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The elements of serious injury and imminent threat of serious injury not having been established, it is
hereby recommended that no definitive general safeguard measure be imposed on the importation of gray
Portland cement.[7]
The DTI sought the opinion of the Secretary of Justice whether it could still impose a
definitive safeguard measure notwithstanding the negative finding of the Tariff Commission.
After the Secretary of Justice opined that the DTI could not do so under the SMA,
[8]
the DTI
Secretary then promulgated a Decision[9]
wherein he expressed the DTIs disagreement with
the conclusions of the Tariff Commission, but at the same time, ultimately denying Philcemcorsapplication for safeguard measures on the ground that the he was bound to do so in light of the
Tariff Commissions negative findings.[10]
Philcemcor challenged this Decisionof the DTI Secretary by filing with the Court of Appeals
a Petition for Certiorari, Prohibition and Mandamus[11]
seeking to set aside the DTI Decision,as
well as the Tariff Commissions Report. It prayed that the Court of Appeals direct the DTISecretary to disregard the Report and to render judgment independently of the Report.
Philcemcor argued that the DTI Secretary, vested as he is under the law with the power of
review, is not bound to adopt the recommendations of the Tariff Commission; and, that the
Report is void, as it is predicated on a flawed framework, inconsistent inferences and erroneous
methodology.[12]
The Court of Appeals Twelfth Division, in a Decision[13]
penned by Court of Appeals
Associate Justice Elvi John Asuncion,
[14]
partially granted Philcemcors petition. The appellatecourt ruled that it had jurisdiction over the petition for certiorari since it alleged grave abuse of
discretion. While it refused to annul the findings of the Tariff Commission,[15]
it also held that
the DTI Secretary was not bound by the factual findings of the Tariff Commission since suchfindings are merely recommendatory and they fall within the ambit of the Secretarys
discretionary review. It determined that the legislative intent is to grant the DTI Secretary the
power to make a final decision on the Tariff Commissions recommendation.[16]
On 23 June 2003, Southern Cross filed the present petition, arguing that the Court of
Appeals has no jurisdiction over Philcemcors petition, as the proper remedy is a petition forreview with the CTA conformably with the SMA, and; that the factual findings of the Tariff
Commission on the existence or non-existence of conditions warranting the imposition of
general safeguard measures are binding upon the DTI Secretary.
Despite the fact that the Court of Appeals Decisionhad not yet become final, its binding
force was cited by the DTI Secretary when he issued a new Decisionon 25 June 2003, whereinhe ruled that that in light of the appellate courts Decision, there was no longer any legal
impediment to his deciding Philcemcors application for definitive safeguard measures.[17]
He
made a determination that, contrary to the findings of the Tariff Commission, the local cement
industry had suffered serious injury as a result of the import surges.[18]
Accordingly, he imposed
a definitive safeguard measure on the importation of gray Portland cement, in the form of a
definitive safeguard duty in the amount of P20.60/40 kg. bag for three years on imported gray
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Portland Cement.[19]
On 7 July 2003, Southern Cross filed with the Court a Very Urgent Application for a
Temporary Restraining Order and/or A Writ of Preliminary Injunction (TRO Application),
seeking to enjoin the DTI Secretary from enforcing his Decision of 25 June 2003 in view of the
pending petition before this Court. Philcemcor filed an opposition, claiming, among others, that
it is not this Court but the CTA that has jurisdiction over the application under the law.
On 1 August 2003, Southern Cross filed with the CTA a Petition for Review, assailing the
DTI Secretarys 25 June 2003 Decisionwhich imposed the definite safeguard measure. Yet
Southern Cross did not promptly inform this Court about this filing. The first time the Court would
learn about this Petitionwith the CTA was when Southern Cross mentioned such fact in a
pleading dated 11 August 2003 and filed the next day with this Court.[20]
Philcemcor argued before this Court that Southern Cross had deliberately and willfully
resorted to forum-shopping; that the CTA, being a special court of limited jurisdiction, could only
review the ruling of the DTI Secretary when a safeguard measure is imposed; and that the
factual findings of the Tariff Commission are not binding on the DTI Secretary.[21]
After giving due course to Southern Crosss Petition, the Court called the case for oral
argument on 18 February 2004.[22]
At the oral argument, attended by the counsel for
Philcemcor and Southern Cross and the Office of the Solicitor General, the Court simplified the
issues in this wise: (i) whether the Decisionof the DTI Secretary is appealable to the CTA or the
Court of Appeals; (ii) assuming that the Court of Appeals has jurisdiction, whether its Decisionis
in accordance with law; and, whether a Temporary Restraining Orderis warranted.[23]
After the parties had filed their respective memoranda, the Courts Second Division, towhich the case had been assigned, promulgated its Decisiongranting Southern Crosss Petition.
[24]The Decision was unanimous, without any separate or concurring opinion.
The Court ruled that the Court of Appeals had no jurisdiction over Philcemcors Petition, the
proper remedy under Section 29 of the SMA being a petition for review with the CTA; and that
the Court of Appeals erred in ruling that the DTI Secretary was not bound by the negative
determination of the Tariff Commission and could therefore impose the general safeguard
measures, since Section 5 of the SMA precisely required that the Tariff Commission make apositive final determination before the DTI Secretary could impose these measures. Anent the
argument that Southern Cross had committed forum-shopping, the Court concluded that therewas no evident malicious intent to subvert procedural rules so as to match the standard under
Section 5, Rule 7 of the Rules of Court of willful and deliberate forum shopping. Accordingly, the
Decisionof the Court of Appeals dated 5 June 2003 was declared null and void.
The Court likewise found it necessary to nullify the Decisionof the DTI Secretary dated 25June 2003, rendered after the filing of this present Petition. This Decisionby the DTI Secretary
had cited the obligatory force of the null and void Court of Appeals Decision, notwithstanding
the fact that the decision of the appellate court was not yet final and executory. Considering that
the decision of the Court of Appeals was a nullity to begin with, the inescapable conclusion was
that the new decision of the DTI Secretary, prescinding as it did from the imprimatur of the
decision of the Court of Appeals, was a nullity as well.
After the Decisionwas reported in the media, there was a flurry of newspaper articles citing
alleged negative reactions to the ruling by the counsel for Philcemcor, the DTI Secretary, and
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others.[25]
Both respondents promptly filed their respective motions for reconsideration.
On 21 September 2004, the Court En Bancresolved, upon motion of respondents, to accept
the petition and resolve the Motions for Reconsideration.[26]
The case was then reheard[27]
on
oral argument on 1 March 2005. During the hearing, the Court elicited from the parties their
arguments on the two central issues as discussed in the assailed Decision, pertaining to the
jurisdictional aspect and to the substantive aspect of whether the DTI Secretary may impose ageneral safeguard measure despite a negative determination by the Tariff Commission. The
Court chose not to hear argumentation on the peripheral issue of forum-shopping,[28]
although
this question shall be tackled herein shortly. Another point of concern emerged during oralarguments on the exercise of quasi-judicial powers by the Tariff Commission, and the parties
were required by the Court to discuss in their respective memoranda whether the Tariff
Commission could validly exercise quasi-judicial powers in the exercise of its mandate under
the SMA.
The Court has likewise been notified that subsequent to the rendition of the Courts
Decision, Philcemcor filed a Petition for Extensionof the Safeguard Measurewith the DTI,
which has been referred to the Tariff Commission.[29]
In an Urgent Motion dated 21 December
2004, Southern Cross prayed that Philcemcor, the DTI, the Bureau of Customs, and the Tariff
Commission be directed to cease and desist from taking any and all actions pursuant to or
under the null and void CA Decision and DTI Decision, including proceedings to extend the
safeguard measure.[30]
In a Manifestation and Motion dated 23 June 2004, the Tariff
Commission informed the Court that since no prohibitory injunction or order of such nature had
been issued by any court against the Tariff Commission, the Commission proceeded to
complete its investigation on the petition for extension, pursuant to Section 9 of the SMA, but
opted to defer transmittal of its report to the DTI Secretary pending guidance from this Courton the propriety of such a step considering this pending Motion for Reconsideration. In a
Resolution dated 5 July 2005, the Court directed the parties to maintain the status quo effective
of even date, and until further orders from this Court. The denial of the pending motions for
reconsideration will obviously render the pending petition for extension academic.
