDLETON. The purpose of my inquiry was to avoid having my attention called, as it was yesterday, to the fact that some of our friends on the other side of the Chamber were, perhaps unexpectedly, absent, and that it would not be fair to make a motion to proceed to the consideration of executive business.

Mr. DAWES. The Senator is entirely fair and frank about it. I have had some doubt whether the indulgence which the Senator ex­ercised yesterday has a good effect on t4is side. I think if he would bring us up standing once on this side--

Mr. PENDLETON. If it is the desire of the Senate that I should do so, I will exercise that discipline at once. ·

Mr. DAWES. I am almost tempted to call the Sena.tor to my aid. However, I will let the Senator proceed with his remarks.

Mr. BECK. Will the Senator from Ohio allow me to make a re­markT

Mr. PENDLETON. Yes, sir. Mr. BECK. I desire to say to the Senator from Massachusetts be­

fore the Senator from Ohio begins, as some little confusion grew np yesterday on the suggestion of the Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. BURNSIDE] and of the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. DAWES] rel­ative t-o the position of the Senator from Illinois, [Mr. DAVIS,] the

1881 . . CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 275 Senator from Louisiana [Mr. KELLoGG] has a written statement of the pair, which he communicated to me yesterday, which is, as I rec­ollect it, this: The Senator from Illinois is paired upon all questions of executive sessions, voting "yea" as to such motions ; as to all questions bearing upon the main resolution, voting" nay" as to all questions upon that, and not paired as to all questions of adjournment.

Mr. DAWES. Was it to that the Senator alluded yesterday when he said the wind had shifted f

Mr. BECK. No; the wind has been blowing pretty steadily against Massachusetts for several days, and I think it will blow that way a while longer.

Mr. DAWES. The Senator seemed to intimate yesterday that it had shifted. That was a relief to me.

Mr. PENDLETON. My acknowledgments are first due this morn­ing, Mr. President, to the two Senators from Massachusetts; first and largely to the junior Senator [Mr. HoAR] whose polite impatience to hear me yesterday suggested that I should make last evening the few remarks that I intend to submit to the Senate; and more largely to the senior Sena.tor from Massachusetts [Mr. DAWES] who curbed his impatience and moved that the Senate adjourn. I shall take care while I am in the Senate to repay such obligations in kind and with full measure. They add to the pleasure of our intercourse upon the floor.

This extraordinary course of insisting upon a change of the officers of the Senate at an executive session; this course which is without a single precedent in all our history of insisting that the business of t he Senate and the business of the country and the business of the President, which so considerately and patiently in .obedience to the provisions of the Constitution he submits to us from day to day, shall be delayed and postponed until the Senate shall be disorganized in order that it may be organized again, ha-a been defended upon various grounds by its various apologists upon the floor.

In the very outset of the discussion the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr.CAMERON]toldusthatthe incumbents of these offices are worthy and excellent men; that they are faithful, industrious, intelligent, obliging public officers; that the service of the Senate cannot be found fault with; and yet he said " our republican candidates for these same offices are worthy men also, and inasmuch as we have the power we intend to elect them." The Senator from Massachusetts told us that the possession of the offices of the Senate naturally fol­lows upon the possession of the committees of the Senate, and that inasmuch as we had submitted to have the committees appointed by the vote of the Vice-President, a proceeding which we found to be necessary to enable the Senate fairly to discharge the duties for which it was convened, we ought with equal alacrity submit that tho officers of the Senate should be changed by the same vote, a pro­ceeding which we humbly conceive will retard rather than expedite the fair and proper discharge o.f our duties.

The Senator from Illinois, [Mr. LOGAN,] I think, stated that the full power of the Senate in the organization of its committees and the ap­pointment of its officers belongs t-o the shifting political majority which happens to be found here, and that we ought meekly and kindly (to use the words of one Senator if not the Senator from Illinois) to submit to the inevitable. Many Senat ors have told us, notably my colleague, [Mr. SHERMAN,] that the rule of a majority is the law of legislative bodies, and resistance to that rule beyond the point which the conscience of the majority can justify is irregular, improper, and even revolutionary. I think we were told pya Senator from Massachusetts that it contained in itself the very essence of treason. I do not care to quote that remark upon the Senator from Massachusetts, because when he was pressed by the argument of the Senator from Georgia, [Mr. BROWN,] with a good deal of unwilling­ness, and I cannot say with entire grace, he baeked out of a position into which he had rather ostentatiously entered.

Mr. HOAR. Will the Senator allow me to say a word to him! Mr. PENDLETON. Certainly. Mr. HOAR. The Senator will find on looking at the REcoRD that

the qualification of the remark which I made, that he now speaks of as backing out, accompanied the original remark; and that when t he honorable Senator from Georgia adverted to it, before he bad entered upon his argument, I called his attention to the fact that I accompanied the remark which I had made with a distinct state­ment that I only referred to the consequence of his doctrine, and that I did not impute to him or to his a.ssociates in practice a deter­mination to carry out the doctrine to that consequence. It was an original qualification. However, if the Senator will permit me, I wisb to say that the statements which have been made upon this floor and the conduct of the gentlemen on that side warrant me now in imputing what I then declined to impute, and I do now so impute it. I propose to take a coming time to state the reasons of that imputation.

Mr. PENDLETON. I am sorry to see that the Senator from Massachusetts, having, as I think, made the statement from which he was compelled to recede, though he says, and I accept the fact, that he made it with qualification, now comes up to the position which I said heoccupiedandmakesitwithout any qualification what­ever. After we shall have heard his reasons I shall a.sk my honor­able friend from Georgia [Mr. BROWN] to repeat with emphasis the argument that he made upon the point, and I feel very certain that the Senator from Massachusetts will retract again.

Mr. President, it would be very easy to show that all these varioUB statements made by Senators on the other side of the Chamber so far aa they are true are utter1y inapplicable to the present condition of this discussion, as so far as they are applicable to the condition of affairs before the Senate they lose all their truthfulness and pertinency.

My honorable colleague, in a speech which he made the latterpart of last week and of which I can say in his absence that it was ex­tremely direct and forcible, touched upon all these various considera­tions, but he touched them so lightly and so carelessly as to show that he did not consider them as safe or even r~pectable stepping­stones for him ; for he brushed past them in a moment and hastened to put this struggle in the Senate upon higher ground. At one bound he leaped to the height of this argument and told us that this apparently unimportant struggle which is going on here is in fact a struggle for political power in Virginia; that it involves in its con­sequences possibly the installation, of the republican party in t hat State and the destruction of the democratic party there.

My colleague well knows for what he is contending. He well knows the prize which is put before the eyes of his party in this con­test which is going on here, and, with a courage which will always be found equal to his desires, he hastens to avow it. It is, he says, a struggle for political power in Virginia, and it is this, he says, which lends interest to this contest in his eyes. .

Sir, I am glad we have at la.st the simple truth stripped of all its disguises. It is no longer a question of the election of officers of the Senate ; it is no longer a question of equipping the Senate for the discharge of its public duties; it is no longer a question of our coll>­venience and comfort in the transaction of the public-business which is committed to us; it is no longer a question of rewarding political favorites or reinstating faithful public servants. It is a struggle for political power in the State of Virginia at the coming State election ~ and the instrumentality to-be used in that struggle is to clothe Cap­tain Riddleberger with all the dignity, and all the importance, and all the moral influence which an election to a high office in the Senate, which close affiliations with the republican members of the Senate, which this unanimous vote of confidence by every republican Senator can give him ; and also to strengthen his band for that contest in Virginia by giving to him the power of the appointment of the sixty or eighty or a. hundred employes of the Senate, and the power of dispensing the patronage of a hundred or more thousand dollars which will accrue in the shape of salaries before the next meeting of CongressL It is a struggle for political power in Virginia, and the instrumen­tality to be used is to give to this gentleman a. brigade of the employes of the Senate, paid at the public expense, to perambulate that State and to watch and win legislative elections in doubtful districts by gifts and promises of offices and salaries, and everywhere to aid in swelling the aggregate of votes for the governor and other S~ate officers. We are told that at the next election in Virginia. a Legis­lature will be chosen which will have the selection of nine members of the supreme court of that State, who will hold their offices for twelve years, and all the fiscal State officers, and perhaps the magis­trates and judges of the county courts.

This, democratic Senators, is the struggle to which you are invited. It has been proclaimed by the leaders of the republican party ; it has been defined so that it cannot be misunderstood by my colleague. This is the gage of battle that is thrown down to us and I venture in your presence to take it up.

If for the purpose of acquiring political power by this means one­half of this newly-elected Senate can neglect the business of the country in confirming nominations; if for this purpose the newly­installed Administration can sit supinely by and see its friends refuse to consider ita nominations and equip it for the discharge of public duties, to which ta.sk we of the opposition constantly invite yon; if for this purpose grave Senators can invoke the doubtful and danger­ous powers of the vote of the Vice-President to eke out a majority which the States and the people have denied to you on this floor, then we of the minority can use all the rnles which have been established. for the protection and guidance of the Senate to prevent the consum­mation of that great wrong.

We will invite yon ever and continuously to go to the discharge of the public business. We will submit to your guidance in the order and the transaction of that business. We will faithfully and intel­ligently and industriously consider the nominations which your com­mittees report to us. We will consider according to the best of our ability and advise according to our best judgment as to the treaties which your committees submit to our action; and when the public business is all discharged we will unite with you in adjourning the Sen­ate; but we will not permit (much less will we aid the desecration) the holy things upon that altar, consecrated to the discharge of great public duties, sacred to the discharge of great public trusts, dedi­cated to the service of the country, and therefore for the service of all parties, but for the partisan uses of none, to be dragged from their high places and made the instruments of petty political war­fare and the spoils of petty partisan triumphs. We will prevent this wrong. You may call it improper; you may call it irregular; you may call it revolutionary; you may call it treasonable; but we will prevent this great wrong, as we think it, and then we will apreal to the people, our masters and your maBters, to decide the nght between us.

Mr. President, this is no longer a question of a free ballot and~

276 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. APRIL 13,

fair count. The Senator from lllinois, [Mr. LOGAN,] who is not just at this moment in his place, with his fiery eloquence, seemed to desire for a day to give that phase to this struggle. The junior Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. HoAR,] who knows how to depict every passion so strongly, from mournful lamentation to fiery indignation, and who lends to the intensity of his speech so much by hls voice and his manner and his tone and his facial expression, seemed to me to speak with rather bated breath when he remembered that he ap­Droached this subject of a fair count fresh from the triumphs of the electoral commission. In the later days of this debate we have heard very little upon the subject of a free ballot and a fair count. It was too broad a farce. Since when, I should like to know, has the candi­date for Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate been made the very paladin of a free ballot and a fair count T Since when, I should like to know, has he been made the bearer of the oriflamme which marshaled the loyal hosts in that crusade Y Surely it must have been since the time to which the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. BECK] called our attention, when, being a member of the Legislature of Virginia, this candidate for Sergeant-at-Arms appealed to the courtesy of a fellow-member to give him the floor, and then returned the compliment by moving to expel him. The man whom he proposed to expel was" a man and a brother." He may not have been the Moses of his race, but he was in the very vanguard of those who were following some beckoning Moses and had reached the fair places of the Legislature of Virginia. To use the poetic language of the Senator from Massachusetts, his sandaled feet were climbing to the summit, the light of the morning illumined his brow, and like-

Joctind morn stands tiptoe on the misty monntain-t{)p,

with the glad tidings of great joy to his race, when this ruthless Riddleberger moved to expel him from the high places which he had rea-ched, because he was a negro and a debt-payer, and a re­publican in particular, and a nuisance in general. Since when, I should like to know, is it that the division of the democratic party in Virginia led by the Senato~ from Virginia [Mr. MA.Ho~] has b~­.come the champion, the specml and par e:roellenoo champ10n of this battle for'' a free ballot and a. fair count!" I have looked somewhat -curiously into the literature and the history of that division of the democratic party, and I cannot find that the special ~hampionship of " a. free ballot and a fair count" was ever attributed to it by the republican party of Virginia. or by the democratic party of Virginia or was even claimed by that division of the party itself.

My colleagne said that there had been no bargain and n9 arrange­ment and no trade in reference to this matter; that those who said so were using unworthy words. Mr. President, I take the statement of my colleague as he made it. ! .know nothing beyond the statements of gentlemen and the acts which have been done here in public; but, sir, I do know and all the world that knows anything about this mat­ter knows that -on Friday the vote of the Senator from Virginia trans­ferred to one-half of the Senate known as the republican party the control of all the committees of the Senate, and that on Tuesday the -caucus of the republican Senators unanimously nominated for Ser­geant-at-Arms a man for the introduction of whose name the Senator from Virginia a day or two afterward announced that he was alone responsible.

I put it to my candid friend from Iowa who sits before me [Mr. ALLisoN], if the Senator from Virginia. had not voted to give the re­publican party the control of the committees Of this body would a republican caucus ever have heard of the name of Riddle berger 'I Would they have taken from the five millions of republicans who are ready to serve the Senate in this capacity, would they have taken from among them all, this democratic Riddle berger T If my friend from Iowa, with his usual modesty, does not like to answer that question, I will transfer it to the senior Senator from Massachusetts who has charge of this debate, and I will ask him whether if the Senator from Virginia had not given the control of these committees to the republican half of this Senate, the name of Riddle berger would ever have been mentioned in your caucus in connection with the nomination for an office in the Senate T

What! silent still. and silent ::ill f

Mr. DAWES. Mr. President. The VICE-PRESIDENT. The Senator from Massachusetts. Mr. DAWES. The Senator from Ohio does not quite do justice to

this side of the Senate Chamber when he insist-s upon putting in his speech that we are silent because we do not break in upon his speech. [Laughter.] Mr. President, if the Senator preparedi at home this statement, "Silent one and silent all," it is highly proper tha.t he -should now insert it in his speech. I take the liberty, however, to say to him that he has no right to assume that there is no answer to his speech because he cannot be interrupted just at this moment to spoil the figure which he prepared at home and committed to memory for this occasion.

Mr. PENDLETON. It is very apparent, Mr. President, that the Senator from Massachusetts dislikes to interrupt me, and therefore he refnses a simple answer of, "yes" or "no" to the question I pro­pounded.

Mr. DAWES. Mr. President, the Senator commenced his speech ·'With beautiful compliments to me for my conrtesy--

Mr. PENDLETON. Yon deserved them all.

Mr. DAWES. For which he is kind enough to say I was deserving. How could I interrupt that flow by injecting into a beautiful figure prepared, with the audience all notified that it was coming, by any­thing which I preferred to say after he had got up T

Mr. PENDLETON. And still, Mr. President, I have no answer to the question whether the name of Riddle berger would ever have been heard in a republican caucus unless the Senator from Virginia bad voted to transfer the committees of the Senate to the Republican portion of it.

