coping theory

PsychologyandGlobalClimateChange

Adapting to and Coping with the Threat and Impacts of Climate Change

Joseph P. Reser

Griffith University, Queensland, Australia

and Janet K. Swim

Pennsylvania State University

Article manuscript submitted to the American Psychologist for inclusion in proposed special

edition focus on Psychology and Climate Change, 15 July 2010

Resubmission with amendments on 30 November 2010

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Abstract

The article addresses the nature and challenge of adaptation in the context of global

climate change. The complexity of climate change as threat, environmental stressor, risk

domain, and impacting processes with dramatic environmental and human consequences

requires a synthesis of perspectives and models from diverse areas of psychology to

adequately communicate and explain how a more psychological framing of the human

dimensions of global environmental change can greatly inform and enhance effective and

collaborative climate change adaptation and mitigation policies and research. An integrative

framework is provided which identifies and considers important mediating and moderating

parameters and processes relating to climate change adaptation, with particular emphasis

given to environmental stress and stress and coping perspectives. This psychological

perspective on climate change adaptation highlights crucial but neglected aspects of

adaptation in the climate change science arena. Of particular importance are intra-individual

and social psychological adaptation processes which powerfully mediate public risk

perceptions and understandings, effective coping responses and resilience, overt behavioral

adjustment and change, and psychological and social impacts. This psychological window on

climate change adaptation is arguably indispensable to genuinely multidisciplinary and

interdisciplinary research and policy initiatives addressing the impacts of climate change.

Keywords: Climate change, psychological adaptation, environmental stress, stress and

coping, psychologically significant behaviour

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Adapting to and Coping with the Threat and Impacts of Climate Change

Yet, even with the most ambitious mitigation actions, the inertia of the system will ensure that the impacts of climate change will continue for centuries, if not beyond a millennium. Knowledge of impacts and the manner in which they would grow over time is therefore critical to the development of capacity and measures for adaptation to climate change. (Pachauri, 2009, xiv)

Adaptation to the threat and rapidly unfolding impacts of climate change has become

a pressing and urgent issue, given the alarming rapidity with which predicted climate changes

are taking place. The question of what can be done to address the global and very human

crisis which is now upon us is refocusing world attention on climate change adaptation

(Pielke, et al., 2007). The threat of what will be very likely consequences of climate change,

have been given palpable reality by extensive media coverage, at times apocalyptic in nature

(e.g., Smith & Joffe, 2009). Addressing the challenges of adapting to climate change is

important not only to ensure the safety and security of human and nonhuman populations in

many regions of the world, but to ensure that immediate and pressing needs do not derail still

vital national and international climate change mitigation policies.

Defining climate change adaptation

In this article climate change refers to the threat and unfolding environmental

impacts of current climate change, with a clear understanding that what is typically referred

to in everyday conversation and with respect to climate change adaptation are the threatened

environmental and human consequences of climate change, not changes in global climate

patterns. Climate change constitutes a complex risk domain, attitudinal object, and social

representation, with respect to a phenomenon which is as much a social phenomenon as it is

a physical phenomenon (e.g., Grauman & Kruse, 1990; Hulme, 2009; Wagner & Hayes,

2005).

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The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) defines adaptation as

adjustment in natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or

their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities (IPCC, 2007b).

According to this IPCC definition, adaptation may include responses made in anticipation of

climate change impacts, responses that are a result of deliberate policy decisions based upon

awareness of current or upcoming changes, and autonomous or spontaneous responses

that represent unplanned responses triggered by ecological changes in natural systems and

by market or welfare changes in human systems.. Adaptation in this climate change science

context often refers to structural changes, such as building more resistant human settlements

and infrastructure or providing ways to ensure adequate and sustainable water and food

availability and micro and macro human system adjustments, such as those relating to

households, communities, institutions, and regional, national, and global governance

structures and policies.

A psychological perspective on adaptation includes many of these human setting and

system considerations, and both anticipated and reactive responses to climate change, but

goes beyond these in encompassing human experience and psychological well being.