I. Jurisdiction of the Court of Tax Appeals
Under Section 29 of the SMA
The first core issue resolved in the assailed Decisionwas whether the Court of Appeals had
jurisdiction over the special civil action for certiorari filed by Philcemcor assailing the 5 April
2002 Decisionof the DTI Secretary. The general jurisdiction of the Court of Appeals over special
civil actions for certiorari is beyond doubt. The Constitution itself assures that judicial review
avails to determine whether or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack
or excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality of the Government. At thesame time, the special civil action of certiorari is available only when there is no plain, speedy
and adequate remedy in the ordinary course of law.[31]
Philcemcors recourse of special civil
action before the Court of Appeals to challenge the Decision of the DTI Secretary not to impose
the general safeguard measures is not based on the SMA, but on the general rule on certiorari.
Thus, the Court proceeded to inquire whether indeed there was no other plain, speedy andadequate remedy in the ordinary course of law that would warrant the allowance of Philcemcors
special civil action.
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the petition must be filed by an interested party adversely affected by the ruling; and (iii) such
ruling must be in connection with the imposition of a safeguard measure. Obviously, there aredifferences between a ruling for the imposition of a safeguard measure, and one issued in
connection with the imposition of a safeguard measure. The first adverts to a singular type of
ruling, namely one that imposes a safeguard measure. The second does not contemplate only
one kind of ruling, but a myriad of rulings issued in connection with the imposition of a
safeguard measure.
Respondents argue that the Court has given an expansive interpretation to Section 29,contrary to the established rule requiring strict construction against the existence of jurisdiction
in specialized courts.[35]
But it is the express provision of Section 29, and not this Court,
that mandates CTA jurisdiction to be broad enough to encompass more than just a ruling
imposing the safeguard measure.
The key phrase remains in connection with. It has connotations that are obvious even to
the layman. A ruling issued in connection with the imposition of a safeguard measure would be
one that bears some relation to the imposition of a safeguard measure. Obviously, a ruling
imposing a safeguard measure is covered by the phrase in connection with, but such ruling is
by no means exclusive. Rulings which modify, suspend or terminate a safeguard measure are
necessarily in connection with the imposition of a safeguard measure. So does a ruling allowingfor a provisional safeguard measure. So too, a ruling by the DTI Secretary refusing to refer the
application for a safeguard measure to the Tariff Commission. It is clear that there is an entire
subset of rulings that the DTI Secretary may issue in connection with the imposition of a
safeguard measure, including those that are provisional, interlocutory, or dispositive in
character.[36]
By the same token, a ruling not to impose a safeguard measure is also issued inconnection with the imposition of a safeguard measure.
In arriving at the proper interpretation of in connection with, the Court referred to the U.S.
Supreme Court cases of Shaw v. Delta Air Lines, Inc.[37]
and New York State Blue Cross Plans
v. Travelers Ins.[38]
Both cases considered the interpretation of the phrase relates to as used
in a federal statute, the Employee Retirement Security Act of 1974. Respondents criticize the
citations on the premise that the cases are not binding in our jurisdiction and do not involve
safeguard measures. The criticisms are off-tangent considering that our ruling did not call for the
application of the Employee Retirement Security Act of 1974 in the Philippine milieu. The
American cases are not relied upon as precedents, but as guides of interpretation. Certainly, ifthere are applicable local precedents pertaining to the interpretation of the phrase in connection
with, then these certainly would have some binding force. But none avail, and neither do therespondents demonstrate a countervailing holding in Philippine jurisprudence.
Yet we should consider the claim that an expansive interpretation was favored in Shaw
because the law in question was an employees benefit law that had to be given an
interpretation favorable to its intended beneficiaries.[39]
In the next breath, Philcemcor notes
that the U.S. Supreme Court itself was alarmed by the expansive interpretation in Shaw and
thus in Blue Cross, the Shaw ruling was reversed and a more restrictive interpretation was
applied based on congressional intent.[40]
Respondents would like to make it appear that the Court acted rashly in applying a
discarded precedent in Shaw, a non-binding foreign precedent nonetheless. But the Court did
make the following observation in its Decisionpertaining to Blue Cross:
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Now, let us determine the maximum scope and reach of the phrase in connection with as used in
Section 29 of the SMA. A literalist reading or linguistic survey may not satisfy. Even the U.S. Supreme
Court inNew York State Blue Cross Plans v. Travelers Ins.[41]
conceded that the phrases relate to or in
connection with may be extended to the farthest stretch of indeterminacy for, universally, relations or
connections are infinite and stop nowhere.[42]
Thus, in the case the U.S. High Court, examining the
same phrase of the same provision of law involved in Shaw, resorted to looking at the statute and its
objectives as the alternative to an uncritical literalism. A similar inquiry into the other provisions
of the SMA is in order to determine the scope of review accorded therein to the CTA.[43]
In the next four paragraphs of the Decision, encompassing four pages, the Court proceeded
to inquire into the SMA and its objectives as a means to determine the scope of rulings to be
deemed as in connection with the imposition of a safeguard measure. Certainly, this Court did
not resort to the broadest interpretation possible of the phrase in connection with, but instead
sought to bring it into the context of the scope and objectives of the SMA. The ultimate
conclusion of the Court was that the phrase includes all rulings of the DTI Secretary which arise
from the time an application or motu proprio initiation for the imposition of a safeguard measure
is taken.[44]
This conclusion was derived from the observation that the imposition of a general
safeguard measure is a process, initiated motu proprioor through application, which undergoes
several stages upon which the DTI Secretary is obliged or may be called upon to issue a ruling.
It should be emphasized again that by utilizing the phrase in connection with, it is the SMA
that expressly vests jurisdiction on the CTA over petitions questioning the non-imposition by the
DTI Secretary of safeguard measures. The Court is simply asserting, as it should, the clear
intent of the legislature in enacting the SMA. Without in connection with or a synonymous
phrase, the Court would be compelled to favor the respondents position that only rulings
imposing safeguard measures may be elevated on appeal to the CTA. But considering that thestatute does make use of the phrase, there is little sense in delving into alternate scenarios.
Respondents fail to convincingly address the absurd consequences pointed out by the
Decision had their proposed interpretation been adopted. Indeed, suffocated beneath the
respondents legalistic tinsel is the elemental questionwhat sense is there in vestingjurisdiction on the CTA over a decision to impose a safeguard measure, but not on one choosing
not to impose. Of course, it is not for the Court to inquire into the wisdom of legislative acts,
hence the rule that jurisdiction must be expressly vested and not presumed. Yet ultimately,
respondents muddle the issue by making it appear that the Decisionhas uniquely expanded the
jurisdictional rules. For the respondents, the proper statutory interpretation of the crucial phrase
in connection with is to pretend that the phrase did not exist at all in the statute. The Court, intaking the effort to examine the meaning and extent of the phrase, is merely giving breath to the
legislative will.
The Court likewise stated that the respondents position calls for split jurisdiction, which is
judicially abhorred. In rebuttal, the public respondents cite Sections 2313 and 2402 of the Tariff
and Customs Code (TCC), which allegedly provide for a splitting of jurisdiction of the CTA.
According to public respondents, under Section 2313 of the TCC, a decision of theCommissioner of Customs affirming a decision of the Collector of Customs adverse to the
government is elevated for review to the Secretary of Finance. However, under Section 2402 of
the TCC, a ruling of the Commissioner of the Bureau of Customs against a taxpayer must be
appealed to the Court of Tax Appeals, and not to the Secretary of Finance.