Mr. President, I say that the vote of the Senator from Virginia [Mr. MAHONE] was given on Friday; I say that the nomination of Riddle­berger by the republican caucua occurred on Tuesday following. I have shown the post hoc i I leave my worthy colleague to argue the question of propttJr hoc with those who are inclined to debate it. For myself I say nothing.

When the awful silence of the court was broken npon a very notable trial by a voice from the gallery which said, "Werry right, Sammy; always spell it with a' we,'" and the irate and dumfounded iudge said, "Mr. Weller, do you know who that was that interrupted the court T" Sam said, "I rather think it was my father." "Do yon see him now T" said the frowning ,lodge. "No, I do not," said Sam, staring right up into the lantern in the roof of the court. "Have y6n a pair of eyes!" said Sergeant Bnzzfuz. ''I have a pair of eyes," said Sam, "and that is just it. If they wos a pair o' patent double­million magnifyin' gas-microscopes of hextra power p'raps I might be able to see through a flight o' stairs and a deal door ; but bein' only eyes, you see, my wision is limited." [Laughter.]

:Mr. President, I heard something said in the debate the other day about "the Ohio idea." I do not think the gentleman who spoke of it quite understands what it is. The Ohio idea is the absolute equality of all men before the law; absolute and equal justice to all men by the law; and, in the administration of our State affairs, the adminis­tration of the few powers committed to our State Legislature by the Constitution in such wise as that every man may pursue his own avocations and his own scheme of domestic life according to his tastes and his judgment and his habits and his education to such extent, without interference by snmptuary laws, as is consistent with the order of society and the peace of the community. And in national affairs ''the Ohio idea" is the absolute performance of every act to which the plighted faith of the nation is given. It is that no classes and no industries shall be fostered and benefited by subsidies and bounties paid out of the common treasure and the common labor. It is that our financial system shall be so regulated and ordered as that labor shall find abundant employment and receive a steady and ade­quate reward. It is that that system shall be so orde.red and admin­istered that when vicissitudes over which we have no control and which we cannot prevent, wars andconvulsionsandexigenciesof other nations, shall drain from us, as they always have at intervals and always will, the precious metals, our domestic trade shall not stag­nate for want of a currency, and labor shall not starve and debtors shall not become bankrupt. It is that no combination of corpora­tions or of capital shall dictate vetoes and defeat refunding acts. It is that the man shaH stand higher than the corporation. It is that the interest of the people shall stand higher than the money power. It is that everywhere in State and in nation the active brain and the sinewy frame and the lofty aspirations of the poor and the lowly shall have before the law an equal chance in the race of life with all others. And it is that, cultivating these fundamental ideas, we shall stand abreast with an active, progressive, humane, humanizing civ­ilization, whose constant advance is such that the unseen of yesterday becomes the goal of to-day and the starting-point of to-morrow.

This is the democratic "Ohio idea." It is the ideal of Ohio democ­racy.

And there is another instruction which that great Commonwealth which I am so proud to call my mother enjoins upon all her sons of all parties and persuasions; that w ben they are intrusted with great public duties they shall perform them so honestly, so faithfully, so intelligently, as that when any party in the conntry seeks for one whom to invest worthily with the performance of great duties and the possession of great powers and the enjoyment of great honors, it will turn instinctively to her. Do yon ask me for a proof t I would point to my honorable colleague of to-day; I would point to his illus­trious predecessor in this Senate, my honored colleague of the last session.

Mr. President, the constant cultivation of these principles, which are called our Ohio idea, baa given to the people of that State a very high appreciation of the ri~ht of sn.ffrage. We believe that it is the right preservative of all nghts, and that it lies at the very founda­tion of our whole fabric of government. Our people are sensitive about its enjoyment everywhere. They hear with not entire com­placency of the restrictions that are put upon suffrage by the laws of Massachusetts, but they recognize the constitutional right of Massa­chusetts to regulate the right of snffraO'e within her limits in her own way, subject only to the constitutional amendment; and therefore, however much dissatisfied, they do not feel at liberty to find fault. They hear, not with entire satisfaction, of the restrictions imposed by the State of Rhode Island upon her citizens of German and Irish descent, so valuable a part of our population, so intelligently exer­cising the right of suffrage with us; but she admires the sturdy man­hood of Rhode Island's Senators who in these days rise npon this floor

1881. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 277 and in the strongest terms assert the validity and the virtue of the conservative doctrine of State rights.

The people of Ohio are sensitive upon the infraction of the right of suffrage anywhere and everywhere, and they are just aa sensitive to an infraction of the right of suffrage when it comes from the mill­owners of Massachusetts as when it comes from the white people of the South; but the people of Ohio, I am proud to say, do not sit with open, eager ears anxious to hear evil accounts of their neigh­bors, whether North.or South. When we hear from a defeated candi­date for governor of Massachusetts of the great wrongs imposed upon the laboring classes of Massachusetts; when a committee of this Sen­ate makes its report that great wrong has been done in various of the counties and towns of that State, we listen patiently to the hon­orable Senators from that State who deny that the accounts are true, who as ert that there is no illegal limitation upon a free suffrage there. We find them upright and honorable men in all the avoca­tions in which we are brought together upon the floor of this Senate; and the people of Ohio regard their denial and are glad to believe that the stories are at least greatly exaggerated. When we hear of outrages committed in the South upon the negr~ population in de­priving them of the right of suffrage there, we call upon her Sena­tors for information as to the facts. If it relates to South Carolina we call upon HAl\1PTO~ and BUTLER; if Alabama, upon PUGH and MORGAN; if Mississippi, upon GEORGE and LAl\lAR; if North Caro­lina, upon VANCE and RANSOM. They are men well known to the Senate, well known to the country, men in whose keeping every man in this Senate, whatever may be his po1itical persuasion, would put his honor and his property and his life; and we ask them what of these stories that we hear coming up from your States, and one and all without default they rise in their places and say to us, These stories are false, or they are exaggerated, or a pel'Sonal difficulty has been ma-de to grow into a political disorder, and that which would be elsewhere called pel'Sonal antagonism and private murder is here made a political mob and a riotous assemblage followed by assassin~ tion.

Gent1emen, we believe them; gentlemen we believe, we, the people of Ohio, that these accounts are coming to us either manufactured or exaggerated. We know that our own populations are not free from crime ; we do not expect that yours will be. We know that wrong and robbery, that outrage and assassination belong to this active race of ours. We know that political misdeeds are to be found everywhere. In my own State as I have said, the State of Ohio, we value above all things a free ballot and a fair count, but we have had our difficulties too. On the morning of election day it frequently happens that a black cloud arises in Kentucky just below the Ohio River and extends to 'Vest Virginia, and the cities of Cincinnati and Portsmouth and Marietta and Ironton and all the river cities of our State present such an appearance upon the streets and sidewalks that you would suppose that the exodus from North Carolina of last year had been thrown in that morning upon our borders, but by ten o'clock the sun has come up, the black cloud has been dispersed, the negroes having voted, and we return to our normal condition.

We have had ballot-box stuffing; we have had criminal judges of elec­tion ; they are to be found everywhere. We know how to distinguish between these exceptional wrongs and an organized system of intrusion upon the freedom of the ballot. We expect the onethingto bo found at the South and at the North, as it is with us in Ohio; but we do not expect to find either in the North or in the South, either in South Carolina or in Massachusetts, systematic violation of the law which gives to the negro the right to vote in Mississippi as it gives to the laboring popula­tion the right to vote in the North. Itellyon,Mr.President, and! tell you gladly, that while tho people of Ohio are not less sensitive to-day than they ever have been •.o the outrages upon a free ballot and a fair count, they are to·day les~ credulous than they have been. They do not fail to see that this wonderful crop of stories increases just before every election at the North, or when we havo a debate of a political character in Congress. They do not fail to notice with pain the fact that the senior Senator from Massachusetts the other day came into the Senate with a pitiful tale of an old man who had carried his for­tunes and his family and his life to Mississippi and had there invested his money, and after years of habitation his factories had been burned, his employes murdered, and he himself driven to return to Massachusetts whence he went; and they will note with astonish­ment added to that pain, permit me to say, that when a Senator from Mississippi rose in his place and asked the name of that man already in Massachusetts, asked the locality in which all this had happened, asked it, as he said, that he might investigate the truth, the Senator from Massachusetts declined to give the name, declined to give the locality, declined to ~atisfy him in any respect SQ' that he might inves­tigate the story, and when, forsooth, he was pressed to the point, with very scant courtesy he only admitted that he had stated a fac­tory was burned when in fact it was a cotton-gin.

Sir, the people of the Northwest will note this thing; they will note the stories that are told which have no name and no locality in which to track them. They will note another thing, and that is that Senators upon this floor, more than one of them, the Senator from Massachusetts who sits before me, [Mr. HoAR,] the Senator from Connecticut, not now in his place, [Mr. HAWLEY,] my colleague from Ohio, [Mr. SHERMAN,] have all repeated in divers shapes and forms that it is not the South that they hated; not the South that they

were combating; not the South against which they leveled th& anathema of their rhetoric ; but that it was against the Bourbon democratic party that they would be found forever making war. Ay, Mr. President, it is the democratic party, and not the outrages at the South, against which they made war; the people are begin­ning to understand, and it will not be the fault of this debate if they do not make great progress in understanding, that it is not there­bellion, that it is not the confederate brigadiers, that it is not the outrages upon the negroes of the South, but that it is hatred for this democratic party of ours, Northaswellas South, which inspires the fervor of your philanthropy and the greatness of your efforts. They are fast coming to undel'Stand that if the white popu1ation of any State in this Union shouldsendmembersofCongressbelonging to the republican party to the Senate and the House of Representatives, if it should elect members of the electoral college of the republican party, then the white population may do what it pleases within the borders of the State as to the conferring and securing the right of suffrage there~

Mr. President, we have heard something of ''the solid South" in this debate. At the last election, from Maine to New Jersey we had a solid New England; from New Jersey to Missouri we had a solid central belt; from Missouri to the lakes we had a solid Northwest; and not one of these solid sections of the country had the justifica­tion or the apology which "the solid South" presents to us. The South is confronted with a great domestic problem, truly said by the Senator from Connecticut to be one of the painful problems of gov­ernment. Four millions of people, without act of the white peopl& of the South, lifted at once into the rights of citizenship and suf­frage; four millions of people, without fault of theirs, the most igno­rant and unfit to exercise the right of snffrn,ge; and you gentlemen, you who are responsible for this state of affairs, you gentlemen see­ing this grave question presented in all its painful and all it<S mourn­ful and all its difficult and intricate aspects to the people of the South, you gentlemen insist, because the exigencies of political war­fare in Northern States have seemed to require it at your hands, you insist upon flooding the ears of the people of the North with tales of horror and outrage, and by the reflection of these stories and by th& agency of your minions you teach these enfranchised negroes that th& white men among whom they live and who were their former mas­ters are ready to enslave them again and deny to them every right, and refuse to them the right of suffrage and treat them with hardship and wrong-doing; and thus you separate the two races at the South, while you know and avow you know that the only solution of this great question is that the two races shall live in harmony and peace, with confidence in each other, and divide, as all other classes of the commnnityeverywhere of whatever nationality are wont to divide, as between the controlling and striving parties of the country. Peace between the races is essential-confidence and kindness between them~ This is the only solution of this great question, and against this solu­tion, I am bound here, and sadly, to say it, the republican party h&s steadily and always set its face. .

I listened with infinite satisfaction to the speech which was made yesterday by the junior Senator from Alabama., [.Mr. PUGH.] It was wise, it was patriotic, it was humane, it was statesmanlike. I wish it could be put into the hands of every man in the Northern States, for I believe that it would show to him, whatever his political proclivi­ties and prejudices may be, that the intelligence and virtue and purity and integrity of the people of the South are struggling with this great question1 and that they intend to produce a solution of it which shall at once secure the amplest right of suffrage to the negr() and the peace and order and we11-being of the community in which he lives.

Mr. President, even at the risk of repeating in a feebler way a once told and powerfully told story, I desire to emphasize two or three sentences uttered by that Senator and call the attention of the Sen­ate and, as far as I can, of the country to his wise utterances upon this subject. He says:

We know from long association and experience with the negroes of the Sonth that they are easily controlled by appeals to their ignorant race fears and preju­dices· and when they are told by republican candidates and stump speakers thll.t the whltepeople held them in sla.very and opposed their emancipation and would re-enslave them if they had the power, and that the whites of the South are their enemies and oppressors, the necessary and unavoidable effect of such appeals is to­band them together as a race; and when the whites see this mass of illiteracy tbas organized and controlled by wicked men for evil and ruinous purposes, the natural and inevitable counter-effect is to force the white people together aa a race for self­preservation. For these reasons and causes the presence of this fril!htful mass of illiteracy in a distinct race, who e ignorant prejndices are easily inflamed against the whites, is the source of all our troubles and a standing menace to our society, peace, good order, industries, and local governmentB. The hi~~est interests and welfare of both races demand that their relations shall be frienruy, and the whites recognize the fact that the neg_ro, in his present condition of illiteracy, is the help. less victim of wicked men, ana every intelligent, honest, Christian man feels the obligations of a great Heaven-imposed trust to take care of this weaker and defen e. less population, and to govern and oontrol them in the right way, so as to prevent their ignorance from causing them to be converted into enemies of peace, society, property, and civil government. If trusted with the discharge of this high public nuty, according to our best ability and judgment, it would be bnt a few years be­fore all these race troubles and difficulties involving the South on account of negro 81lffrage would forever disappear; and then " the solid South " would cea-se to be a staniling menace to the republican party, and intelligent, moral, honest, Chris­tian white people at the South would divide on governmental theories and princi­ples, and questions of tari1fa for revenue and protection, and currency and finance, and internal improvements and civil reform and administration, and array them· selves in different parties.

* * * * * * * What the Senator affirms-

278 CONGRE SIONAL RECORD-SENATE. .APRIL 13,

Speaking of the Senator from Connecticut, [Mr. HAWLEY]-of the capability of " intelligence and morality to deal with the · whole great question of impartial suffrage, 11 the South affirms in reference to the qapabilities and willingness of its intelligence and morality to deal with the question of negro suffrage and the execution of the fifteenth amendment in letter a.nd spirit. * * * As I have already sng~ested, not only is the " intelligence and morality 11 of the Sonth capable, but willing and anxious to secure the benefit of a free and unpnr­chased ballot to all qnalliied by law to exercise it.