Psychological forms of adaptation are very infrequently referenced or addressed in the

current climate change science adaptation literature (e.g., IPCC, 2007; Leary et al., 2008;

Schipper & Burton, 2009). Adaptation as a construct and foundational process has been used

nonetheless in a rich and convergent variety of ways in psychology and in the health and

social sciences generally (e.g., Lazarus, 1991; Martin, 1964; White, 1974). Like evolutionary

biologists, evolutionary psychologists have used adaptation to refer to genotypic changes that

have increased reproductive success and survival, including hardwired behavioral

adaptations. A classic and biological system-based use of adaptation refers to specific

psychophysiological responses, such as sensory habituation to changing stimuli (e.g., noise,

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temperature, or amount of light). But adaptation also encompasses the diverse types of coping

responses individuals can make to changes in their physical and social environments,

including natural disasters and the ongoing threat of war and terror (e.g., Bell et al., 2001;

Holahan, 1982; Marshall et al., 2007). Adaptation is also commonly used to refer to intra-

individual and extra-individual processes and actions that involve, for instance,

accommodating, assimilating, or adjusting to various contexts and new or difficult life

circumstances (e.g., work situations, new cultures, globalization, adoption, chronic illness).

What is distinctive about psychologys use of the term adaptation, particularly when

used to refer to adaptation processes, is that it encompasses and integrates both intra-

individual parameters and processes (e.g., appraisals of situations, affective responses,

cognitive analysis and reframing, disengagement, defensive responses, and emotion

regulation) as well as extra-individual social and situation processes (e.g., proximity and

exposure, collective sense making, social comparison, social construction, social

amplification of risk, and collective efficacy) that influence how individuals and communities

respond to challenging circumstances. This more encompassing set of meanings and contexts

for adaptation is integral to and greatly informs both environmental stress and stress and

coping approaches to understanding peoples responses to difficult and taxing situations

(e.g., Evans & Stecker, 2004; Stokols, 1978).

An environmental stress perspective on the adaptation demands of global climate

provides a particularly appropriate framework for considering adaptation in the context of

climate change (e.g., Bell et al., 2001; Evans & Cohen, 1991, Evans & Stecker, 2004). This

framework brings environmental and human ecological perspectives to the complex

phenomenon of climate change. It encompasses the requisite multiple levels of analysis

needed to adequately frame the adaptation challenges of dramatic climate change impacts and

to strategically address planning considerations and interventions enhancing individual and

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community adaptations (e.g., Winkel, Saegert & Evans, 2009). This perspective encompasses

and articulates with research on environmental perception and evaluation, risk appraisal,

communication, and management, and disaster preparedness, response, and recovery (e.g.,

Reyes & Jacobs, 2006). Disaster research is particularly germane because many of the

projected impacts of climate change will take the form of acute and longer term natural

disasters. Finally, an environmental stress perspective also informs and complements research

on stress and coping, which itself examines and addresses individual level psychological

processes as well as community level coping mechanisms (e.g., Baum & Fleming 1993;

Holahan & Wandersman, 1991; Lazarus & Cohen, 1977).

An illustrative synthesis model

There exist many models of environmental stress, and stress and coping, but for the

purpose of providing a synthetic model that might more usefully articulate with the schemas

and models of the IPCC and climate change scientists, while underscoring the psychological,

we have developed a further organizational framework for a number of the considerations

which follow in this article (see Figure 1). This derives from related and convergent

psychological models (e.g., environmental stress, adaptation, stress and coping models,

protection motivation theory, and the health belief model (e.g., Glanz, Rimer, & Lewis, 2002;

Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Rogers & Prentice-Dunn, 1997; Vaughn, 1993). We first provide

an overview of the model and then describe specific elements of the model as they might

apply to climate change adaptation.