Strictly speaking, the review by the Secretary of Finance of the decision of the
Commissioner of Customs is not judicial review, since the Secretary of Finance holds anexecutive and not a judicial office. The contrast is apparent with the situation in this case,
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wherein the interpretation favored by the respondents calls for the exercise of judicial review by
two different courts over essentially the same questionwhether the DTI Secretary should
impose general safeguard measures. Moreover, as petitioner points out, the executive
department cannot appeal against itself. The Collector of Customs, the Commissioner ofCustoms and the Secretary of Finance are all part of the executive branch. If the Collector of
Customs rules against the government, the executive cannot very well bring suit in courts
against itself. On the other hand, if a private person is aggrieved by the decision of the Collector
of Customs, he can have proper recourse before the courts, which now would be called upon toexercise judicial review over the action of the executive branch.
More fundamentally, the situation involving split review of the decision of the Collector ofCustoms under the TCC is not apropos to the case at bar. The TCC in that instance is quite
explicit on the divergent reviewing body or official depending on which party prevailed at the
Collector of Customs level. On the other hand, there is no such explicit expression of
bifurcated appeals in Section 29 of the SMA.
Public respondents likewise cite Fabian v. Ombudsman[45]
as another instance wherein theCourt purportedly allowed split jurisdiction. It is argued that the Court, in ruling that it was the
Court of Appeals which possessed appellate authority to review decisions of the Ombudsman in
administrative cases while the Court retaining appellate jurisdiction of decisions of the
Ombudsman in non-administrative cases, effectively sanctioned split jurisdiction between the
Court and the Court of Appeals.[46]
Nonetheless, this argument is successfully undercut by Southern Cross, which points out
the essential differences in the power exercised by the Ombudsman in administrative cases and
non-administrative cases relating to criminal complaints. In the former, the Ombudsman may
impose an administrative penalty, while in acting upon a criminal complaint what the
Ombudsman undertakes is a preliminary investigation. Clearly, the capacity in which theOmbudsman takes on in deciding an administrative complaint is wholly different from that in
conducting a preliminary investigation. In contrast, in ruling upon a safeguard measure, the DTI
Secretary acts in one and the same role. The variance between an order granting or denying an
application for a safeguard measure is polar though emanating from the same equator, and
does not arise from the distinct character of the putative actions involved.
Philcemcor imputes intelligent design behind the alleged intent of Congress to limit CTAreview only to impositions of the general safeguard measures. It claims that there is a
necessary tax implication in case of an imposition of a tariff where the CTAs expertise is
necessary, but there is no such tax implication, hence no need for the assumption of jurisdiction
by a specialized agency, when the ruling rejects the imposition of a safeguard measure. But ofcourse, whether the ruling under review calls for the imposition or non-imposition of the
safeguard measure, the common question for resolution still is whether or not the tariff shouldbe imposed an issue definitely fraught with a tax dimension. The determination of the
question will call upon the same kind of expertise that a specialized body as the CTA
presumably possesses.
In response to the Courts observation that the setup proposed by respondents was novel,
unusual, cumbersome and unwise, public respondents invoke the maxim that courts should not
be concerned with the wisdom and efficacy of legislation.[47]
But this prescinds from the bogus
claim that the CTA may not exercise judicial review over a decision not to impose a safeguardmeasure, a prohibition that finds no statutory support. It is likewise settled in statutory
construction that an interpretation that would cause inconvenience and absurdity is not favored.
Respondents do not address the particular illogic that the Court pointed out would ensue if their
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position on judicial review were adopted. According to the respondents, while a ruling by the DTI
Secretary imposing a safeguard measure may be elevated on review to the CTA and assailedon the ground of errors in fact and in law, a ruling denying the imposition of safeguard measures
may be assailed only on the ground that the DTI Secretary committed grave abuse of
discretion. As stressed in the Decision, [c]ertiorari is a remedy narrow in its scope and
inflexible in its character. It is not a general utility tool in the legal workshop.[48]
It is incorrect to say that the Decision bars any effective remedy should the TariffCommission act or conclude erroneously in making its determination whether the factual
conditions exist which necessitate the imposition of the general safeguard measure. If the Tariff
Commission makes a negative final determination, the DTI Secretary, bound as he is by this
negative determination, has to render a decision denying the application for safeguard
measures citing the Tariff Commissions findings as basis. Necessarily then, such negativedetermination of the Tariff Commission being an integral part of the DTI Secretarys ruling would
be open for review before the CTA, which again is especially qualified by reason of its expertise
to examine the findings of the Tariff Commission. Moreover, considering that the Tariff
Commission is an instrumentality of the government, its actions (as opposed to those
undertaken by the DTI Secretary under the SMA) are not beyond the pale of certiorarijurisdiction. Unfortunately for Philcemcor, it hinged its cause on the claim that the DTISecretarys actions may be annulled on certiorari, notwithstanding the explicit grant of judicial
review over that cabinet members actions under the SMA to the CTA.
Finally on this point, Philcemcor argues that assuming this Courts interpretation of Section
29 is correct, such ruling should not be given retroactive effect, otherwise, a gross violation of
the right to due process would be had. This erroneously presumes that it was this Court, and
not Congress, which vested jurisdiction on the CTA over rulings of non-imposition rendered bythe DTI Secretary. We have repeatedly stressed that Section 29 expressly confers CTA
jurisdiction over rulings in connection with the imposition of the safeguard measure, and the
reassertion of this point in the Decisionwas a matter of emphasis, not of contrivance. The dueprocess protection does not shield those who remain purposely blind to the express rules that
ensure the sporting play of procedural law.
Besides, respondents claim would also apply every time this Court is compelled to settle anovel question of law, or to reverse precedent. In such cases, there would always be litigants
whose causes of action might be vitiated by the application of newly formulated judicial
doctrines. Adopting their claim would unwisely force this Court to treat its dispositions in
unprecedented, sometimes landmark decisions not as resolutions to the live cases or
controversies, but as legal doctrine applicable only to future litigations.
II. Positive Final DeterminationBy the Tariff Commission an
Indispensable Requisite to the
Imposition of General Safeguard Measures
The second core ruling in the Decisionwas that contrary to the holding of the Court of
Appeals, the DTI Secretary was barred from imposing a general safeguard measure absent a
positive final determination rendered by the Tariff Commission. The fundamental premise rooted
in this ruling is based on the acknowledgment that the required positive final determination ofthe Tariff Commission exists as a properly enacted constitutional limitation imposed on the
delegation of the legislative power to impose tariffs and imposts to the President under Section
28(2), Article VI of the Constitution.
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Congressional Limitations Pursuant
To Constitutional Authority on theDelegated Power to Impose
Safeguard Measures
The safeguard measures imposable under the SMA generally involve duties on imported
products, tariff rate quotas, or quantitative restrictions on the importation of a product into the
country. Concerning as they do the foreign importation of products into the Philippines, thesesafeguard measures fall within the ambit of Section 28(2), Article VI of the Constitution, whichstates:
The Congress may, by law, authorize the President to fix within specified limits, and subject to such
limitations and restrictions as it may impose, tariff rates, import and export quotas, tonnage and
wharfage dues, and other duties or imposts within the framework of the national development program of
the Government.[49]
The Court acknowledges the basic postulates ingrained in the provision, and, hence,
governing in this case. They are:
(1) It is Congress which authorizes the President to impose tariff rates, import and
export quotas, tonnage and wharfage dues, and other duties or imposts. Thus, the
authority cannot come from the Finance Department, the National Economic DevelopmentAuthority, or the World Trade Organization, no matter how insistent or persistent these bodies
may be.
(2) The authorization granted to the President must be embodied in a law. Hence, the
justification cannot be supplied simply by inherent executive powers. It cannot arise from
administrative or executive orders promulgated by the executive branch or from the wisdom or
whim of the President.
(3) The authorization to the President can be exercised only within the specified
limits set in the law and is further subject to limitations and restrictions which Congress
may impose. Consequently, if Congress specifies that the tariff rates should not exceed a
given amount, the President cannot impose a tariff rate that exceeds such amount. If Congress
stipulates that no duties may be imposed on the importation of corn, the President cannot
impose duties on corn, no matter how actively the local corn producers lobby the President.Even the most picayune of limits or restrictions imposed by Congress must be observed by the
President.