Words of wisdom which I wish could ring in the ears and fall deep into the hearts of all the sectional parties in this country that they might gather from them a new inspiration of patriotism and a desire for a higher and more advanced civilization. Sir, I am no friend to the solidarity of sections anywhere. The solidarity of sections in this country means a doubt either as to the peace of society or the true bases of government. I would be glad to see those questions put upon an enduring and satisfactory foundation so that men in every section would differ as to economic questions, differ a£ to the administration of the Government, as we know that this race of ours, descendeq from the Anglo-Saxons and the Anglo-Normans and the Celts and the Latins, this composite race of ours, with all its activity of intellect and of energy, will always differ upon questions that are brought before it. I will rejoice to see the day when under beneficent auspices, doing good to all and injury to none, this consummation ~hall be finally achieved, that all races and all sections of all races will differ as to the questions of government as men differ upon all the problems of life. In the mean time let it be understood everywhere that the people of Ohio will insist that there shall be everywhere, in the South and in the North, absolute and complete freedom to deposit a. lawful ballot and absolute and complete certainty that it shall be honestly counted. Nothing less will satisfy them. Our system of Federal government gives them an interest in this "free ballot and fair count," and they will insist upon it with all the moral influence which their intelligence gives them and with all the power which their numbers and the Constitution enable them to wield.

Mr. President, I have noticed that with a tone and an emphasis, which savor somewhat of scant courtesy, gentlemen upon the other side of this Chamber have repeatedly spoken of "the Bourbon democ­racy." What is "the Bourbon democratic party," a£ these gentlemen term it Y It is that party which last November so equally divided the population of thll! country, its fifty millions of people, as that the petty, trifling number of 3,500 transferred to ns would have given a popular majority for our candidate. This Bourbon democratic party is the party of Jefferson and Madison and Monroe and Jackson and Polk; it is the party that gave to us Louisiana. and Florida and Texas and New Mexico and California; it is the party that a hundred years ago, laying asidekingcraft upon the one side and mere confederation on the other, made this Constitution and for aixty years so adminis­tered it that in the Government during all that time there was no law higher than the Constitution itself. It is the party which in the cycle of its years ha.a drawn to itself every able and patriotic states­man who was not willing to walk in the wicked ways of sectionalism. It is the party which in storm and tempest and winter blasts has stood like the ocean rock unmoved and immovable, while around its base all other parties, the things of a day, this boasted republican party in­cluded,havesurged and swayed with uneven and inconstant motion like the waves that obey the fitful bidding of the fickle moon. The spray may have covered its sides; the waters may have washed its summit; but every .recession of the storm has shown that its light was unquenched, its luster undimmed, pointing out the dangerous rocks that lie yonder, and illuminating the pathways of safety that lie by its side. And yon ask the Senators of this party to enter actively with yon upon a crusade which is intended to foist the republican party on the State of Virginia! Yon ask the Senators of this party to prostitute the offices a.nd ~molnments and patronage of this Senate that they may be used in the seduction and debanchment of the people of Vir­ginia at her next State election. Gentlemen, we will not do it. Yon forget what this Senate is. Three quarters of the States may change our Constitution, but the organization of this Senate cannot be changed except by the consent of each State itself. You forget that we are one-half of this Senate, the peers of yon all, the representa­tives of St.ates which with slightlimitations are sovereign. You forget the character of the work in which yon invite our co-operation. Gen­tlemen, I tell you now, I tell yon here, you will not have that co­.operation for that purpose at any time.

Mr. DAWES. . Mr. President, it was not my purpose to occupy the ·me of the Senate even for a moment and I should not do so now if

the Senator from Ohio [Mr. PEm>LETON] had not put on-I hope he will not think it offensive for me to say so-an air of triumph and disappointment that he was not interrupted by me upon an appeal which he made.

I desire simply t o call the attention of the Senate to the debate itself. The debate against the passage of these resolutions was com­meneed by those who were opposed to them in this Chamber, and has been controlled by those opposed to the will of the majority of this ·body. The majority have contented themselves with meeting from time to time what has been presented by the other side. The Senator from Ohio himself commenced it, representing so worthily and so ;properly the party on the other side, with a prepared speech such as he always makes, and such as always entitles him to receive, as he does, the attention of the Senate. From time to time during the .(lebate he has participated in it in the same character, and to-day

with a more carefully prepared and elaborate speech he has spoken again, I have a right to say, for the party which he represents. It is therefore quite instructive to take a short and brief retrospect of this debate, and see whether there is any lesson in it.

I accord to the Senator the credit, which is his due, of attempting from time to time to lift it up, if he could, out of the channels into which his associates carrying it on have dragged it; and in so doing the Senator has left his own record along through it, and he has helped, as to-day, to tell us how it has grown apace in these faw weeks, how little to-day it resembles the debate which he himself launched upon the country in opposition to these resolutions. No more favorable sign of the times comes up to cheer and strengthen and encourage us to meet that debate asthoseon theothersideshall choose to present it, than the fact that they who began and carried it on are quite as little satisfied with it as any one else.

When the Senator rose in his place as the representative of the democratic party in opposition to the proposition that the majority should rule in this body, his complaint was that this was an execu­tive session of the Senate; and the debate proceeded on that side upon the narrow and pitiful point that it was improper for the Sen­ate uf the United States to make choice of its own officers, even if its own majority should so decide, at an executive session which was being held in this end of the Capitol in the absence of the Honse of Representatives. When that point slipped out of sight, there came forth next in the progress of the debate that it was unseemly haste, that the incumbents of these offices were taken unaware and had not set their house in order, and that such notice as would give them opportunity for that proper official duty of theirs which is always to be ready to render an account of their stewardship should be afforded, namely, until the December session, and then there would be no opposition to the will of the majority on that side of the Chamber, and the attempt was made to justify a defiance of the will of the majority of this Senate upon an equally small and pitifnl complaint that these officers did not know that they held their offices at the will and command of a majority of the Senate. That did not satisfy the Senator from Ohio longer than a day or two; and then it was thought advisable to change the front of this debate and discussion, always under the control of his side and of him as their leader. They turned their batteries then upon the pro­priety of the majority's selecting themselves their candidates and undertook to announce that their opposition to the will of the Jlla­jority was founded upon the impropriety of that majority having selected a. distinguished citizen of Virginia for the office of Sergeant­at-Arms of this body; and the whole line of their attack rattled with the musketry of the other side fired upon the head of a single person named in one of these resolutions, and it was announced on the other side, withdraw one particular man from your resolutions and there shall be no further opposition to the will of the majority of this body. It having occurred to some minds on the other side during the debate that that was quite as narrow a ground to stand upon as any, and that whether the majority had selected for that office just the man that the minority would have selected was not a question for the minority to determine, but a question for the majority itself to decide upon under its accountability to that higher majority which is omnipotent in this nation, it was thought wise to progress a little further in this debate, and to say, no longer that this is an executive session, no longer that we are exhibiting mere indeceh t haste, no longer that yon have not taken the man for Sergeant-at-Arms that we would take, but it is that there is associated with yon a man who ought to have vot~d with us. It was not that this man was not good enough to vote with us; it was not that we could not have affiliated with him; it was not that we did not hold out what the Senator from Missouri [Mr. VEST] called our amorous arms, into which we sought to bring him. Oh, no, that was not it; it was because in spite of all our blandishments, in spite of all our temptations and inducements, in spite of the fact that we had failed before the people of his own State to drive out or to crush him, in spite of the fact that the great work in which he was engaged had outlived all the assaults of the other side, he still lives a power in his own State, clothed with its authority here in this body, a freeman, to take his place on which side of this Cham­ber his own conscience and his own judgment, and that alone, and the men who sent him here should dictate; it was because in spite of it all he took upon himself the liberty of his own manhood and took his own place upon this side, after committees on the other side had waited upon him, had bowed to him, not one alone, two or more, one after the other had approached this man whom they now discover to be a leper, and had said, "Though your leprosy be as offensive as it may be, if yon will only come and stand with the democracy, that has endeavored to slaughter and annihilate yon, if yon will give this power the people of Virginia have intrusted to yon to a party that has endeavored to crush and annihilate you, yon have no sins on.yonr head that will trouble us at all. You have nq disease so offensive even to the Senator from Mississippi that we will not take to our bosom. Do yon want any place f Tell us where we shall put you, what will be most agreeable to you on our committees. Tell us where, if you will only stand with us, you would like to have us put yon, and all will be well." Has anybodyf9rgotten, doesnottheSenatorfromOhio find new reason for coming here this morning to change the front of this debate in the knowledge that baa ~one abroad of the failure \.v get the vote of this Senator from Virgima in the election to the office

1881. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 279 I

of Sergeant-at-A.rms of one who still affiliates with them f Is not the Senator from Ohio aware that Virginia knows that this is only an afterthought; that but a few weeks before this session met they had a new candidate for Sergeant-at-Arms who could be elected Sergeant­at-Arms if he could but command the vote of this corrupt man Y Has the Se!lator just heard, and therefore felt, that it i3 quite necessary to change this debate, that offices were tendered to him if he would but take llis stand with those who had undertaken to annihilate him and his power and the power which sent him here in the State of Virginia~

Mr. PEJ\T))LETON. I wish the Senator would be a little more explicit. He is talking about something that I do not comprehend at all. I understood him to say something about another candidate for Sergeant-at-Arms that he or we or somebody would have put up some time ago, that was not done for some reason or other, and I understood him to say that offices and honors were tendered to some­body if he would give a vote on our side of the House. I do not know exactly to what the Senator refers, and I should be glad to have a more explicit statement with any authority he may have to give.

Mr. DAWES. Perhaps it was wise that the Senator who is spokes­man for that side should not have been furnished with the details.

Mr. PENDLETON. I would be glad if the Senator would inform me, as I have not been informed before.

Mr. DAWES. The inquiry I made of the Senator was whether it had just come to his ears.

Mr. PENDLETON. That what f Mr. DAWES. That there were efforts being made before this Sen­

ate convened and after the Senate convened that Senators have, represeuting themselves to be of the committees for the arrangement of the committees of the Senate, approached the Senator from Vir­ginia with propositions.

Mr. PENDLETON. I hear it now for the first time, and I should like the Senator to name the committees to which he alludes or the gentlemen who represented themselves aa such.

Mr. HARRIS. I desire to say to the Senator from Massachusetts that I chanced to have been a member of the committee for the ar­rangement of committees when this side of the Chamber supposed it had the power to control them, and if any candidate for Sergeant-at­Arms or any official position of any grade or any character was ever offered to the Senator from Virginia upon condition that he would vote with this side, I have never heard it, and I do not believe there is one word of truth in the insinuation made by the Senator from Massachusetts.

Mr. COCKRELL. Ana nobody else ever heard of it. Mr. DAWES. I had no doubt of this response when I made the

assertion. The Senator from Tennessee says he was of the commit­tee--

Mr. HARRIS. I said I was of the committee for the arrangement of the committees.

.Mr. DAWES. I so understood the Senator, and I was about tosay that he spoke with exceedingly prudent precision. I have not made any statement that any such committee made propositions t.o the Senator from Virginia in regard to any candidate if he would vote with them. I did say, I repeat-

Mr. HARRIS. I beg the Senator from .Massachusetts not to deal in innuendoes. If there be a Senator upon this side of the Chamber, or a number of Senators upon this side of the Chamber, that he under­stands has made any such proposition or suggestion as the one he in­timates, I ask him to do this side of the Chamber and himself the justice to name the man or men and to deal no longer in innuendo or hide himself in the ambush of innuendo under the vail of insinuation in respect to a fact such as the one he would have the Senate and the country believe. Name your men, and if you do not, I repeat I do not believe that there is one word of truth in the intimation or insinuation thrown out by the Senator from Massachusetts. -

Mr. DAWES. The Senator from Tennessee plays an old worn-out r6le in this Chamber. The Senator will not hold a threat over me or my liberty of debate here according to my judgment.

Mr. HARRIS. I only invite the Senator to tell the truth. Mr. DAWES. The Senator from Virginia and Senators on the other

side know whether what I speak is true or not. This I said, that they undert.ook to catechise out of me in the early part of this debate that the republican party had had conferences with this man when that was true on their side of the Chamber; and I said further that before this Senate met negotiations were in process by the other side of the Chamber, and I said it, sir, to the Senate in response--

Mr. BUTLER. May I ask the Senator from Massachusetts whether he states as a fact that the Senator from Virginia was open to nego­tiations from anybody for his vote f That I understand to be the effect of the statement.

l\11'. DAWES. Who can tell what the Senator from South Carolina understands 7 What I said authorizes nobody to understand that.

Mr. BUTLER. I think, if the Senator will pardon me­Mr. DA WESr That would be more than I have power to do. Mr. BUTLER. The Senator certainly has the power to be very pert

and not very polite. He certainly has that power, and I shall yield him the monopoly of that part of the debate at least. He certainly shall have the advantage of me in that respect. I asked him what I supposed to be a very civil and a very polite parliamentary question. He replies in a very bad temper, in a pert and I must say an impolite

manner. If that is to be the character of the debate, I shall decline to enter into it. I asked him a very simple question, and that was this : I certainly understood him to say that negotiations had been open~d with the Senator from Virginia before the Senate met; and I simply asked him if he meant to intimate that the Senator from Vir­ginia would permit himself to be negotiated with by anybody; that wa.s all.

Mr. DAWES. I supposed the Senator understood what I meant, and now that I discover that the Senator did not understand it., let me state that I did not say that the Senator from Virginia had en­tered into any negotiations, or at least I did not intend to say so. I said and meant to say that they undertook to enter into negotiations with the Senator from Virginia. I do not mean to say that any Sen­ator on the other aide in person made that attempt, lmt I undertake to say, I am informed from Virginia and from sources in which I have the utmost confidence, that representative men on that side did un­dertake to enter into negotiations to have their man selected, and went with the assurance that if his vote could be commanded that man could be elected. Everybody knows if that be so that it re­quired the entire yote of the other side also to accomplish that fact.

Sir, it is wise for the other side to be in such a position that they are able to make the demonstration they have made here this morn­ing. It would have been the height of stupidity and folly to have undertaken this in any more open way.

All I desire to say is that everything which has been charged by the other side upon the republican party as a reason why the Sen­ator from Virginia has of his own free choice deliberately determined that as between the two sides his convictions and his work call npon him to join with us in this organization, finds in fact its foundation in the consciousness of the other side that it is the failure of those efforts on their part that have given bitterness and virulence to the attacks upon the Senator from Virginia.

Mr. PENDLETON. I understand the Senator from Massachusetts to have said that by representative men negotiations were entered into with the Senator from Virginia by which certain offices in the organization of the Senate, and perhaps certain offices in the organi­zation of the committees of the Senate, would be given him or put into his control if he would give his vote for the organization with this side of the Chamber. Am t right Y

Mr. DAWES. No, Mr. President-Yr. PENDLETON. Now will the gentleman state it again ? Mr. DAWES. I say that it was attempted on the other side to nego­

tiate with the Senator from Virginia and to ascertain from him what his wishes were in connection with that side, and what would be most agreeable to him. I think there are persons within the sound of my voice who will recognize what I now say when I state that he was informed that the democratic party had got sick of Bonrbonism in Virginia and were desirous of joining with him in this new depart­ure, and with a few exceptions were ready at this moment to make common cause with him if he would make common cause with them .

Mr. PENDLETON. I (lesire to say that so far as I know, so far as I have heard, and so far as I believe, the information given to the Senator from Massachusetts is absolutely false.

Mr. DAWES. I am glad the Senator has been kept unadvised in this matter. I should expect he would be, for he is the man to speak for his party, and he should be, as he is, kept in the dark. He should believe, as I have no doubt he does, what he has uttered to-day, that the party which he so gallantly leads is that great and glorious party likened unto the sun of heaven, with the rhetoric and the :figures of speech that glow even now in the sunlight and echo around these Chambers. All this was necessary for him. I do not charge the Senator with concealment or disingenuousness; I charge no man on that side with anything of the kind. I admire the perfect precision of language in whfch the Senator from Tennessee indulges this morn­ing when he says, "I was on that committee." I admire even the Senator from South Carolina more than he gives me credit for, when he comes up here and makes amends for all there is behind in the show of perfect faithfulness with which he can indulge with so much propriety here in the Senate Chamber. .

1\Ir. BUTLER. May I be permitted-Mr. DAWES. But I want to get through. Will the Senator par­

don me a moment f Mr. BUTLER. The Senator says he has not the power to pardon

me. He certainly has the power to explain when he indulges in insinuations of that kind.

Mr. DAWES. Allow me to proceed with the few remarks which it occurred to me while the Senator from_ Ohio was speaking that I ought to make. I had got as far in the progress of this debate, its growth if not in grace certainly in the desire manifested on the other side of the Senate Chamber to lift it up to some platform upon which it could stand before the American people-1 had got so far as the resolve on the other side to turn it into an attack upon the Senator from Virginia. It was le_gitimate for me to call attention to the fact · that if the Senator from Virginia had found it in the line of his duty to have co-operated with the other side there was nothing in the Sen­ator's political opinions, there was nothing in the purpose which the Senator avows dearest his heart in the organization which he leads in Virginia, there was nothing in his association with Riddle berger even, there was nothing about the Senator from Virginia that would not have permitted them to have hailed and welcomed him to their si<le.

l j

280 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. APRIL 13, .

They do not bring here at the door of this accusation against him one solitary reason for this attack except that the Senator has in his judgment come to the conclusion that the party determined to crush his political work ana life and purpose in the South was not the party with whom he ought to affiliate. It is passing strange (if we did not hear it here all the day long from sources we are bound to believe are sincere no mortal could be made to believe) that the Senator from Virginia could be so stupid, so insincere, so determined upon suicide as to listen to the party who come up fresh from Virginia in the fight with him and say, like the spider to the fly, ''Walk into my parlor, my dear." The Senator, as I have said before, would have forfeited all claim to sincerity in what he has been doing as well as all claim to common sense if, after having come out of a hand-to-hand fight with the men on the other side, he would instantly have surrendered and gone over to them.

Sir, the Senator took his stand himself ; he took it deliberately; he asked no questions; he made no terms ; he had no negotiation i he received no committees; no men went to him from our side ana told him that with his vote "I can be elected Sergeant-at-Arms of this body." No man went to him from our side and told him, "what offices do you want, sir!" No, without conference, determining for himself where his great work lay, resolved upon the accomplishment of it and upon availing himself of all the means within his reach for its accomplishment, with a clear-sighted comprehension of the con­flict of political forces in this country, he took the only position open to him ; and, sir, the batteries that are opened upon him are the bat­teries of disappointment and chagrin and failure.

Mr. President, that was another step taken in this debate. That step has been abandoned to-day. The debatehas been invited upon a new plane to-day. The democratic party is told to turn its back on all these things and to say to the country, "Though we be in a minority we will tell you what things we will permit to be done and what we will not permit to be done; we will come forward and we will ratify your treaties; we will confirm your nominations ; we will even vote with you to adjourn, but we will not permit the majority in this Senate to rule." Sir, the majority in this country does not holcl its power by permission or sufferance even of those out of whose loins sprang the rebellion itself. Sir, the majority in this country must command, and not take from the minority what it will do. All the offers of the Senator from Ohio, prepared at home and polished down into elegance and seeming fairness, sink into an abyss bottom­less and destructive when he says, "but this and that we will not permit you to do ;" all goes together into one common destruction when the people of this country are to ask that minority what it is they may do. Srr, over and over again upon this side of the Chamber it has been tendered to that side that we would bow in silence to the will of the majority and appeal--

Mr. HARRIS. Will the Senator from Massachusetts allow me to inquire--

Mr. DAWES. In a. moment. And appeal for our justification to that high tribunal in this land from which, and from which alone, there can be no appeal. But, sir--

Mr. HARRIS. I desire--Mr. DAWES. In a. moment. But, sir, the records show an utter

refusal time and again to submit to the will of the majority and bow to its decree.

Mr. HARRIS. The question I desire to ask the Senator from Mas­sachusetts is, Did that side of the Chamber bow to the will of the majority for two weeks while the majority on this side of the Cham­ber was proposing to form the committees of the Senate f And I will put an additional question while I am on my feet. I desire--

Mr. DAWES. Ask one at a time. Mr. HARRIS. One at a time. Then if the Senator prefers it in

that order I will wait. Mr. DAWES. If you would just as lief. Then, sir, it comes to

this: they will bow to the will of the majority when it accidentally, by the death of a Senator, falls with them; but when the Senate is full, when every seat is occupied and the will of the true majority is about to be uttered, there is not only no submission but there is an utter defiance of the will of the majority. With four seats empty on this side, there was an anxiety which savored little of that worship of the will of the actual majority to take a vote then; but the ~oment the seats were full and the vote that was to be taken was the vote of a full majority, anxiety on that side oozed out, like Bob Acres's courage, at the fingers' ends of every individual Senator who follows that spirit which I am calling the attention of the publio to to-day, namely, that the will of the majority, according to their doctrine, is only to be observed when that will accords with their own notions.

Mr. HARRIS. The additional question that I desired to ask was, by what rule of mathematics does the Senator from Massa{lhusett.a claim that thirty-eight Senators who sit on that side of the Chamber constitute a majority over thirty-eight Senators who sit on this side of the Chamberf I should like to hear the Senator upon that ques­tion; and if the Senator would indulge me, I might be tempted to ask one or two other questions, but I fear to trespass upon the cour­tesy of the Senat-or.

.Mr. DAWES. Mr. President, it is not thirty-eight and thirty-eight; it is the Senate of the United States under the Constitution of the United States that the Senator is making war on. If there be no majority speaking out of the Constitution and through the Consti-

tution and by the Constitution, the Senator would not fear or resist the vote on these resolutions a moment. It is because he knows that the Senate of the United States as the Constitution has made it is against him that he stru~gles against it in an unequal fight which he may continue here until December, but-

Mr. HARRIS. Does not-Mr. DAWES. In a moment. But, sir, I assure him that it is a

fight in which there can be no compromise without destruction. He who will yield a hair of the omnipotent will of the majority as it speaks through the Constitution and the law of the land yields the citadel itself and is a traitor to his country. [Applause in the gal-leries.] ·

Mr. HARRIS. Does not the Senator from Massachusetts know, under that Constitution, to which he is so flippant in appealing, that without aid from this side of the Chamber the thirty-eight Senators who sit on that side are utterly powerless under the Constitution to perform any authentic act, any act that would be binding upon any individual in the universe t Even though the Vice-President may vote where the Senate is ,equally divided, he cannot aid to make a quorum or to make that side of the Chamber a constitutional major­ity. It is not a constitutional majority, it is but an equal number ; and all that the Senator can claim is that they have the power to make a tie; and they ask that we consent to that condition of things which will enable a minority, with the Vice-President, to become the arbiter in respect to the pending question.

Mr. DAWES. Mr. President, if I understand the long question of the Senator from Tennessee, it is that the thirty-eight Senators on this side and the Vice-President of the United States who the Constitution says are a majority, and which Constitution we have sworn--

Mr. HARRIS. Is it a majority to make a quorum T Mr. DAWES. Wait one moment. If the Senator will not interrupt

me before I get to the next word I will say that his question is this: The votes of thirty-eight Senators with the Vice-President constitute a majority according to the Constitution, which, when we took our seats, we swore we would obey; and he asks whether that majority can do anything without the aid of the other side. Mr. President, does he mean that rather than that the majority shall rule he will again secede as he did twenty years ago T Does he mean that he will not perform his constitutional function here in this body, and that there stand with him on the other side the whole of that party which the Senator from Ohio has tried to lift up into the sky this morning, and that they will abandon their seats, they will refuse to perform. their functions, they will declare--

Mr. HARRIS. Will the Senator allow me to state what I meant Mr. DAWES. They will declare that this body shall not proceed

in the deliberations which its Constitution has enacted, because they do not like what the majority so constituted proposes to doT Does he announce that we cannot accomplish anything without their aid f We do not ask him, sir, to agree with us--

Mr. HARRIS. Will the Senator allow me f Mr. DAWES. Not just yet. We do not ask him to agree with us;

his convictions are his own. We ask him to do his duty and vote according to his convictions. If he announces here that he and those who stand with him will not do that duty and will not vote and will leave this Government helpless and paralyzed because he does not agree with the convictions to which that majority have come, he announces only in a new form what I heard twenty years ago from a seat very near where the Senator himself stands, when a ma.n got up there and announced that he held an allegiance higher than that of this Constitution which we have sworn to support, and that he would turn his back upon his oath and upon his flag and go forth to make war upon it. This is war in another form. This is fatal, if it succeeds, to the existence of a government of majorities, as was the undertaking of Jefferson Davis when he announced the same doctrine in another form from very near where the Senator now stands. Has it come to life again t Has it been resurrected after twenty years of war and disaster and surrender upon the field; has it come here in this mild and insidious form of absenting themselves from their duty, constitutional sworn duty, and saying that the majority is helpless unless the minority proves true to its oath t Perhaps it is, sir. If the majority--

Mr. HARRIS. Will the Senator now allow meT Mr. D.!. WES. In one minute. I have not got quite through with

you. Mr. HARRIS. I suppose not. Mr. DAWES. If this is the last plane into which the Senator from

Ohio directing this debate has lifted it, it is quite as important, far more so in my judgment than any debate that has been had in this Chamber since the foundation of this Government. It is new to the A.merioan people that there is a method of overthrowing the will of its constitutional majority besides that which those whom the Sen­ator followed inaugurated-and I do not say it for the purpose of reproach but for the purpose of emphasizing what I say-it is far more dangerous than that, for the American people can meet all its open enemies within and without. It is necessary also that it should understand and see clearly the covert and secret enemies of the will of the majority, such as the Senator from Tennessee contributed to uncover by his announcement here to-day.

Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, now that tho frenzy of the Sen1t:>r

1881:- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 281 from Massachusetts has slightly abated, and as he desired to know what was meant by the--

Mr. DAWES. Is the Senator putting an interrogatory to me f The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. KELLoGG in the chair.) Does

the Senator yield f Mr. DAWES. I have not given up the :floor. Mr. HARRIS. I thought I was occupying the floor by the courtesy

of the Senator from Massachusetts. Mr. DAWES. I bad not yielded the floor. 1\fr. HARRIS. Of course I did not so understand the Senator. I

understood that he was still occupying the floor, and I expect him to occupy the balance of the day; but I say now that the frenzy which has moved him for the last ten or fifteen minutes has subsided slightly, and the bloody shirt has momentarily ceased to wave, as be was cu­rious to know what I meant by a statement made by me a few mo­ments since, I beg to assure him that so far as my official duties upon this :floor are concerned they will be performed as earnestly, as faith­fully, and as conscientiously by me as by the Senator from Massa­chusetts, and I trust with much more frankness and manliness than the Senator from Massachusetts has exhibited upon this occasion.

Now I meant simply this, that your boasted constitutional ma­jority is not a majority at all; the only majority that is recognized by the Constitution is the larger number, more than half of the Sen­ators upon this floor, such a majority as would make a quorum to do business, such a majority as would enable you to pass an act or to perform any other duty that devolved upon the Sena.te. You have no such majority; you will not pretend that you have it. I was simply calling your attention to the fact that your boasted constitu­tional majority is no majority, and that your whole claim is a false pretense intended to popularize your position and deceive the pub­lic. Your boasted majority is not a majority, you can only claim an equal number of Senators upon this floor. That is all that I asserted; it is what I meant; and so far as the performance of my duties here are concerned, so long as I shall hold a seat on this :floor, I will be found a-s ready to perform them as the Senator from Massachusetts, and I trust always to perform them with a manly frankness that I do not see always characterized in the conduct of that Senator.

Mr. DAWES. The Senator and I will not debate the question of manliness--

Mr. HARRIS. Now, I may remind the Senator of the fact that in the expiring hours of the last seasion of Congress he with almost every other if not every other Senator on that side of the Chamber sat there in their seats silently refusing to vote and breaking a quorum, and ren­dering it impossible for the t4en majority in the Senate to transact the public business that the majority thought it important to consider, the nominations of the President of your own party, and one hundred or more of which went down because of the bet that the Senator from Massachusetts and other Senators upon that side of the Chamber sat silently in their seats and broke a quorum, which the Senat-or flip­pantly to-day characterizes as revolutionary and treasonable, while he cannot have forgotten that he and every other Senator or a large number of the Senators who sat on that side of the Chamber did ex­actly the same thing upon many occasions in the expiring hours of the last session of Congress.

If it is treason in this side of the Chamber to d.o this where you have no majority upon this :floor was it not treason blacker and much more criminal in yon, when we had an acknowleged and universally admitted majority upon this side of the Chamber, for your minority to defeat the action of this body for days and to the end of the Con­grass in respect to matters of grave importance to the whole country by sitting here dumfounded and silent, thus breaking a quorum and preventing the action of the Senate in respect to matters of general and of public importance f

Mr. DAWES. When the Senator renewed his interruption I was remarking in all kindness to the Senator that I would not discuss with him whether my political course was more manly than his or his more manly than mine. 'Ve must each judge for ourselves. I have no political course of any great mark one way or the other to trouble myself with or to trouble the country. I do not think any­body will be troubled with it. I have never been so engaged, how­ever publicly, as to be obliged to leave my country. I have never been so engaged in reference to it that I could not take a solemn oath that I had never lifted my hand for its destruction. I have never avowed upon this :floor that the majority could not do what it deemed its duty to do with my help and I would not help it. I have never avowed to the country that the will of the majority depending upon my co-operation for the execution of the functions of this Govern­ment would appeal to me in vain.