There is one fundamental principle that animates these constitutional postulates. Theseimpositions under Section 28(2), Article VI fall within the realm of the power of taxation, a
power which is within the sole province of the legislature under the Constitution.
Without Section 28(2), Article VI, the executive branch has no authority to imposetariffs and other similar tax levies involving the importation of foreign goods. Assuming
that Section 28(2) Article VI did not exist, the enactment of the SMA by Congress would be
voided on the ground that it would constitute an undue delegation of the legislative power to tax.
The constitutional provision shields such delegation from constitutional infirmity, and should be
recognized as an exceptional grant of legislative power to the President, rather than the
affirmation of an inherent executive power.
This being the case, the qualifiers mandated by the Constitution on this presidential
authority attain primordial consideration. First, there must be a law, such as the SMA. Second,
there must be specified limits, a detail which would be filled in by the law. And further, Congress
is further empowered to impose limitations and restrictions on this presidential authority. On this
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last power, the provision does not provide for specified conditions, such as that the limitations
and restrictions must conform to prior statutes, internationally accepted practices, acceptedjurisprudence, or the considered opinion of members of the executive branch.
The Court recognizes that the authority delegated to the President under Section 28(2),
Article VI may be exercised, in accordance with legislative sanction, by the alter egosof the
President, such as department secretaries. Indeed, for purposes of the Presidents exercise of
power to impose tariffs under Article VI, Section 28(2), it is generally the Secretary of Finance
who acts as alter egoof the President. The SMA provides an exceptional instance wherein it isthe DTI or Agriculture Secretary who is tasked by Congress, in their capacities as alter egos of
the President, to impose such measures. Certainly, the DTI Secretary has no inherent power,
even as alter egoof the President, to levy tariffs and imports.
Concurrently, the tasking of the Tariff Commission under the SMA should be likewise
construed within the same context as part and parcel of the legislative delegation of its inherent
power to impose tariffs and imposts to the executive branch, subject to limitations and
restrictions. In that regard, both the Tariff Commission and the DTI Secretary may be regarded
as agents of Congress within their limited respective spheres, as ordained in the SMA, in the
implementation of the said law which significantly draws its strength from the plenary legislative
power of taxation. Indeed, even the President may be considered as an agent of Congress
for the purpose of imposing safeguard measures. It is Congress, not the President,
which possesses inherent powers to impose tariffs and imposts. Without legislativeauthorization through statute, the President has no power, authority or right to impose
such safeguard measures because taxation is inherently legislative, not executive.
When Congress tasks the President or his/her alter egos to impose safeguard
measures under the delineated conditions, the President or the alter egosmay be
properly deemed as agents of Congress to perform an act that inherently belongs as a
matter of right to the legislature. It is basic agency law that the agent may not act beyond the
specifically delegated powers or disregard the restrictions imposed by the principal. In short,Congress may establish the procedural framework under which such safeguard measures may
be imposed, and assign the various offices in the government bureaucracy respective tasks
pursuant to the imposition of such measures, the task assignment including the factual
determination of whether the necessary conditions exists to warrant such impositions. Under the
SMA, Congress assigned the DTI Secretary and the Tariff Commission their respective
functions[50]
in the legislatures scheme of things.
There is only one viable ground for challenging the legality of the limitations and restrictions
imposed by Congress under Section 28(2) Article VI, and that is such limitations and restrictions
are themselves violative of the Constitution. Thus, no matter how distasteful or noxious theselimitations and restrictions may seem, the Court has no choice but to uphold their validity unless
their constitutional infirmity can be demonstrated.
What are these limitations and restrictions that are material to the present case? The entire
SMA provides for a limited framework under which the President, through the DTI and
Agriculture Secretaries, may impose safeguard measures in the form of tariffs and similar
imposts. The limitation most relevant to this case is contained in Section 5 of the SMA,captioned Conditions for the Application of General Safeguard Measures, and stating:
The Secretary shall apply a general safeguard measure upon a positive final determination of the
[Tariff] Commissionthat a product is being imported into the country in increased quantities, whetherabsolute or relative to the domestic production, as to be a substantial cause of serious injury or threat
thereof to the domestic industry; however, in the case of non-agricultural products, the Secretary shall
first establish that the application of such safeguard measures will be in the public interest.[51]
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Positive Final Determination
By Tariff Commission PlainlyRequired by Section 5 of SMA
There is no question that Section 5 of the SMA operates as a limitation validly imposed by
Congress on the presidential[52]
authority under the SMA to impose tariffs and imposts. That
the positive final determination operates as an indispensable requisite to the imposition of thesafeguard measure, and that it is the Tariff Commission which makes such determination, are
legal propositions plainly expressed in Section 5 for the easy comprehension for everyone but
respondents.
Philcemcor attributes this Courts conclusion on the indispensability of the positive final
determination to flawed syllogism in that we read the proposition if A then B as if it stated if A,
and only A, then B.[53]
Translated in practical terms, our conclusion, according to Philcemcor,
would have only been justified had Section 5 read shall apply a general safeguard measure
upon, and only upon, a positive final determination of the Tariff Commission.
Statutes are not designed for the easy comprehension of the five-year old child. Certainly,
general propositions laid down in statutes need not be expressly qualified by clauses denoting
exclusivity in order that they gain efficacy. Indeed, applying this argument, the President would,under the Constitution, be authorized to declare martial law despite the absence of the invasion,
rebellion or public safety requirement just because the first paragraph of Section 18, Article VII
fails to state the magic word only.[54]
But let us for the nonce pursue Philcemcors logic further. It claims that since Section 5does not allegedly limit the circumstances upon which the DTI Secretary may impose general
safeguard measures, it is a worthy pursuit to determine whether the entire context of the SMA,as discerned by all the other familiar indicators of legislative intent supplied by norms of
statutory interpretation, would justify safeguard measures absent a positive final determination
by the Tariff Commission.
The first line of attack employed is on Section 5 itself, it allegedly not being as clear as itsounds. It is advanced that Section 5 does not relate to the legal ability of either the Tariff
Commission or the DTI Secretary to bind or foreclose review and reversal by one or the other.
Such relationship should instead be governed by domestic administrative law and remedial law.
Philcemcor thus would like to cast the proposition in this manner: Does it run contrary to our
legal order to assert, as the Court did in its Decision, that a body of relative junior competence
as the Tariff Commission can bind an administrative superior and cabinet officer, the DTISecretary? It is easy to see why Philcemcor would like to divorce this DTI Secretary-Tariff
Commission interaction from the confines of the SMA. Shorn of context, the notion would seem
radical and unjustifiable that the lowly Tariff Commission can bind the hands and feet of the DTI
Secretary.
It can be surmised at once that respondents preferred interpretation is based not on the
express language of the SMA, but from implications derived in a roundabout manner. Certainly,no provision in the SMA expressly authorizes the DTI Secretary to impose a general safeguard
measure despite the absence of a positive final recommendation of the Tariff Commission. On
the other hand, Section 5 expressly states that the DTI Secretary shall apply a general
safeguard measure upon a positive final determination of the [Tariff] Commission. The causalconnection in Section 5 between the imposition by the DTI Secretary of the general safeguard
measure and the positive final determination of the Tariff Commission is patent, and evenrespondents do not dispute such connection.
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As stated earlier, the Court in its Decisionfound Section 5 to be clear, plain and free from
ambiguity so as to render unnecessary resort to the congressional records to ascertainlegislative intent. Yet respondents, on the dubitable premise that Section 5 is not as express as
it seems, again latch on to the record of legislative deliberations in asserting that there was no
legislative intent to bar the DTI Secretary from imposing the general safeguard measure anyway
despite the absence of a positive final determination by the Tariff Commission.
Let us take the bait for a moment, and examine respondents commonly cited portion of the
legislative record. One would presume, given the intense advocacy for the efficacy of thesecitations, that they contain a smoking gun express declarations from the legislators that the
DTI Secretary may impose a general safeguard measure even if the Tariff Commission refusesto render a positive final determination. Such smoking gun, if it exists, would characterize our
Decisionas disingenuous for ignoring such contrary expression of intent from the legislators
who enacted the SMA. But as with many things, the anticipation is more dramatic than the truth.