There are those who have tried open and manly hostility to the Government, who met danger in asserting their convictions upon the battle-field and tried their strength in doing it, and have manfully ta.ken the consequences. There are those who, shunning the disas­ters and learning wisdom from the failure openly to dissolve the Union, have come, in a manner more dangerous because more stealthy, velvet-footed, to the determination that ''that Government can be undermined, and nobody can meet us in the field or put us down by force; I can refuse to be a patrioticcitizen; I can refuse to do my duty to my country and my oath, and nobody can call mo to an ac­count for it." Sometimes men who avow that doctrine think they are manly. lleave that to them to settle with themselves when the

heat of debate is over; to settle with their consciences and withHim who holds the issues of life and death in this country and with every one of us in His hands. I charge no man ; I only say I do not belong to that category of men. If I felt any duty to perform I trust I may have strength and courage to meet it and record my vote here a.c­cording to my judgment, and abide in the country the judgment of her people upon it. I will skulk into no cloak-room, I will not fold up my hands when the majority require me to do my duty in order that the will of the majority may prevail. .

Sir, I think I discover in the papers this morning why the attempt has been made to change the current of this debate. The Senator from Virginia [Mr. JOHNSTON] received a missive yesterday so im­portant that he felt it his duty to make it public in justification, it may possibly be, of this continued struggle against the will of the majority. Ex-Governor Kemper, of Virginia, the papers Ray this morning, writes to the distinguished Senator from Virginia on my left [Mr. JOHNSTON] as follows:

If the democrats of tJle Senate triumph now, then the democrats of Virginia. will triumph next November ; but any step backward now means defeat next fall.

That is the shibboleth of the new departure announced this morn­ing with so much rhetoric and elegance and power by the Senator from Ohio, binding it up and winding around it tropes and figures and flowers of rhetoric; but underneath it all and as the kernel of the whole thing is the missive sent to the Senator from Virginia yes-· terday by his coadjutor in the work which he failed to accomplish in crushing out the new democracy of this country; not that old democ­racy which has tried these thirty years to graft itself upon the repub­licanism of Jefferson and Madison of those days ; not that democracy born in 1825 and in 1829, carrying on its flag in front "to the victors. belong the spoils," and gathering in its train all the hungry, starve4.z ill-fed who had stood out in the cold begging and beckoning until that hour. That is the democracy which seeks to-day to put itself underneath the lion's skin; but it cannot raise its voice without betraying its lineage and its true character.

Sir, let the debate go on. The people are being educated every hour to see the true issue. The Senator from Ohio plainly says that. his side are for peace and good-will, that the free ballot is the right preservative of all rights. Nobody can talk so well as the Senator from Ohio and those who speak for his party; but the people of this country heard this, the people of the country took note that again this new democratic party that is newer, this partyclaiming and try­ing to seek parentage with Jefferson, had told this story many times before. The people took note that they had denied many times before· that they had deprived the men of the South of a free voice in the elections. They had been told before that when this democratic party got power, no matter how, in these States, all was peace and good-will; but the people could not be ma{}e to forget or overlook the fact that republican majorities of 15,000 in one State and 25,00(} in another and 20,000 in another and 15,000 in another had been, under this democratic rule, put to that sleep which knows no waking; and I have but to ask the Senator from Ohio if he is not discouraged, repeating, I admit with new eloquence every time, all these profes­sions to the people, and yet the people telling him by their votes, "We have no confidence in the sincerity of these professions."

Mr. SAUNDERS. Yesterday I listened to most of the speech of the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. BECK,] but was called from the Senate Chamber when what I am about to read must have been said,. for I did not hear him make the remark, and I think it is proper that I should bring it to the attention of the Senate. The Senator from Kentucky said, as appears in this morning's RECORD:

I fear the Greeks and their proffered gifts. Whenever I feel sure that my enemy­wants me to do a. certain thing, I take care not to do it. That is a ROOd rule in politics and in war. When the other side want ns to help them ont of the dilemma they are in, then I do not propose to do it; just as I would not consent the other day when the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. SAUNDERS] undertook top. air my col­league [Mr. WILLIAMS] with the Senator from Virginia, [Mr. MA.Hm;:&.l I pro­tested, and refused to allow it.

That is not the whole but it is the substance of what he said on that point. Now I want to give the Senator from Kentucky to un­derstand that it was not his protest which prevented the pair from being transferred that morning, it was the fortunate appearance of the Senator from Virginia before the roll-call was concluded. I had heard that morning that the Senator from Virginia was ill and would probably not be here, and I was requested to transfer my pair with the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. WILLIAMs] to the Senator from Virginia, [Mr. MAHONE,] which I consented to do. When I announced the transfer of the pair the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. BECK] called attention to it and made some objection, but just at that moment th& Senator from Virginia appeared and voted, so that of course there was no necessity for insisting on the transfer of the pair any further.

While upon the floor, I wish to say to the Senator from Kentucky that if he has any arrangement or any understanding with his col­league that I cannot use this pair as pairs are used by other Senators on all other occa.sions so far as I know, I wish to know it, for the reason that in that case I shall ask to cancel it, so that it shall no. longer be binding upon me. I do not propose to be limited unless I make my own contract. I made no such contract with the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. WILLIAMs.] He came to me and said that he had, as he showed in fact, a very badly inflamed eye, and that he wanted to go to Cincinnati in order to have it-operated upon. Suffer­ing as he was, I felt it not only a privilege but 'a duty that I owed t()·

282 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. APRIL 13,

that Senator to make the pair. I considered that the pair was gen­eral, as all other pairs that I have made since I have been in the Senate, and that I had a. right, as we have done on other occasions, to transfer it. If the Senator from Kentucky now present has any understanding with his colleague . to the contrary, I wish he would make it known now.

Mr. BECK. When I entered that protest, the Senator from Ne­braska will bear me out, I stated to the Senator from New Hamp­shire, [Mr. RoLIL~s,] not now in his seat, who seemed to be the "whip" of the other side and was keeping the pairs, that my objec­tion to the proposed pair with the Senator from Virginia was upon the ground that he is not a republican. If he is a republican, and you will so avow it, and if he will so avow it and allow the people of Virginia to understand that he is a republican and that what he said to the Senator from Georgia [Mr. HILL] that he was a better democrat than he was only Pickwickian, then I will consult with my colleague further as to the pair ; but my colleague desired to pair wfth a republican, and, as the Senator from Nebraska is a stalwart republican, I was perfectly willing that the pair should continue. He has the power to withdraw it. I said then to him, "You may vote if you like, you can violate any agreement that you made," for it would be a violation of it, in my judgment, unless yon gave notice. I asked the Senator from Nebraska then if he desired to withdraw the pair, and the Senator said no. The Senator from Virginia came in. It may not occur again. All I ask is to pair my colleague with a :repnblican, with one of the stalwarts in front of yon, either of the three I see befor• you, the Senator from Illinois, [Mr. LOGAN,] the Senator from Iowa, [Mr. ALLisoN,] or the Senator from Kansas, [Mr. INGALLS.] I see them all there, and let him be paired with either of them or anybody else who calls himself a republican.

Mr. SAUNDERS. I have paired time and again with Senators on my own side, where we differed not on political questions but on particular questions before the Senate, and this ought not to be a political question to-day. It is a question whether the majority shall rule, or whether a minority taking a~vantage of the rules of the Senate may control legislation, or rather prevent legislation, and prevent us from doing what the majority ought to be permitted to do here. That is the issue.

Mr. BECK. The question of the majority, the Senator will allow me to say, depends upon .other questions than the one suggested by him. While I do not propose to express an opinion, suppose it to be conceded that you are attempting to perpetrate a fraud, ought the minority to help you t Will you say that t

Mr. SAUNDERS. I do not understand the question. Mr. BECK. Suppose the fact is conceded that yon are carrying

<mt a. corrupt bargain, ought the minority to help you do it? Mr. SAUNDERS. No, I think not. Mr. BECK. Then how do you know but that some of us believe

that such is the fact Y Mr. SAUNDERS. I cannot help the belief of people; I cannot

control their belief. Mr. BECK. That may govern our action perhaps; I do not say it

does; I am not here to get into a wrangle; but if the Senator desires to withdraw his pair with my colleague, I have no disposition to hold him to it. Break it if yon like. All I can say is that when it is broken I shall endeavor to secure a pair with somebody else.

Mr. SAUNDERS. I should like to know of the Senator before he takes his seat whether his colleague said to him that he did not allow or wish him to pair him with certain Senators, or anything of that kind t Does he make the statement himself, or does he get it from his colleague T

Mr. BECK. My colleague left it to my discretion to pair him with any republican. Now if Mr. MAHONE will say he is a republican, that is one thing.

Mr. BURNSIDE. Will the SenatorfromKentncky allow me to aak him a question Y The Senator from lllinois [Mr. DAYIB] is paired with the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. KELLOGG] on one question; would it be fair for any Senator on this side of the House to ask the Senator from Illinois to declare whether he was a democrat, and say to him, "We will not allow you to make that pair unless you do say you are a democraU"

Mr. BECK. There is no person on this side who desires to pair ~th the Senator from Illinois. Gentlemen on the other side can say a8 they like about that ; that is not my business. My colleague seeks to pair with a republican, and with none other than a republican. You may break pairs and vote ~f you like rather than have my col­league paired with anybody else than a republican on party questions. , Mr. BURNSIDE. If the Senator from Kentucky were paired with a Senator on this side of the Chamber, would he hesitate to transfer the pair to the Senator from Illinois T

Mr. HOAR. I ask leave to make a suggestion. Mr. BURNSIDE. I ask the Senator from Kentucky to answer my

,question. Wonld he transfer such a pair to the Sehator from lllinois 'f Mr. HOAR. Mr. President---MI. BECK. Let me answer. Mr. HOAR. Will the Senator allow me to make one suggestion Y

I think he will see the force of it. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Kentucky

yield 7 Mr. BECK. I might disoblige the Senator from Rhode Island.

Mr. HOAR. I will appeal to the Senator's courtesy. I desire to make an appeal to the Senators on all sides of' the Chamber, and I hope they will believe that I make it in absolute good faith, whether they think I am bitter or earnest in my difference with them on other occasions. This matter of the pairing of Senators is the most deli­cate matter that can come up. It appeals solely to the personal honor of the individual Senator, and to nothing else.

Mr. BAYARD. That is all. Mr. BECK. I admit that. 1 •

Mr. HOAR. It seems to me it is better all around,andimakethis appeal to all sides, that a discussion of that delicate subject shall not be brought up as a matter of public debate. Whether my honorable friend from Kentucky (if he will permit me to use that title; I am not sure whether I have a right to use it about him) is right or my honorable friend from Nebraska is right in a particular instance where in this keen and earnest strife of parties they may differ, it seems to me that it is a matter which they will settle in private by private considerations and discussion rather than by public discussion before the Senate. I think this is the first discussion of this nature which has come up. We all, I confide in the personal honor on this ques. tion of making a pair with me of that member of the other side with whom I most differ and whom I most condemn in all his political course. The Senator from Kentucky will say that generally of ·the republican side of the Chamber. I am not making individual appli­cations. He does say it in substance already. I appeal to the Sen­ate to let this matter drop out of public discussion here where it is.

1\Ir. BECK. I agree to that. Mr. HOAR. I hope my friend from Kentucky will not answer the

question put to him by my friend from Rhode Island, and that my friend from Rhode Island will not desire any answer.

Mr. BECK. I agree with that entirely. Mr. SAUNDERS. I desire to say before I take my seat-Mr. FERRY. Will the Senator allow me one moment to remiD.d

him of a fact which occurred yesterday Y I waa amazed at the objec­tion made by the Senator from Kentucky to the chan_ge of the pair of the Senator from Nebraska a few days since. T'Hce since that time a change has been made on the part of Senators on the demo­cratic side. Yesterday the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. HARRIS] changed his pair with the Senator from New York [1\Ir. CONKLING] to the Senator from Indiana [Mr. VoORHEES] on account of the ab­sence by sickness of the Senator from Indiana. No one questioned that pair or the right to transfer it. The Senator frem Tennessee asked that the change might be made and it was done by common consent. That has always been the practice of the Senate, and I re­peat that I was surprised that the Senator from Kentucky should have objected to the transfer of the pair of his colleague from the Senator from Nebraska to the Senator from Virginia.

Mr. HARRIS. I beg to suggest to the Senator from Michigan that my change was from a well-defined republican to a well-defined democrat.

Mr. FERRY. It is not for the Senator from Tennessee to define or state the statns of the Senator from Virginia to-day. That is left to the public and the Senator concerned.

Mr. HARRIS. The Senator from Tennessee was stating only the status of the transfer that he himself made.

Mr. FERRY. But I contend, if the Senator will allow me, that it is not for others to criticise the request of any Senator. The practice has been without objection that whenever a Senator rises and asks that a pair may be changed it has been done by common consent, and the Senator from Tennessee who now rises to comment upon the fact yesterday ma-de that change without objection.

Mr. SAUNDERS. Mr. President---Mr. BECK. Will the Senator allow me to say one word ? Mr. SAUNDERS. Certainly. Mr. BECK. It is only this, that I agree to everv word that was

said by the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. HoAR] that we had better talk this matter over in private perhaps, or otherwise we may make mistakes all around. When the matter first came up it was made public, and I went to the Senator from New Hampshire, [Mr. ROLLINS,] who had charge of the pairs on that side, and made the statement that I made yesterday. When my colleague left he said to me, "I leave this matter in your hands, and you must do what yon think is right in regard to it." I was not willing to pair my colleague with any one except an avowed republican, because I knew that waa what he intended. That is all there is of it; there is no misunder­standing about it.

Mr. BURNSIDE. Now, I should like to have an answer to my question. The Senator from Kentucky has made the assertion a sec­ond time with reference to the pair proposed to be transferred to the Senator from Virginia. I should like to have the Senator from Ken­tucky answer my question in reference to the Senator from illinois, and if he declares that he would transfer a pair to the Senator from lllinois I should like to read from the speech made by the Senator from Illinois at the beginning of this extra session.

Mr. BECK. The Senator from illinois made. his pair; it is in writing; the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. KELLOGG] bas it; and I have not one word to say about it, because I have no right to speak of it. That is a matter about which I will not speak.

Mr. BURNSIDE. I venture to say that I am speaking the senti­ments of every man on this side of the Chamber when I say that if

'

1881. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 283 it becomes convenient to change that pair to any other republican on this side of the Chamber it may be done, and we know that the Senator from illinois is not a democrat, and he says in this Chamber that be is not a democrat.