The excerpts cited by respondents are derived from the interpellation of the late
Congressman Marcial Punzalan Jr., by then (and still is) Congressman Simeon
Datumanong.[55]
Nowhere in these records is the view expressed that the DTI Secretary may
impose the general safeguard measures if the Tariff Commission issues a negative final
determination or otherwise is unable to make a positive final determination. Instead,
respondents hitch on the observations of Congressman Punzalan Jr., that the results of the
[Tariff] Commissions findings . . . is subsequently submitted to [the DTI Secretary] for the [DTI
Secretary] to impose or not to impose; and that the [DTI Secretary] here iswho would makethe final decision on the recommendation that is made by a more technical body [such as the
Tariff Commission].[56]
There is nothing in the remarks of Congressman Punzalan which contradict our Decision.
His observations fall in accord with the respective roles of the Tariff Commission and the DTISecretary under the SMA. Under the SMA, it is the Tariff Commission that conducts an
investigation as to whether the conditions exist to warrant the imposition of the safeguard
measures. These conditions are enumerated in Section 5, namely; that a product is being
imported into the country in increased quantities, whether absolute or relative to the domestic
production, as to be a substantial cause of serious injury or threat thereof to the domestic
industry. After the investigation of the Tariff Commission, it submits a report to the DTISecretary which states, among others, whether the above-stated conditions for the imposition of
the general safeguard measures exist. Upon a positive final determination that these conditions
are present, the Tariff Commission then is mandated to recommend what appropriate safeguard
measures should be undertaken by the DTI Secretary. Section 13 of the SMA gives five (5)
specific options on the type of safeguard measures the Tariff Commission recommends to theDTI Secretary.
At the same time, nothing in the SMA obliges the DTI Secretary to adopt the
recommendations made by the Tariff Commission. In fact, the SMA requires that the DTI
Secretary establish that the application of such safeguard measures is in the public interest,
notwithstanding the Tariff Commissions recommendation on the appropriate safeguard measure
upon its positive final determination. Thus, even if the Tariff Commission makes a positive final
determination, the DTI Secretary may opt not to impose a general safeguard measure, orchoose a different type of safeguard measure other than that recommended by the Tariff
Commission.
Congressman Punzalan was cited as saying that the DTI Secretary makes the decision to
impose or not to impose, which is correct since the DTI Secretary may choose not to impose a
safeguard measure in spite of a positive final determination by the Tariff Commission.
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Congressman Punzalan also correctly stated that it is the DTI Secretary who makes the final
decision on the recommendation that is made [by the Tariff Commission], since the DTISecretary may choose to impose a general safeguard measure different from that
recommended by the Tariff Commission or not to impose a safeguard measure at all. Nowhere
in these cited deliberations was Congressman Punzalan, or any other member of Congress for
that matter, quoted as saying that the DTI Secretary may ignore a negative determination by the
Tariff Commission as to the existence of the conditions warranting the imposition of general
safeguard measures, and thereafter proceed to impose these measures nonetheless. It is toolate in the day to ascertain from the late Congressman Punzalan himself whether he had made
these remarks in order to assure the other legislators that the DTI Secretary may impose the
general safeguard measures notwithstanding a negative determination by the Tariff
Commission. But certainly, the language of Section 5 is more resolutory to that question than
the recorded remarks of Congressman Punzalan.
Respondents employed considerable effort to becloud Section 5 with undeserved ambiguityin order that a proper resort to the legislative deliberations may be had. Yet assuming that
Section 5 deserves to be clarified through an inquiry into the legislative record, the excerpts
cited by the respondents are far more ambiguous than the language of the assailed provision
regarding the key question of whether the DTI Secretary may impose safeguard measures inthe face of a negative determination by the Tariff Commission. Moreover, even Southern Cross
counters with its own excerpts of the legislative record in support of their own view.[57]
It will not be difficult, especially as to heavily-debated legislation, for two sides with
contrapuntal interpretations of a statute to highlight their respective citations from the legislative
debate in support of their particular views.[58]
A futile exercise of second-guessing is happilyavoided if the meaning of the statute is clear on its face. It is evident from the text of Section
5 that there must be a positive final determination by the Tariff Commission that a
product is being imported into the country in increased quantities (whether absolute orrelative to domestic production), as to be a substantial cause of serious injury or threat
to the domestic industry. Any disputation to the contrary is, at best, the product of wishful
thinking.
For the same reason that Section 5 is explicit as regards the essentiality of a positive final
determination by the Tariff Commission, there is no need to refer to the Implementing Rules of
the SMA to ascertain a contrary intent. If there is indeed a provision in the Implementing Rules
that allows the DTI Secretary to impose a general safeguard measure even without the positive
final determination by the Tariff Commission, said rule is void as it cannot supplant the express
language of the legislature. Respondents essentially rehash their previous arguments on this
point, and there is no reason to consider them anew. The Decisionmade it clear that nothing inRule 13.2 of the Implementing Rules, even though captioned Final Determination by the
Secretary, authorizes the DTI Secretary to impose a general safeguard measure in the absence
of a positive final determination by the Tariff Commission.[59]
Similarly, the Rules andRegulations to Govern the Conduct of Investigation by the Tariff Commission Pursuant to
Republic Act No. 8800 now cited by the respondent does not contain any provision that the DTI
Secretary may impose the general safeguard measures in the absence of a positive final
determination by the Tariff Commission.
Section 13 of the SMA further bolsters the interpretation as argued by Southern Cross and
upheld by the Decision. The first paragraph thereof states that [u]pon its positive determination,the [Tariff] Commission shall recommend to the Secretary an appropriate definitive measure,
clearly referring to the Tariff Commission as the entity that makes the positive determination. On
the other hand, the penultimate paragraph of the same provision states that [i]n the event of a
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negative final determination, the DTI Secretary is to immediately issue through the Secretary of
Finance, a written instruction to the Commissioner of Customs authorizing the return of the cashbonds previously collected as a provisional safeguard measure. Since the first paragraph of the
same provision states that it is the Tariff Commission which makes the positive determination, it
necessarily follows that it, and not the DTI Secretary, makes the negative final determination as
referred to in the penultimate paragraph of Section 13.[60]
The Separate Opinion considers as highly persuasive of former Tariff Commission
Chairman Abon, who stated that the Commissions findings are merely recommendatory.[61]
Again, the considered opinion of Chairman Abon is of no operative effect if the statute plainly
states otherwise, and Section 5 bluntly does require a positive final determination by the Tariff
Commission before the DTI Secretary may impose a general safeguard measure.[62]
Certainly,
the Court cannot give controlling effect to the statements of any public officer in serious denial of
his duties if the law otherwise imposes the duty on the public office or officer.
Nonetheless, if we are to render persuasive effect on the considered opinion of the
members of the Executive Branch, it bears noting that the Secretary of the Department ofJustice rendered an Opinion wherein he concluded that the DTI Secretary could not impose a
general safeguard measure if the Tariff Commission made a negative final determination.[63]
Unlike Chairman Abons impromptu remarks made during a hearing, the DOJ Opinion was
rendered only after a thorough study of the question after referral to it by the DTI. The DOJ
Secretary is the alter egoof the President with a stated mandate as the head of the principal law
agency of the government.[64]
As the DOJ Secretary has no denominated role in the SMA, he
was able to render his Opinion from the vantage of judicious distance. Should not his Opinion,
studied and direct to the point as it is, carry greater weight than the spontaneous remarks of the
Tariff Commissions Chairman which do not even expressly disavow the binding power of theCommissions positive final determination?
III. DTI Secretary has No Power of Review
Over Final Determination of the Tariff Commission
We should reemphasize that it is only because of the SMA, a legislative enactment, that the
executive branch has the power to impose safeguard measures. At the same time, by
constitutional fiat, the exercise of such power is subjected to the limitations and restrictionssimilarly enforced by the SMA. In examining the relationship of the DTI and the Tariff
Commission as established in the SMA, it is essential to acknowledge and consider these
predicates.
It is necessary to clarify the paradigm established by the SMA and affirmed by the
Constitution under which the Tariff Commission and the DTI operate, especially in light of the
suggestions that the Courts rulings on the functions of quasi-judicial power find application inthis case. Perhaps the reflexive application of the quasi-judicial doctrine in this case, rooted as
it is in jurisprudence, might allow for some convenience in ruling, yet doing so ultimately betrays
ignorance of the fundamental power of Congress to reorganize the administrative structure of
governance in ways it sees fit.
The Separate Opinionoperates from wholly different premises which are incomplete. Its
main stance, similar to that of respondents, is that the DTI Secretary, acting as alter ego of thePresident, may modify and alter the findings of the Tariff Commission, including the latters
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negative final determination by substituting it with his own negative final determination to pave
the way for his imposition of a safeguard measure.[65]
Fatally, this conclusion is arrived at
without considering the fundamental constitutional precept under Section 28(2), Article VI, on
the ability of Congress to impose restrictions and limitations in its delegation to the President to
impose tariffs and imposts, as well as the express condition of Section 5 of the SMA requiring a
positive final determination of the Tariff Commission.
Absent Section 5 of the SMA, the President has no inherent, constitutional, orstatutory power to impose a general safeguard measure. Tellingly, the Separate Opinion
does not directly confront the inevitable question as to how the DTI Secretary may get away
with imposing a general safeguard measure absent a positive final determination from the Tariff
Commission without violating Section 5 of the SMA, which along with Section 13 of the same
law, stands as the only direct legal authority for the DTI Secretary to impose such measures.This is a constitutionally guaranteed limitation of the highest order, considering that the
presidential authority exercised under the SMA is inherently legislative.
Nonetheless, the Separate Opinionbrings to fore the issue of whether the DTI Secretary,
acting either as alter ego of the President or in his capacity as head of an executive department,
may review, modify or otherwise alter the final determination of the Tariff Commission under the
SMA. The succeeding discussion shall focus on that question.
Preliminarily, we should note that none of the parties question the designation of the DTI or
Agriculture secretaries under the SMA as the imposing authorities of the safeguard measures,
even though Section 28(2) Article VI states that it is the President to whom the power to impose
tariffs and imposts may be delegated by Congress. The validity of such designation under the
SMA should not be in doubt. We recognize that the authorization made by Congress in the SMA
to the DTI and Agriculture Secretaries was made in contemplation of their capacities as alteregosof the President.
Indeed, in Marc Donnelly & Associates v. Agregado[66]
the Court upheld the validity of a
Cabinet resolution fixing the schedule of royalty rates on metal exports and providing for their
collection even though Congress, under Commonwealth Act No. 728, had specifically
empowered the President and not any other official of the executive branch, to regulate andcurtail the export of metals. In so ruling, the Court held that the members of the Cabinet were
acting as alter egos of the President.[67]
In this case, Congress itself authorized the DTI
Secretary as alter ego of the President to impose the safeguard measures. If the Court was
previously willing to uphold the alter egos tariff authority despite the absence of explicit
legislative grant of such authority on the alter ego, all the more reason now when Congressitself expressly authorized the alter ego to exercise these powers to impose safeguard
measures.
Notwithstanding, Congress in enacting the SMA and prescribing the roles to be played
therein by the Tariff Commission and the DTI Secretary did not envision that the President, or
his/her alter ego, could exercise supervisory powers over the Tariff Commission. If trulyCongress intended to allow the traditional alter ego principle to come to fore in the peculiar
setup established by the SMA, it would have assigned the role now played by the DTI Secretary
under the law instead to the NEDA. The Tariff Commission is an attached agency of the National
Economic Development Authority,
[68]
which in turn is the independent planning agency of the
government.[69]
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The Tariff Commission does not fall under the administrative supervision of the DTI.[70]
On
the other hand, the administrative relationship between the NEDA and the Tariff Commission is
established not only by the Administrative Code, but similarly affirmed by the Tariff and Customs
Code.
Justice Florentino Feliciano, in his ponencia in Garcia v. Executive Secretary[71]
,
acknowledged the interplay between the NEDA and the Tariff Commission under the Tariff andCustoms Code when he cited the relevant provisions of that law evidencing such setup. Indeed,
under Section 104 of the Tariff and Customs Code, the rates of duty fixed therein are subject to
periodic investigation by the Tariff Commission and may be revised by the President upon
recommendation of the NEDA.[72]
Moreover, under Section 401 of the same law, it is upon
periodic investigations by the Tariff Commission and recommendation of the NEDA that the
President may cause a gradual reduction of protection levels granted under the law.[73]
At the same time, under the Tariff and Customs Code, no similar role or influence is
allocated to the DTI in the matter of imposing tariff duties. In fact, the long-standing tradition hasbeen for the Tariff Commission and the DTI to proceed independently in the exercise of their
respective functions. Only very recently have our statutes directed any significant interplay
between the Tariff Commission and the DTI, with the enactment in 1999 of Republic Act No.
8751 on the imposition of countervailing duties and Republic Act No. 8752 on the imposition of
anti-dumping duties, and of course the promulgation a year later of the SMA. In all these three
laws, the Tariff Commission is tasked, upon referral of the matter by the DTI, to determinewhether the factual conditions exist to warrant the imposition by the DTI of a countervailing duty,
an anti-dumping duty, or a general safeguard measure, respectively. In all three laws, the
determination by the Tariff Commission that these required factual conditions exist is necessary
before the DTI Secretary may impose the corresponding duty or safeguard measure. And in allthree laws, there is no express provision authorizing the DTI Secretary to reverse the factual
determination of the Tariff Commission.[74]
In fact, the SMA indubitably establishes that the Tariff Commission is no mere flunky of the
DTI Secretary when it mandates that the positive final recommendation of the former be
indispensable to the latters imposition of a general safeguard measure. What the law indicates
instead is a relationship of interdependence between two bodies independent of each otherunder the Administrative Code and the SMA alike. Indeed, even the ability of the DTI Secretary
to disregard the Tariff Commissions recommendations as to the particular safeguard measures
to be imposed evinces the independence from each other of these two bodies. This is properlyso for two reasons the DTI and the Tariff Commission are independent of each other under the
Administrative Code; and impropriety is avoided in cases wherein the DTI itself is the one
seeking the imposition of the general safeguard measures, pursuant to Section 6 of the SMA.
Thus, in ascertaining the appropriate legal milieu governing the relationship between the
DTI and the Tariff Commission, it is imperative to apply foremost, if not exclusively, the
provisions of the SMA. The argument that the usual rules on administrative control and
supervision apply between the Tariff Commission and the DTI as regards safeguard measures is
severely undercut by the plain fact that there is no long-standing tradition of administrative
interplay between these two entities.
Within the administrative apparatus, the Tariff Commission appears to be a lower rank
relative to the DTI. But does this necessarily mean that the DTI has the intrinsic right, absent
statutory authority, to reverse the findings of the Tariff Commission? To insist that it does, one
would have to concede for instance that, applying the same doctrinal guide, the Secretary of the
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Department of Science and Technology (DOST) has the right to reverse the rulings of the Civil
Aeronautics Board (CAB) or the issuances of the Philippine Coconut Authority (PCA). As withthe Tariff Commission-DTI, there is no statutory authority granting the DOST Secretary the right
to overrule the CAB or the PCA, such right presumably arising only from the position of
subordinacy of these bodies to the DOST. To insist on such a right would be to invite department
secretaries to interfere in the exercise of functions by administrative agencies, even in areas
wherein such secretaries are bereft of specialized competencies.