Mr. SAUNDERS. Mr. President, just one word. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair understands that the

Senator from Nebraska rose to a question of privilege, and be was proceeding by unanimous consent.

Mr. SAUNDERS. I ask unanimous consent to say that I would not have called the attention of the Senate to the matter, but it appeared to me that if I left it in the situation it was it might seem that I had attempted to palm off an imposition on the Senate; that I had at­tempted to transfer my pair to an individual who was objected to by the person with whom I had paired. That is the reason why I rose. I think I was justified in it, and I think the Senator from Kentucky will say so. All I wish to say in regard to this matter is that I had no such limitation, and I thought I was at liberty to transfer my pair just as others had been doing, and I wish to so consider it.

Mr. HILL, of Georgia. T4nrsday last, I notice by the RECORD, (I did not fnllyunderstand it at the time,) the following occurred:

Mr. RoLLIXs. Before I leave the subject I want to say one other thing, and that is, that the gentlemen upon the other side of the Chamber-

Alluding to the democrats-unless they have been most wickedly misrepresented, would have been quite will· ing to have received the vote of the Senator from Virginia, fMr. MAHOl!l'E,] and to have made any arrangement with him that would have inured to their benefit and given them the control of the Senate.

Mr. HILL, of ~rgia. But we would not have bought it. Mr. ROLLIKS. Yon wanted to make arran~ements, but you could not do it. You

made your offers, but they were spurned. It would have been all right if you had received the vote of the Senator from Virginia; it would have been all proper for you to have done it, but it is all wrong for us in your estimation. A great differ. ence it makes whose bull it is that gores the ox:.

Mr. BLAIR. I should like to say to the Senator before he proceeds that if what he wishes to say is in the nature of a personal explana­tion, I beg to inform him that my colleague is absent from the city of necessity.

Mr. HILL, of Georgia. I am not making any personal explana­tion; and furthermore, I am going to saynothlngbutwhatisentirely proper to be said in the absence of the Senator from New Hampshire. I see also in this same connection a singular resolution adopte·d by what is called the Mahone meeting of readjnsters at Norfolk, Virginia. The second resolution is in this language :

2 . .Resolved, That we consider the positions Msigned General WILLIAM: MA.Ho::m upon the committees proposed by tlle democratic caucus as an insult to that dis· tin!!U.ished Senator and the people who elected him, and we commend him for elect. tnJt such committees as recognize his ability and influence and place him in a posi­tion to render efficient service to the State and the country at large.

, I had not been in the Senate Chamber since Thursday until a few moments since when the Senator from Massachnsetta [Mr. DAWES] was speaking. Strange to say, the first sound I heard when I came into the Senate Chamber was that Senator in a very excited manner, an amount of excitement which I think is unusual even with that Senator, and that is putting it in very strong language. It was upon this same subject, charging in substance that this side of the Cham­ber had endeavored by some arrangement or some proposition to se­-cure the vote of the Senator from Virginia. As this charge has been made a second time on the floor of the Senate, and as it bas been .made a. subject of a. resolution by a lot of friends of the Senator from Virginia at a public meeting in Norfolk, and as I have beard none of the corrections which my friend from California [Mr. FARLEY] sug­gests to me have been made on that subject, I think it proper forme to make simply a. statement.

I was one of the committee rtlferred to by ~be Senator from Ten­nessee, [Mr. HARRis,] and like him was on the committee appointed to propose an organization of the committees of this body at the time when we supposed the demoorats had the majority, and indeed at that time they did have the .lllBjo:rity. I state emphatically that that -committee made no proposition to, and received no proposition from, the Senator from Virginia on the subject as to what should be done 'for him or how he would vote. Any statement, intimation, insinua­.tion to the contrary is utterly false and untrue. We discussed the Senator from Virginia in that committee precisely as we did the other n·ew democratic Senators, simply with reference to the proper places on the committees that were suited t{) their qualifications as we sup­posed these qualifications to be, and we determined to treat the Sen­·ator from Virginia precisely as we treated the other new democratic Senators, no more and no less. That was the unanimous determina­tion of the committee; nothing to the contrary was said or indicated.

Mr. LOGAN. Leaving him just where he was Y Mr. HILL, of Georgia. Upon that subject I will say once more,

there seemed to be no doubt among ns that the Senator from Vir­ginia in national politics was a democrat. The air was full of rumors as to what he was being urged to do by others, and various sugges­tions were made as to what he might be induced to do; but I will say that w bile we knew the Senator from Virginia was in the local politics of that State known a.s a readjnster, we regarded that as ex­clusively a local question in Virginia politics, having nothing to do with national politics, and we had no intimation, no doubt, and no right to doubt that in national politics the Senator from Virgina was 3 democrat, and we treated him as such.

While on this subject I will make one additional remark. For myself I had no previous personal acquaintance whatever with the Senator from Virginia; but from what I knew of him through others I had none but the kindliest feelings for him personally. I will re­mark as a fact that I was urged to go into the Virginia canvaBS both in 1879 and 1880 during the time he was making his is3ue there, for the purpose of addressing the people in support of the regular demo­cratic ticket, as it was called, against the readjusters and the com­bination of republicans and readjusters. I declined to do so. I thought it was a local question, which I deeply regretted. While my sympathies were altogether with what were called the debt-pay­ers, I determined not to interfere in the local politics of that State, and I did not go.

I will say, moreover. such was the estimation in which I held the Senator from Virginia that if he had sent a proposition to the com­mittee of' which I was one, indicating in the slightest degree that be exacted certain positions of advantage over other new democratic Sen­ators, I would have spurned it. I would have considered it an insult to him to have made a. proposition to him indicating in the slightest degre~ that we thought it necessary to assign him positions on com­mittees to· induce him to vote with the democratic party. Of his national democracy we had no doubt. I did personally have an idea that perhaps he would vote for personal reasons against the organ­ization of two or three of the committees as proposed by the democ­racy; I bad so heard, but that he would vote generally with the democratic party I did not doubt, and I do not believe the committee doubted. We at least treated him as a national democrat, and if anybody bad said that it was necessary to give that Senator positions which we did not give other new democratic Senators, to give him the chairmanship of a committee, to give him the patronage of the Sen­ate, allow him to designate who should be Sergeant-at-Arms or who should be Secretary of the Senate, we should have spurned any such propositions. I know I would; I believe every member of· the com­mittee would; and I believe every member of the democratic caucus would.

Our position was different from that of the gentlemen on the other side, for while we had every reason to believe that the Senator from Virginia was a national democrat in national politics, of course hav­ing his own peculiar views upon the local question of readjusterism, I never had heard that anybody supposed he was a republican. "Fo:r one, I confess I did not expect the Senator from Virginia to go into the democratic caucus; I did not expect him to go into any caucus; I did not expect him to have conferences directly or indirectly with any canons; I would not have advised him to do it; I should cer­tainly have advised him not to do it, on account of his personal rela­tions and the suspicions to which he might have subjected himself. Whlle everybody, as I understood, believed and was authorized to believe that the Senator from Virginia was in national politics a dem­ocrat, and here upon this national theater would act with the demo­crats, I never heard it suggested by anybody with any plausibility until Monday morning, the 14th of March, that he was going to act with the republicans as a republican. That is the point.

When I said the Senator from Virginia was elected as a democrat I did not mean as a regularly nominated democrat by any means, because he differed with the regular democrats on the question of readjnsteriam and the local politics of Virginia; but every act of his life as I was informed of it, every word of his life, classed him a na­tional democrat. No act of his life and no word of his life, as far as I was informed, classed him a republican. We therefore had a right to expect the Senator to co-operate with us in national politics, retain­ing his peculiar views on the snbject of local politics in his State . .

I make these remarks simply because the Senator from New Hamp­ahlre [Mr. RoLLINS] said what he did in response to something said by myself. I think it proper to state, as I was in a position to know, that there was no proposition, and no intimation of a proposition, arrangement, understanding, bargain, or trade of any kind, proceed­ing from the democratic members of the Senate to or from the Sen­ator from Virginia in relation to the course be should pursue, the position be should have, or the vote be should give. I do not know what outsiders may have done; I do not know what persons who are employes of the Senate or who expect to be employes of the Senate may have done. The air is full of rumors on that subject; I do not choose to repeat them.

Mr. HOAR. Mr. President, this is a very interesting revelation the honorable Senator from Georgia has made; it interests me very much and it will interest the country very much. We have heard in almost

·every form of expression from eminent democrats that the nomina­tion of Mr. Riddleberger as Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate and the appointment of Mr. MAHONE as chairman of the Committee on Agri­culture was an alliance with the dregs of the South, to use the lan­guage of one Senator, and was to embrace or indorse or do something else with the moral leprosy of repudiation. And now it turns out that a member of the committee appointed by the democrats to · ar­range the Senate committees, knowing all about the Senator from Virginia so far ~s ·his opinions on repudiation or readjustment or State demands or State credit were concerned, had proposed, if he himself bad consented to the relation, to recognize him, to use the . language of the Senator from Georgia, as a regular democrat. We have got about a week of democratic eloquence eliminated from t~s discussion by this little statement of the Senator from Georgta.

284 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. .APRIL 13,

There is nothing in this gentleman's opinions on State credit which prevents his receiving honor, recognition, position, welcome to full and entire fellowship by the democratic party. Now we will put a pin into that and leave that as settled by the declaration of the Senator :from .Georgia.

Now remains, so far as he is concerned, the question whether he has been unfaithful to that relation by consenting to accept the office of chairman of the Committee on Agriculture, or anything else that he has done or proposes to do by way of vote or act on h1s part. I suppose that whether the Senator from Virginia was a national dem­ocrat at the last election is to be settled not upon the imperfect in­formation of a Senator representing Georgia, but upon the official declaration of the national democraey of Virginia. They know whether he was a national democrat in the last election or not. I read the other day to the Senate the statement of the Richmond Dis­patch made before the election in regard to the Senator and his fol­lowers, which I wish to read again in connection with another docu­ment which I shall read also:

As for individuals, their action on the 4th of November will settle their status. Tllose who follow Mahone will do so understanding that they need never ask for recognition by a conservative convention or a democratic administration.

That is the language of th~ democratic organ of the State of Vir­ginia published at its capital city. . Then comes the circular of the democratic executive State committee dated Richmond, July 28, 1880, in which they say, speaking of the Mahone ticket for Hancock elect-ors, this: ,.

The other ticket was framed by a convention that neither bore the name nor affected the principles of the national democracy. It assembled after the national convention adjourned; sent, of coUI'Se, no representative thereto, and was without a voice or vote therein; was composed indifferently of democrats and republicans; counted among its constituents over forty negroes-

They do not think negroes vote the democratic ticket much, be­cause negroes being in a convention is a sign that the convention is not composed of democrats according to this committee-and among these some delegates to the State republican convention, and many reco~ized as republican leaders ; took pains, as we shall see, to disown all allegi­ance to or connection with the party that nominated Hancock and English; and as it was without participation in the choice, so is now without share in the organi­zation of the national democratic party.

That is the certificate of the national democratic committee of the State of Virginia. I hold in my hand the original hand-bill which was stuck up in public, ~ot out in the second congressional district of the State of Virginia, signed ''Warner T. Taliaferro, Chairman Ex. Com., Dem. Party, 2nd Con. Dist." I send this to the Clerk's desk and ask to have it read.

The Secretary read as follows : Regular conservative-democratic ticket. Election, Tuesday, November 2nd, 18 0.

For President, Winfield S. Hancock,

Of Pennsylvania. For Vice-President, William H. English,

Of In~. Electors at large,

.John Echols, of Staunton. P. W. McKinney of Farmville.

District electors. 1 t. Thomas Croxton, of Es ex. 2d. Legh R. Watts, of Portsmouth. 3d. Hill Carter, of Hanover. 4th. Samuel F. Coleman, of Cumberland. 5th. James S. Redd, of Henry. 6th. Samuel Griffin, of Bedford. 7th. Francis M. Mc:Mnllan, o:f Greene. th. J. Y. Menefee, of Rappahannock.

9th. RobertR. Henry, of Tazewell. For Con~ess,

Second diStrict, .John Goode.

ATI'E...~ON, VOTERS.

Tbe above is the regular conservative·democratlc ticket, chosen by the conven­tion of the democratic party of Virginia. To vote any other ticket is to vote in favor of the republican party. It is the only ticket recognized by the national democratic committee.

W A.RNER T. TALIAFERRO, Ohairman Ez. Oom., Dem. Party, 2nd Oon. Dist.

Mr. HOAR. Now, Mr. President, we have the declaration of the Senator from Georgia. that, representing the democratic party in this Senate, he deemed the Senator from Virginia, in spite of his opinions on financial questions, a fit person to be recognized as a democrat and to be appointed to an office of trust and honor in the organization of this Senate. We have the declaration of the demo­cratic State central committee of Virginia, of the democratic execu­tive committee of the second congressional district, and of the prin­cipal democratic paper of that State made before the election, that that ~entleman and his followers had fully and thoroughly severed their connection with the national democratic party. Those two things are proved; they cannot be disputed. The Senator from Virginia therefore stands as the Senator from Illinois [Mr. DAVIS] said he stood, an independent elected by the combined votes of two parties, at liberty to cast his vote as he chose. The honorable Sen­ator from Illinois occupying that attitude was named by the original proposition of the democratic party as the chairman of the honorable Committee on the Judiciary; and it was onJy his own refusal to act

in that capacity that prevented his receiving the vote of the demo­cratic party on this floor for that position. He was elected by republicans and democrats, the democrats being largely in the major­ity, and, as was his right-no man has a right to challenge it-he assumed the position of an independent. The democratic party knowing that position, expecting his vote however in the organiza­tion of the Senate, placed him at the head of the principal commit­tee of this body. He had not been cutofl'by the official action of the national republican party of his State, though of course they did not claim him to be a republican. Now the Senator from Virginia does precisely the same thing; and what iti wicked and sinful and justi­fies the revolutionary method of refusing to permit the Senate to record its action when a Senator is placed at the head of the Com­mittee on Agriculture, is just, lawful, and proper in placing a Sen­ator at the head of the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. HILL, of Georgia. Mr. President, I certainly do not wish to say anything that is offensive ; but the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. HoAR] must allow me to say that I could not avoid thinking all the time he was speaking of that passage of Scripture which seems to be his favorite passage, ''Beware ye of the leaven of the Phari­sees, which is hypocrisy." I never said that the Senator from Vir­ginia was a regular democrat.

Mr. HOAR. A regular national democrat. Mr. HILL, of Georgia. Nor have I declared that anybody said he

was treated as a regular national democrat; and yet the Senator from MaBsachusetts put the word "regular" in my mouth. I said dis­tinctly, what everybody in this country ought to know, that in Vir­ginia as in other States we unfortunately have local issues upon which the democrats themselves divide; we have them in nearly every Southern State, and it is generally the caBe in States where any party is largely predominant. There is practically in most of the Southern Stat-es but one party, and that is the democratic party; and upon local questions the party divides. It is a habit, a very common habit, in that country for those who adhere to the nominations of the party to call themselves regular organized democrats and de­nounce the others who do not adhere to the nominations as going to the republicans. That is very com on; it is an argument used on the hustings to keep the bolters, if I may use that term, from being influential, to keep them from carrying off votes from the regular democratic party, t6 charge, "that man says he is an independent; that man says he is a readjuster; but I tell you he is a republican and is going with the republican party." That is the common argu­ment. Just such arguments we hear brought up here and repeated as having been used by democrats in Virginia against the Senator from Virginia. There is a stereotyped aD.RWer to all that which I suppose the Senator from Virginia and certainly his followers have made a thousand times, and that is to say that these charges that they had abandoned the democratic party were false, and they were true democrats, that they were better democrats than the regular democrats. Every man in the South has heard that a thousand times ; there is nothing more common.

And yet the Senator from Massaehusetts says I have made a revela­tion to the country that we on this side of the Chamber would have allowed the Senator from Virginia to associate with us in national politics as a democrat. Certainly. Why notT There are a great many local questions in our States that do not affect our nat10nal affiliations in the slightest degree. It is so, I suppose, in other States; it is with other parties. The question as to whether Virginia sbould settle her debt in full or in part is not a national question; it is ~ local question that does not affect the division between the republican party and the democratic party on the great questions of national politics. I have no doubt myself that there are a great many gentle­men in Virginia belonging to the democratic party who were read­justers, honest men, inen who honestly believed that under all the circumstances that policy was right. They were made to believe it . I do not concur with them; I sympathize with their feelings very largely, and with their misfortunes; but those gentlemen have re­pelled on all occasions the charge that because they were readjusters in the local politics of Virginia, therefore they were republicans in national politics; and if I chose to read them, I could read letter after letter that I have received from prominent readjusters of Virginia, scorning the idea that they were going to be carried into the repub­lican party because they happen to be readjusters in local politics.

What we complain of in the republican party, or on that side of the House, is not that you associate with the Senator from Virginia. The Senator from Virginia has a right to choose his own politics; he has a right to be a readj aster in Virginia if he chooses; he has a right to be a democrat here if he chooses; and he has a right to change his politics and be a republican if he chooses. He has no right to be all three at once. He has no right to be a republican and a democrat both at the same moment. We concede his right to be either; we concede his right in local politics to be neither; we concede his right, if he chooses to take that position, to be neither here, neither repub­lican nor democrat; a man has a right to choose his politics in this country. We do not assign him a position; we repel the idea that wedo. ,

The Senator from Massachusetts talks about our as igning him a position ; that is the effect of his language. By no means. If he chooses to recognize himself as a national democrat and act with the national democratic party, notwithstanding he is a readjuster in Vir-

1881. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 285 ginia, that is his lookout, not ours. If that alienates him from the majority of democrats in Virginia and drives him to what is called the independent democrats there: be it so; be must take his chances; nobody is complaining of that.

That is not the point. The point is this: When, how, for what, did the Senator from Virginia become a republican I am not quar­reling with him for being a readjuster; I have nothing to do with that question; that is his own lookout; but when did he become a republican f He is one now; the Senator from Massachusetts proves that he is one; the Senators on that side have been laboring terri­bly to prove that he is a republican and has a right to be a repub­lican. Very well, let him say so. We admit now that he is a repub­lican. He sits with the republicans; he votes with the republicans; he acts with the republicans, and he joins the republicans in slan­dering his own people. If that does not make him a republican, pray, what does f That is all. He has taken up the talk of the repub­licans about tissue ballots and about a free and a fair count, and all that sort of thing; but he has not announced that he is a repub­lican. Why does he not save you these long-winded speeches to prove that he is a republican f Why does he not rise in his place and say he is a republican T One word from him is worth ten thousand speeches of that character from the Senator from Massachusetts.

I concede his right to take what course he pleases. We, of course, are now compelled to regard him as a republican; but we say, when, why, for what purpose T He has not announced any change of opin­ion. He was a democrat in 1677 when he was a candidate before the democratic convention for the nomination for governor of Virginia, when the present excellent governor was nominated instead of him­self; he was a democrat then, was he not f Did he not agree with the democrats then in their opinions on national politics f Was he not a democrat last year when he was voting for Hancock and Eng­lish Y He may have done it on his own peculiar ticket; it does not matter; he voted for Hancock and English. He was not a repub­lican therefore, surely, unless he was one in disguise; he certainly was not open1y one. He was not a republican in October last when he wrote that letter in which he spoke of the republican party as the "grip-sack party;" and I say here, as I read once before, his meeting in Norfolk the other day characterized the republican party as a "grip-sack party." Would a man characterize his own party with that contemptuous epithet Y

Nobody denies the right of the Senator from Virginia to change hi opinions; but has he changed T Does he entertain opinions on the great questions of national politics and of national issues different now from what he had in 1877; different now from what he had in 1880 f If so, let him say so. We, of course, assume that it is so, becau e he acts with the other party. That is all.

All I got up to say was to negative the idea., which was new to the Senator from Virginia as well as to this side of the Chamber, that there was any negotiation between him and this side, that in consid­eration of his vote, or provided he would give us his vote, we would give him positions on committees to suit him, or give him the patron­age of the Senate, or anything else. I deny that. That is all I rose to deny. There were no such propositions; we would not have made such propositions and we would not have received such propositions.

The thing the conn try wants to understand is, How does it happen that just at the particular moment when the vote of the Senator from Virginia became the balancing vote of this body, when he could make the or~anization of this body republican or democratic as he pleased­how dtd it happen that just at that moment, for the first time in his history, he went with the republicans 7 Nobody denies his right to go. Every man in this country has a right to change his opinions; it is an inalienable rightj but let him say he ha.a changed his opin­ions, and let him say that in consequence of that change of opinion he has changed his party affiliations. I am making no charges; I am simply saying that we made no bargain, we made no proposition for a bargain, and would have made none; and it is due to the Senator from Virginia as well as to the democrats that that should be known.

Mr. MAHONE. Mr. President, I think the Senate will bear me out that I have at no time during this discussion as to the election of officers of the Senate exceeded the bounds of propriety. I think it cannot be denied that in all I have had to say on this floor I have been courteous, I have been respectful. I think it will not be denied that I have not here intruded any question foreign to this debate. When we had for days under discussion the subject of the public debts of the several Southern States and the methods of their read­justment, the responsibility of bringing that question to this Cham­ber did not belong to me; it came here at the hands of my colleague, if I remember correctly. It is here that he has sought to introduce the question of the public debt of Virginia and to characterize a por­tion of his own people in effect as repudiationists, and another party, with which he would ally himself, as debt-payers, when the record not only of the Legislature of Virginia but the record of his own acts and all the facts show that there is no such party in the State of Virginia as a debt-paying party, in his sense, by his interpretation of. the term. Has the Senator forgotten that the last attempt to deal w1th the public debt of the State of Virginia resulted in the passage of a bill known as the McCulloch or brokers' bill f Would he call that a debt-paying bill, a measure of extreme force, which under­takes openly and by violence legislatively to repudiate one-hal£• of the accrued interest of eight years on a certain portion of the debt f

Mr. President, I did not rise in my plaee to review the speech made in answer to the one I delivered here in respect to this matter by my colleague. If need be, I will take a special occasion for that, if it shall be necessary, if for no other purpose than to be courteous to him. But, sir, I wish to say-and for that reason I have alluded to this question-that the responsibility for all that baa come before the Senate in respect to this matter of dealing with the public debt of the several Southern States does not belong to me. When gentle­men on that side of the Chamber, whose States have readjusted in one form or another their State debts, sat silently by and allowed my colleague to bring the debt of Virginia before the Senate and to make that a question for the consideration of this body, and when gentlemen in the rear, if you please, of this tier of Southern States came to his assistance to assail the people who sent me to this Chamber, the read­jnsters of Virginia, as repudiationists, as unworthy associates with the democratic party, as unworthy associates with any party in this country-! say when Southern Senators sat there silently and allowed these things to be said, giving thereby their assent to the attack made upon these people of mine, could I do less than in j nstification of the course of the people of the State of Virginia give a reference to their legislation (and without comment) by which the public debts in the various Southern States had been treated as I showed they had been. When, where, or in what particular did I undertake to impugn the motives of the people of any State who had so dealt with their public debt, as to que&tion the propriety of their methods T It is not to be found in anything I said on this floor. I hold, I have a,l­ways held, that it is a question with which the people of each State alone have a right to deal for themselves; it is a matter not to be interfered with by any other people than those directly concerned.

Now, lli. President, it has been suggested I am perfectly sure by gentlemen on this side of the Chamber that I had been approached by gentlemen on the other side in respect to the organization of this Sen­ate. I want to say here-I have said before, but I desire to repeat­that no Senator on either side of this Chamber has ever approached me improperly as to the organization of the Senate, and I do not pre­sume that any honomble man would expect or desire me or any one else to violate those amenities which obtain among gentlemen. I therefore shall not, unless compelled, repeat conversations which passed between myself and gentlemen on either their own quarters or mine; but I do have to say that neither on this side nor on that side of this Chamber has any Senator approached me by anyimproper suggestion as to the organization of this Senate. That gentlemen on that side of the Chamber, as on this, have asked me as to my wi he respecting the organization of committees, is true. Whether on either side they came as the representatives of a canons, or a committee of a caucus, I never thought to inquire. They were gentlemen; they were so recognized and they so demeaned themselves, in whatever they had to say as to the formation of committees. As I have said, on both sides of the Chamber gentlemen have asked me as to my own wishes and my own views as to the formation of committees. My response has been to both a.Uke in effect-and that response I have heretofore made in this Chamber-that I had no wish to prefer, and furthermore I was indifferent where I was placed, stating at that moment that I meant no discourtesy, but that I might, out of abundant caution, serve notice that here I intended on all occasions in respect to men and measures to vote as I pleased, [applause in the galleries,] recognizing obligation to no party for my seat in this Chamber, national or State, other than the readjuster party of Virginia. I came here to represent that people, and, God willing, I intend to do it according to my best ability and my honest convictions. Whether the discharge of that duty shall lead me to act with the republican side of this Chamber or with the democratic side, that is for me to judge and not to be sug­gested by a caucus.

Now, Mr. President, I hope I have said enough on this question of approaches to me, not only for myself, but in justice, at any rate, to the gentlemen on both sides of this Chamber, and, if need be, to repel any suggestion that I could be so approached with any scheme or plan, by combination or otherwise, to reach ends not legitimate.

Mr. President, I have said here once before that I was the custodian, and intended to be, of my own democracy. I do not choose to debate that question ; it is not debatable. I think the sole question is be­tween myself on the one hand and the people who sent me here on the other. When it is suggested that I was a national democrat, I ask by what species of analogy could !-be a national democrat f There is no harmony, there is nothing that I have seen for eight yea:rs in sympathy between the democracy of my State and what is called the national democracy-a democraey which sought an extreme violation of true democratic sentiment and principles.

Why, sir, in my own State, when it was well known that the demo­cratic party there, heretofore called the conservative party, and never denominated the democratic party until the 19th day of May, 1880-I say when it was well known to the national democra{}y that the dem­ocratic party in the State of Virginia were divided, when there had grown up in that State a division not to be reconciled., then came the national democracy with its national convention; and did that wing of the democratic party which supported me attend the State con­vention which sent delegates to Cincinnati! Not so. Then and there these people served notice alike on the so-called democratic party of Virginia as well as the national democracy that we participate not in your national convention. I say that the constituency which sent

286 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. .APRIL 13, I .

me here refused to participate in the convention, called a democratic The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Virginia yield convention for the first time, which sent delegates to the Cincinnati the floor to the Senator from Georgia T convention. And although that was a State convention calling for Mr. MAHONE. Yes, sir. over fourteen hundred delegates, and there were over one hundred Mr. HILL, of Georgia. No, sir, I do not ask the Senator to yield and eighty-two thousand democratic votes in the State, it was a con- to me. If I have the :floor in my own right I will proceed. vention which was elected by less than three thousand of the popu- Mr. MAHONE. I surrender the :floor and take my seat. lar vote, and a convention calling for over fourteen hundred dele- Mr. HILL, of Georgia. Now, sir, I shan make to that Senator the gates could muster less than three hundred and fifty-a convention answer which I feel that he ought to make to me, or any other gen­which sent a de1egation to Cincinnati pledging the democracy of the tleman ought to make under like circumstancest and tell exactly the State to a candidate for the Presidency, I undertake to say, whose truth. I inferred from the remarks made by tne Senator from New name had never fallen upon the ears of three thousand people out- Hampshire that he was charging in the language which he employed side of one city in the whole State of Virginia. that we had sought to make an arrangement-that was his language-

Sir, the party which I represent on this :floor is a party of the people by which we should control the vote of the Senator from Virginia to get of the State of Virginia who won their right to control their own the organization. of this Senate, and in response to that I said, "Bot affairs at the ballot-box, who got the privilege to send me to this we would not have bought it." I meant simply to negative what I Chamber on a direct vote at the polls which elected the members of understood to be the charge of the Senator from New Hampshire. the Legislature that sustained me to a man by 15,000 majority of the That is what I intended to negative. The Senator from New Ramp­white vote of that State, a Legislature composed of a majority in shire seemed to bearguingnpon the assumption that they were charged both branches of white men, democrats, if you like, that voted for with having bought his vote, and it seemed to be implied that we me, and representing a party that refused to recognize the national wanted to do it and could not do it. [Addressing 1\Ir. MAHoNE.] I democracy at Cincinnati; a party that protested that the national 9-eny that we boy your vote, I deny that we wanted to buy your vote, committee should not interfere with our own liberty; and yet, against and we deny that we would have bought your vote; we would not precedent, against all the principles of democracy as I understood have given you a fig for your vote. That is what I intended to deny. those principles, this high committee, sitting at New York-will you I did not charge that the Senator had sold his vote. I do not say believe it when I tell you !-undertook to say to the people of Vir- now that the Senator had sold his vote. I would not charge, unless ginia. " These men shall be your electors," undertook to take down I knew the fact to be a fact, that any Senator on this floor had sold the ticket put up by the people and set up a ticket of their own men. his vote. If the Senator wants me to go further and say what I be­Was that democratic f I protested then that this was a usurpation lieve, that is a different question; and I wish to say to the Senator to which no people loving freedom would submit. The right of the now that if he proposes to call everybody in this country to account democratic national committee to say to the people of Virginia" vote who has a belief on that subject, he has a heavy task upon his hands. for these eleven men as your electors" would soon lead to the assump- I will make no charge against any Senator; but do not let any Sena­tion that that committee could tak& the power of naming electors tor invite my opinion or compel my opinion oy seeking to make that a for all the States, themselves composing the electoral college. That charge which is not, because he might get that opinion, and get it is your national democracy to which the people I stand for do not very fully. belong. Mr. MAHONE. 1\Ir. President, I have nothing to do with the