The Separate Opinionnotes that notwithstanding above, the Secretary of Department ofTransportation and Communication may review the findings of the CAB, the Agriculture
Secretary may review those of the PCA, and that the Secretary of the Department of
Environment and Natural Resources may pass upon decisions of the Mines and Geosciences
Board.[75]
These three officers may be alter egosof the President, yet their authority to reviewis limited to those agencies or bureaus which are, pursuant to statutes such as the
Administrative Code of 1987, under the administrative control and supervision of their respective
departments. Thus, under the express provision of the Administrative Code expressly provides
that the CAB is an attached agency of the DOTC
[76]
, and that the PCA is an attached agency of
the Department of Agriculture.[77]
The same law establishes the Mines and Geo-Sciences
Bureau as one of the Sectoral Staff Bureaus[78]
that forms part of the organizational structure of
the DENR.[79]
As repeatedly stated, the Tariff Commission does not fall under the administrative control of
the DTI, but under the NEDA, pursuant to the Administrative Code. The reliance made by the
Separate Opinionto those three examples are thus misplaced.
Nonetheless, the Separate Opinionasserts that the SMA created a functional relationshipbetween the Tariff Commission and the DTI Secretary, sufficient to allow the DTI Secretary toexercise alter ego powers to reverse the determination of the Tariff Commission. Again,
considering that the power to impose tariffs in the first place is not inherent in the President but
arises only from congressional grant, we should affirm the congressional prerogative to impose
limitations and restrictions on such powers which do not normally belong to the executive in the
first place. Nowhere in the SMA does it state that the DTI Secretary may impose general
safeguard measures without a positive final determination by the Tariff Commission, or that theDTI Secretary may reverse or even review the factual determination made by the Tariff
Commission.
Congress in enacting the SMA and prescribing the roles to be played therein by the TariffCommission and the DTI Secretary did not envision that the President, or his/her alter egocould
exercise supervisory powers over the Tariff Commission. If truly Congress intended to allow the
traditional alter egoprinciple to come to fore in the peculiar setup established by the SMA, itwould have assigned the role now played by the DTI Secretary under the law instead to the
NEDA, the body to which the Tariff Commission is attached under the Administrative Code.
The Court has no issue with upholding administrative control and supervision exercised by
the head of an executive department, but only over those subordinate offices that are attached
to the department, or which are, under statute, relegated under its supervision and control. To
declare that a department secretary, even if acting as alter egoof the President, may exercisesuch control or supervision over all executive offices below cabinet rank would lead to absurd
results such as those adverted to above. As applied to this case, there is no legal justification for
the DTI Secretary to exercise control, supervision, review or amendatory powers over the Tariff
Commission and its positive final determination. In passing, we note that there is, admittedly, a
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feasible mode by which administrative review of the Tariff Commissions final determination
could be had, but it is not the procedure adopted by respondents and now suggested foraffirmation. This mode shall be discussed in a forthcoming section.
The Separate Opinionasserts that the President, or his/her alter egocannot be made a
mere rubber stamp of the Tariff Commission since Section 17, Article VII of the Constitution
denominates the Chief Executive exercises control over all executive departments, bureaus and
offices.
[80]
But let us be clear that such executive control is not absolute. The definition of thestructure of the executive branch of government, and the corresponding degrees of
administrative control and supervision, is not the exclusive preserve of the executive. It may be
effectively be limited by the Constitution, by law, or by judicial decisions.
The Separate Opinion cites the respected constitutional law authority Fr. Joaquin Bernas, in
support of the proposition that such plenary power of executive control of the President cannotbe restricted by a mere statute passed by Congress. However, the cited passage from Fr.
Bernas actually states, Since the Constitution has given the President the power of control, with
all its awesome implications, it is the Constitution alone which can curtail such power.[81]
Does
the President have such tariff powers under the Constitution in the first place which may becurtailed by the executive power of control? At the risk of redundancy, we quote Section 28(2),Article VI: The Congress may, by law, authorize the President to fix within specified limits, and
subject to such limitations and restrictions as it may impose, tariff rates, import and export
quotas, tonnage and wharfage dues, and other duties or imposts within the framework of the
national development program of the Government. Clearly the power to impose tariffs belongs
to Congress and not to the President.
It is within reason to assume the framers of the Constitution deemed it too onerous to spellout all the possible limitations and restrictions on this presidential authority to impose tariffs.
Hence, the Constitution especially allowed Congress itself to prescribe such limitations and
restrictions itself, a prudent move considering that such authority inherently belongs to
Congress and not the President. Since Congress has no power to amend the Constitution, it
should be taken to mean that such limitations and restrictions should be provided by mere
statute. Then again, even the presidential authority to impose tariffs arises only by merestatute. Indeed, this presidential privilege is both contingent in nature and legislative in
origin. These characteristics, when weighed against the aspect of executive control and
supervision, cannot militate against Congresss exercise of its inherent power to tax.
The bare fact is that the administrative superstructure, for all its unwieldiness, is mere putty
in the hands of Congress. The functions and mandates of the particular executive departments
and bureaus are not created by the President, but by the legislative branch through the
Administrative Code.[82]
The President is the administrative head of the executive department,
as such obliged to see that every government office is managed and maintained properly by the
persons in charge of it in accordance with pertinent laws and regulations, and empowered to
promulgate rules and issuances that would ensure a more efficient management of the
executive branch, for so long as such issuances are not contrary to law.[83]
Yet the legislature
has the concurrent power to reclassify or redefine the executive bureaucracy, including the
relationship between various administrative agencies, bureaus and departments, and ultimately,
even the power to abolish executive departments and their components, hamstrung only by
constitutional limitations. The DTI itself can be abolished with ease by Congress throughdeleting Title X, Book IV of the Administrative Code. The Tariff Commission can similarly be
abolished through legislative enactment.[84]
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At the same time, Congress can enact additional tasks or responsibilities on either the Tariff
Commission or the DTI Secretary, such as their respective roles on the imposition of generalsafeguard measures under the SMA. In doing so, the same Congress, which has the
putative authority to abolish the Tariff Commission or the DTI, is similarly empowered to
alter or expand its functions through modalities which do not align with established
norms in the bureaucratic structure. The Court is bound to recognize the legislative
prerogative to prescribe such modalities, no matter how atypical they may be, in affirmation of
the legislative power to restructure the executive branch of government.There are further limitations on the executive control adverted to by the Separate Opinion.
The President, in the exercise of executive control, cannot order a subordinate to disobey a final
decision of this Court or any courts. If the subordinate chooses to disobey, invoking sole
allegiance to the President, the judicial processes can be utilized to compel obeisance. Indeed,
when public officers of the executive department take their oath of office, they swear allegiance
and obedience not to the President, but to the Constitution and the laws of the land. Theinvocation of executive control must yield when under its subsumption includes an act that
violates the law.
The Separate Opinion concedes that the exercise of executive control and supervision by
the President is bound by the Constitution and law.[85]
Still, just three sentences after assertingthat the exercise of executive control must be within the bounds of the Constitution and law, the
Separate Opinion asserts, the control power of the Chief Executive emanates from the
Constitution; no act of Congress may validly curtail it.[86]
Laws are acts of Congress, hence
valid confusion arises whether the Separate Opinion truly believes the first proposition that
executive control is bound by law. This is a quagmire for the Separate Opinionto resolve foritself
The Separate Opinionunduly considers executive control as the ne plus ultraconstitutional
standard which must govern in this case. But while the President may generally have the power
to control, modify or set aside the actions of a subordinate, such powers may be constricted by
the Constitution, the legislature, and the judiciary. This is one of the essences of the check-
and-balance system in our tri-partite constitutional democracy. Not one head of a branch ofgovernment may operate as a Caesar within his/her particular fiefdom.
Assuming there is a conflict between the specific limitation in Section 28 (2), Article VI of the
Constitution and the general executive power of control and supervision, the former prevails in
the specific instance of safeguard measures such as tariffs and imposts, and would thus serve
to qualify the general grant to the President of the power to exercise control and supervision
over his/her subalterns.Thus, if the Congress enacted the law so that the DTI Secretary is bound by the Tariff
Commission in the sense the former cannot impose general safeguard measures absent a final
positive determination from the latter the Court is obliged to respect such legislative prerogative,
no matter how such arrangement deviates from traditional norms as may have been enshrined
in jurisprudence. The only ground under which such legislative determination as expressed in
statute may be successfully challenged is if such legislation contravenes the Constitution. No
such argument is posed by the respondents, who do not challenge the validity or
constitutionality of the SMA.