But, sir, it was not expected (so I am now informed) that I would beliefs of the Senator from Georgia. I do not deal otherwise than enter the canons of either party here. I do not suppose there is any directly in all those matters. man in all the broad land who knew anything of my coming to this Mr. HILL, of Georgia. I do not hear the Senator. Chamber and of the organization of parties in Virginia who for a. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia will moment ever supposed I would enter either caucus, that I could ever please speak louder. become the partisan of either party. What do I owe either f I cer- Mr. MAHONE. I say, sir, I have not in anything that I have said tainly say that I owe nothing to that democracy which undertakes in respect to any Senator here indu1ged in suggestions, and I have to stand here for the national democracy represented by Mr. Barnum risen to ask the Senator from Georgia a very plain question. He and his committee. If there had been no reason within the borders says that I will have everybody to call to a{}count. That is not the of my State to resist that manner of democracy, I would have it in question. The Senator from Georgia ha.a used this language. Now the conduct of that committee. he . knows well whether he intended to convey the idea that I had

But, Mr. President, as I said in the outset, I rose for an explanation been bought, or could be. He ·knows that l He knows whether he which I conceive to be doe no less to gentlemen on this side of .the intended to convey that impression, and I respectfully ask whether Chamber than to gentlemen on the other, in respect to the suggestion he so intended Y That is all. that there had been improper approaches as to the organization of Mr. HILL, of Georgia. I have answered you fully, and it will be the Senate. I had intended to ask yon, Mr. President, for the :floor in the REcoRD. at the earliest moment this day, not in respect to what I have said, Mr. MAHONE. Well, sir, I understand your answer not to be full. but in respect to another matter, a question of privilege. I find a The Senate will pardon me now. As the Senator from Georgia fails reference made to me from a quarter I had not expected. It was im- here to answer directly a direct question, I give him a problem to possible for me to have expected, after what had heretofore passed in solve; he shall have a conundrum. I say to him if he did mean to this Chamber, any allusion to myself from that quarter. I certainly imply thai my vote had been or could be bought, he states that or would never have violated the rule which I had supposed to be estab- undertakes to convey that which is foul, untruthful, false, and that no lished in this Chamber. I waa not in this Chamber on Thursday dur- man less than a coward will make such a statement. [Applause in the­ing the afternoon when in the debate there took place a passage be- galleries.] Now, I say to him he can solve in his own mind whether tween the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr • .ROLLINS] and the Sen- he so intended or not. [Addressing Mr.liiLL, of Georgia.] You can a tor from Georgia, [Mr. HILL.] I did not see or know of this passage solve that, sir. If you did I know what I have to say to you. Now, until I came to the Chamber on Monday, when in ~lancing over the I have made my answer. You can solve that question for yourself RECORD I saw for the first time this allusion. I desrre to read it, and whether you intended to convey that meaning or not. [Applause in I cannot doubt that the Senate will concede that I am justified in the galleries which the presiding officer sought to check by rapping calling attention to this language: with his gavel.]

Mr. COCKRELL. Mr. President, I hope that you will not inter­rupt the galleries. It is disturbing both to the Senate and to the· galleries to have that rapping continually on the President's desk.

Mr. RoLLINs. Before I leave the subject I want to say one other thing, and that ia, that the _gentlemen upon the other side of the Chamber, unless they ha.ve been most wickedly misrepresented, would llave been q_uite willing to have received the vote of the Senator from Virginia, [Mr. MARoNE,J and to have made any arrange­ment with him tha.t would have inured to their lleneftt and given them the control of the Senate.

Then comes the Senator from Georgia [Mr.' HILL] interjecting-But we would not have bought it.

Mr. President, that language on the part of the Senator from Geotgia admits of one or more interpretations. I come to aak the Senator from Georgia now, as this language in one aspect to my mind implies either that my vote had been or could be bought, whether in this language he intended to convey any such impression f [A pause.]

Mr. HILL, of Georgia. Go on; I will answer. Mr. MAHONE. I am ready to hear. Mr. HILL, of Georgia. Do you want it now f .Mr. MAHONE. I have nothing else to say but to ask that simple

question. Jr!r. HILL, of Georgia. Give me the floor and I will answer. Mr. MAHONE. Whether the Senator from Georgia--Mr. HILL, of Georgia. 1 shall have the floor in my own right

when I answer, but I shall answer the Senator very fully.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The galleries will preserve order. Mr. PENDLETON. The distorbance came from persons in the

front seats of our reserved private gallery immediately back of the Senator from Virginia.

Mr. 1\IcMILLAN. It is all around all the galleries. Mr. HILL, of Georgia. Mr. President, I have too much respect for

the Senate, too much respect for myself, too much respect for the peo­ple of this country to bandy epithets with the Senator from Virginia or any other Senator here. I have never sought to give nor will I receive or resent an insult in this Chamber I would not insult the Senator in this Chamber. The Senator cannot insult me. He i& powerless to insult anybody.

1\!r. CAMERON, of Pennsylvania. What do you mean by tha.tt Mr. HILL, of Georgia. And stra.nge to say he is not aware of the

fact. I am not dealing with the Senator from Pennsylvania now. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia has the.

:floor. Mr. HILL, of Georgia. The Senat-or asked me a question. I an­

swered his question; I answered it explicitly. The answer is on record ; it will remain there; it was a truthful answer. I answered. precisely as I thought and felt at the timeinsed the words! and a.n

1881. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 287 Senator can read those words and find them there. If the Senator thinks that he can suppress gentlemen in discussion in this Senate by assuming to play the bully, he has made a mistake.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on the motion of the Senator from Ohio to indefinitely postpone the pending resolution.

Mr. FARLEY; Mr. President, I have endeavored for some time, for about three or four weeks, I believe, to get the Senate to consider executive business, and it seems to me that we are spending a good deal of time in discussing matters that have nothing really to do with the questions that are before the Senate. I therefore move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from California moves that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business. [Putting the question.) The noes appear to have it.

Mr. FARLEY, Mr. qoCKRELL, and others called for the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered, and the Secretary proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. ALLISON, (when his name was called.) I run paired for the remainder of this day with the Senator from Mississippi [Mr. LA· MAR.]

Mr. BURNSIDE, (when Mr. ANTHONY's name was called.) My col­league [Mr. ~TTHONY] is paired on this question with the Senator from Georgia, [Mr. HILL.] Were my colleague here, he would vote "nay."

Mr. BECK, (when his name was called.) I am paired upon all questions with the Senator from Maine, [Mr. HALE,] who waa obliged to leave the city on important business. I would vote "yea" if I were allowed.

Mr. GORMAN, (when Mr. GROOME'S name was called.) My col­league [Mr. GROOME] is paired with the Senator from Illinois, [Mr. LOGAN.]

Mr. PLATT, of Connecticut, (when Mr. HAWLEY's name was called.) My colleague [Mr. HAWLEY] is paired with the Senator from Tennessee, [Mr. JACKSON.]

Mr. fiLL, of Georgia, (when his name was called.) I am paired on this question with the Senator from Rhode Island, [Mr. ANTHO!IT.] If he were here, I should vote " yea. "

Mr. JACKSON, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from Connecticut, [Mr. HAWLEY,] and I make that an­nouncement for the day.

Mr. JONAS, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from Minnesota, [Mr. EDGERTON.]

Mr. LOGAN, (when Mr. KELLOGG'S name was called.) The Sena.­tor from Louisiana [Mr. KELLOGG] and the Senator from Illinois [Mr. DAVIS] are paired on this question.

Mr. LOGAN, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from Maryland, [Mr. GROOME.]

Mr. SAWYER, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from West Virginia, [Mr. CAMDEN.]

:Mr. SEWELL, (when his name was called.) I am paired on this question with the Senator from North Carolina, [Mr. VANCE.]

Mr. WALKER, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from Colorado, [Mr. HILL.]

The roll-call wa.s concluded. Mr. SLATER. I desire to say that my colleague [Mr. GROVER] is

paired with the Senator from Nebraska, [Mr. VANWYCK.] Mr. HARRIS. I desire to say that I was paired with the Senator

from New York [Mr. CONKLING] during his absence; but the Sen­ator from Indiana [Mr. VooRHEES] being also absent, I have trans­ferred my pair with the Senator from New York to the Senator from

. Indiana, and therefore I have already voted "ye81." Mr. RANSOM. I desire to state that my colleague [Mr. VANCE] is

paired with the Senator from New Jersey, [Mr. SEWELL.] The result was announced-yeas 20, nays 20; as follows :

YEAS-20. Bayard, Coke, .Hn,m:pfun, Brown, Davis of W. Va., Harris, Butler, Farley, Johnston,

8~. George, McPherson, Gorman, Morgan,

NAYS-20. Blair Dawes, Ingalls, B~ide, - Ferry, McDill, Cameron of Pa., ]'rye, McMillan, Cameron of Wis., Harrison, Mahone, Con~er, Hoar, Miller,

ABSENT-36, .Allison, Garland, Jones of Florida, Anthony, Groome, Jones of Nevada, Beck, Grover, Kellogg, Camden, Halei Lamar, Conkling, Haw ey, Logan, Davis of lllinois, Hill of Colorado, Maxey, Edgerton, Hill of Georgia, Roll.in8, Edmunds, .Jackson, Sanl8bury, Fair, J OBaS, Saunders

Pendleton, Pngb. Baiisom, Slater, Vest.

Mitchell, Morrill, Platt of Conn., Platt of N.Y., Plumb.

Sawyer, Sewell, Sherman, Teller, Vance, VanWyck. Voorhees, Walker, Wi.l.lia.m.s

So the motion was not agreed to. Mr. DAWES. Mr. President, I move that the Senate do now ad­

journ. The motion was agreed to; ana (at four o'clock and twenty-seven

minutes p. m.) the Senate adjourned.

THURSD.A.Y, April 14, 1881. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. J. J. BuLLocK, D. D. The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved.

OFFICERS OF THE SENATE. The VICE-PRESIDENT. The Chair lays before the Senate the

unfinished business of yesterday, being the resolution of the Senator­from Massachusetts [Mr. DAWES] providing for the election of cer­tain officers of the Senate, the pending question being on the motion of the Senator from Ohio [Mr. PENDLETON] to postpone the resolution indefinitely, on which motion the yea-s and nays have been ordered.

Mr. PENDLETON. I move that the Senate proceed to the con­sideration of executive business, unless there is some objection to the. motion at this time.

Mr. INGALLS. I suggest to the Senator from Ohio to suspend the motion for a few moments, if he has no objection.

Mr. PENDLETON. I will do almost anything that the Senator from Kansas desires except act on the pending resolution.

Mr. DAWES. The other side is so thin that I .h&dly think the Senator should take advantage of the absence of his friends.

Mr. PENDLETON. I would not do that for the world. After a pause, during which Mr. DAVIS, of West Virginia, and other

Senators entered the Chamber, Mr. DAVIS, of West Virginia. Had we not better have a call of

the Senate if there is not a quorum present 7 I suggest it to the Chair. That, I suppose, will enable the Senator from Massachusetts to gather up his forces, if that is what he is waiting for.

Mr. DAWES. .A.ny course that is most acceptable to the Senator from West Virginia or the Senator from Ohio, who very courteously suspended a motion he made a moment ago, will be a~eeable to me. I should prefer, though, to have a vote on the resolutiOn.

Mr. PENDLETON. There would not be a quorum. Mr. DAWES. I think I should be willing to take the risk of a vote

on the resolution. Mr. DAVIS, of West Virginia. If the Senator does not wish a call

of the Senate, I move that we now proceed to the consideration of executive business. That is the legitimate business before the Sen­ate and that is the business we ought to transact.

Mr. DAWES. I think we should get along better if we should take a vote on the resolution.

Mr. DAVIS, of West Virginia. I wish to say to my friend that if he waits for that he will wait until he is grayer than he is now. I do not know how long it may be, but certainly it will be a good while.

Mr. DA WEB. I regret exceedingly to hear so unpatriotic a remark from the Senator from West Virginia.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The question is on the motion of the Senator from West Virginia that the Senate proceed to the consider­ation of executive business. [Putting the question.] The noes seem to have it.

Mr. DAVIS, of West Virginia. I callfor the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered, and the Secretary proceeded too

call the roll. Mr. BECK, (when his name was called.) I desire to announce for

the day that I am paired on all questions with the Senator from Maine, [Mr. HALE.] I should vote "yea" if I were not paired.

Mr. CAMDEN1 (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from WIBConsin [Mr. SAWYER] if he is not in the Chamber~ I should vote "yea" if he were present.

Mr. HARRISON, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from Maryland, [Mr. GoRMAN.]

Mr. HILL, of Georgia, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from Rhode Island, [Mr. ANTHoNY.] If he were present, I should vote "yea. "

Mr. JONAS, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from Minnesota, [Mr. EDGERTON.]

Mr. KELLOGG, (when his name was called.) On this question I am paired with the Senator from illinois, [Mr. DAVIS.]

Mr. LOGAN, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the­Senator from Maryland, [Mr. GROOME.]

Mr. COKE, _(when Mr. MAxEY's name was called.) Mycolleague, Mr. MAXEY, is paired with the Senator from Colorado, [Mr. TELLER.] I make the announcement for the day.

Mr. WALKER, (when his name was called.) I am paired with the Senator from Colorado, [Mr. HILL.]

The roll-call was concluded. Mr. SAULSBURY, (after having voted in the affirmative.) I de­

sire to .withdraw my vote. I had forgotten at the time that I am paired with the Senator from Ohio, [Mr. SHERMAN.)

Mr. PLATT, of Connecticut. I am requested to announce that th& Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. CAMERON] is paired with the Senator from Missouri, [Mr. COCKRELL.]

Mr. BLAIR. I wish to announce that my colleague [Mr.ROLLINS] is absent from necessity, and that he is paired with the Senator from Florida, [Mr. JO~'ES.]

Mr. HARRIS. I desire to say that I agreed to pair with the Sen­ator from New York [Mr. CoNKLING] during hiB absence. The Sen­ator from Indiana [Mr. VOORHEES] being also absent, I have trans­fened my pair with the Senator from New York to the Senator from Indiana. I make the announcement for the day upon all questions­that may be voted on.