Given these premises, it is utterly reckless to examine the interrelationship between the
Tariff Commission and the DTI Secretary beyond the context of the SMA, applying instead
traditional precepts on administrative control, review and supervision. For that reason, the
Decisiondeemed inapplicable respondents previous citations of Cario v. Commissioner on
Human Rightsand Lamb v. Phipps, since the executive power adverted to in those cases had
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not been limited by constitutional restrictions such as those imposed under Section 28(2), Article
VI.[87]
A similar observation can be made on the case of Sharp International Marketing v. Court of
Appeals,[88]
now cited by Philcemcor, wherein the Court asserted that the Land Bank of the
Philippines was required to exercise independent judgment and not merely rubber-stamp deeds
of sale entered into by the Department of Agrarian Reform in connection with the agrarianreform program. Philcemcor attempts to demonstrate that the DTI Secretary, as with the Land
Bank of the Philippines, is required to exercise independent discretion and is not expected to
just merely accede to DAR-approved compensation packages. Yet again, such grant of
independent discretion is expressly called for by statute, particularly Section 18 of Rep. Act No.
6657 which specifically requires the joint concurrence of the landowner and the DAR and the[Land Bank of the Philippines] on the amount of compensation. Such power of review by the
Land Bank is a consequence of clear statutory language, as is our holding in the Decisionthat
Section 5 explicitly requires a positive final determination by the Tariff Commission before a
general safeguard measure may be imposed. Moreover, such limitations under the SMA are
coated by the constitutional authority of Section 28(2), Article VI of the Constitution.Nonetheless, is this administrative setup, as envisioned by Congress and enshrined into the
SMA, truly noxious to existing legal standards? The Decisionacknowledged the internal logic of
the statutory framework, considering that the DTI cannot exercise review powers over an
agency such as the Tariff Commission which is not within its administrative jurisdiction; that the
mechanism employed establishes a measure of check and balance involving two government
offices with different specializations; and that safeguard measures are the exception rather than
the rule, pursuant to our treaty obligations.[89]
We see no reason to deviate from these observations, and indeed can add similarly
oriented comments. Corollary to the legislative power to decree policies through legislation isthe ability of the legislature to provide for means in the statute itself to ensure that the said
policy is strictly implemented by the body or office tasked so tasked with the duty. As earlierstated, our treaty obligations dissuade the State for now from implementing default protectionist
trade measures such as tariffs, and allow the same only under specified conditions.[90]
The
conditions enumerated under the GATT Agreement on Safeguards for the application of
safeguard measures by a member country are the same as the requisites laid down in Section 5
of the SMA.[91]
To insulate the factual determination from political pressure, and to assure that
it be conducted by an entity especially qualified by reason of its general functions to undertakesuch investigation, Congress deemed it necessary to delegate to the Tariff Commission the
function of ascertaining whether or not the those factual conditions exist to warrant the atypical
imposition of safeguard measures. After all, the Tariff Commission retains a degree of relativeindependence by virtue of its attachment to the National Economic Development Authority, an
independent planning agency of the government,[92]
and also owing to its vaunted expertise
and specialization.
The matter of imposing a safeguard measure almost always involves not just one industry,
but the national interest as it encompasses other industries as well. Yet in all candor, any
decision to impose a safeguard measure is susceptible to all sorts of external pressures,especially if the domestic industry concerned is well-organized. Unwarranted impositions of
safeguard measures may similarly be detrimental to the national interest. Congress could not
be blamed if it desired to insulate the investigatory process by assigning it to a body with a
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putative degree of independence and traditional expertise in ascertaining factual conditions.
Affected industries would have cause to lobby for or against the safeguard measures. Thedecision-maker is in the unenviable position of having to bend an ear to listen to all concerned
voices, including those which may speak softly but carry a big stick. Had the law mandated that
the decision be made on the sole discretion of an executive officer, such as the DTI Secretary, it
would be markedly easier for safeguard measures to be imposed or withheld based solely on
political considerations and not on the factual conditions that are supposed to predicate the
decision.Reference of the binding positive final determination to the Tariff Commission is of course,
not a fail-safe means to ensure a bias-free determination. But at least the legislated involvement
of the Commission in the process assures some measure of measure of check and balance
involving two different governmental agencies with disparate specializations. There is no legal or
constitutional demand for such a setup, but its wisdom as policy should be acknowledged. As
prescribed by Congress, both the Tariff Commission and the DTI Secretary operate withinlimited frameworks, under which nobody acquires an undue advantage over the other.
We recognize that Congress deemed it necessary to insulate the process in requiring that
the factual determination to be made by an ostensibly independent body of specialized
competence, the Tariff Commission. This prescribed framework, constitutionally sanctioned, is
intended to prevent the baseless, whimsical, or consideration-induced imposition of safeguard
measures. It removes from the DTI Secretary jurisdiction over a matter beyond his putativespecialized aptitude, the compilation and analysis of picayune facts and determination of their
limited causal relations, and instead vests in the Secretary the broad choice on a matter within
his unquestionable competence, the selection of what particular safeguard measure would
assist the duly beleaguered local industry yet at the same time conform to national trade policy.
Indeed, the SMA recognizes, and places primary importance on the DTI Secretarys mandate to
formulate trade policy, in his capacity as the Presidents alter ego on trade, industry andinvestment-related matters.
At the same time, the statutory limitations on this authorized power of the DTI Secretary
must prevail since the Constitution itself demands the enforceability of those limitations and
restrictions as imposed by Congress. Policy wisdom will not save a law from infirmity if the
statutory provisions violate the Constitution. But since the Constitution itself provides that the
President shall be constrained by the limits and restrictions imposed by Congress and sincethese limits and restrictions are so clear and categorical, then the Court has no choice but to
uphold the reins.
Even assuming that this prescribed setup made little sense, or seemed uncommonly
silly,
[93]
the Court is bound by propriety not to dispute the wisdom of the legislature as long asits acts do not violate the Constitution. Since there is no convincing demonstration that the SMA
contravenes the Constitution, the Court is wont to respect the administrative regimen
propounded by the law, even if it allots the Tariff Commission a higher degree of puissance than
normally expected. It is for this reason that the traditional conceptions of administrative review
or quasi-judicial power cannot control in this case.
Indeed, to apply the latter concept would cause the Court to fall into a linguistic trap owingto the multi-faceted denotations the term quasi-judicial has come to acquire.
Under the SMA, the Tariff Commission undertakes formal hearings,[94]
receives and
evaluates testimony and evidence by interested parties,[95]
and renders a decision is renderedon the basis of the evidence presented, in the form of the final determination. The final
determination requires a conclusion whether the importation of the product under consideration
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is causing serious injury or threat to a domestic industry producing like products or directly
competitive products, while evaluating all relevant factors having a bearing on the situation of
the domestic industry.[96]
This process aligns conformably with definition provided by Blacks
Law Dictionary of quasi-judicial as the action, discretion, etc., of public administrative officers
or bodies, who are required to investigate facts, or ascertain the existence of facts, hold
hearings, weigh evidence, and draw conclusions from them, as a basis for their official action,
and to exercise discretion of a judicial nature.[97]
However, the Tariff Commission is not empowered to hear actual cases or controversies
lodged directly before it by private parties. It does not have the power to issue writs of injunction
or enforcement of its determination. These considerations militate against a finding of quasi-
judicial powers attributable to the Tariff Commission, considering the pronouncement thatquasi-judicial adjudication would mean a determination of rights privileges and duties resulting
in a decision or order which applies to a specific situation.[98]
Indeed, a declaration that the Tariff Commission possesses quasi-judicial powers, even if
ascertained for the limited purpose of exercising its functions under the SMA, may have theunfortunate effect of expanding the Commissions powers beyond that contemplated by law.
After all, the Tariff Commission is by convention, a fact-finding body, and its role under the SMA,
burdened as it is