The initiators of the adaptation process, noted on the far left of the figure, are

conceptualized as stressors, and in this context they include direct and indirect experiences

with the threat and impacts of climate change. Initial responses to these threatening changes,

impacts, or conditions include cognitive responses in the form of appraisals of the impacts

relative to resources (threat appraisals), appraisals of possible responses (coping appraisals),

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and simultaneous emotion-based and cultural meaning system informed interpretative and

motivational responses and processes. For instance, individuals who reside in a coastal

community will assess the probability and extent to which they and their family will be

affected by rising sea levels and whether they have resources to respond to rising sea levels

(threat appraisals). They may also assess what they think they could or should do about rising

sea levels and whether what they might do would make a difference (coping appraisal). Their

risk perceptions and coping appraisals though may be equally influenced by the nature of

climate change as a risk domain, the possible symbolic import, dread, and uncertainty

associated with such a catastrophic scenario, prior personal or vicarious experience with

inundation or dramatic environmental change or displacement, and protection motivation and

psychological distancing mechanisms to counter anxieties, concerns, and possible felt

responsibility for the very changed world which climate change may well usher in. (e.g.,

Slovic et al., 2004; Vaughan, 1993; Weber, 2006).

These initial responses influence each other as well as the selection of intra-individual

and behavioural responses at both the individual and community level, which in turn mediate

individual and community impacts. For instance, greater perceived threat can lead to more

worry. Together these responses can lead to intra-individual emotion regulation and defensive

responses or participation in civic action to encourage ones community to develop protective

measures to address rising sea levels (behavioral response). Different coping responses result

in and themselves mediate different types of impacts on individuals and communities.

Doherty & Clayton (2010) in this issue address the psychological impacts of climate change.

These psychological responses feed back into appraisals, affective responses, attributions,

and motivations already mentioned. As the example illustrates, adaptation processes can

change over time, for instance, as particular problems are addressed or as coping resources

diminish (e.g., Lepore & Evans, 1996). Finally, many moderators can exercise influence at

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each stage in the model and examples are listed at the bottom of the figure. For instance,

individuals and communities with fewer resources and institutionalised histories of

powerlessness and disadvantage are likely to be more vulnerable and less resilient to climate

changes due to, for instance, the inability to engage in effective coping responses (e.g.,

Cutter, 2003; Norris et al., 2008).

Climate change threat and environmental impacts and change as stressors

In what follows we extrapolate from research on environmental stress and stress and

coping to the context of global and local climate change, and refer to research from

convergent areas of disaster preparedness and response, risk perception and appraisal, the

psychology of ongoing threat, and applied research employing stress and coping models. The

disaster literature is particularly relevant to this climate change focus given the nature of the

threats and impact events projected in the context of climate change. Yet there are a number

of aspects of global climate change which make this phenomenon and aggregate of stressors

distinct from other stressors and disasters and may alter the extent to which generalization is

appropriate. These considerations include the global scope, magnitude, and temporal horizon

of climate change, which may encompass many generations and likely many centuries, and

the unprecedented character of such dramatic and consequential global changes in known

human history.

Stressors are typically understood as events or circumstances that tax normal

environmental transactions and relationships and initiate and motivate adaptation responses

and stress and coping processes. In the climate change context stressors encompass direct,

indirect, and mediated experiences with global climatic patterns and region-specific weather

conditions and physical environmental impacts. Some communities, such as those located in

regions of Alaska, Northern Canada, and Northern Europe are currently responding to direct

contact with evident physical environmental impacts of climate change (e.g., Kolbert, 2006).

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Yet most communities in other regions of the world are responding to media images and

coverage of climate change and social exchanges, with these images, texts, sound bites,

documentaries, and conversations constituting powerful but indirect and virtual social

representations of climate change and unfolding impacts. It is noteworthy that much of the

media coverage of natural disasters around the world is being discussed, framed, and

explained as manifestations of climate change. This suggests that the public in many parts of

the world increasingly understand and see current and major natural disasters as dramatic,

prophetic, and unfolding evidence of climate change. Current in-depth national survey

research findings in Australia provide strong support for such public perceptions and

understandings of the nexus between natural disasters and climate change (Reser et al., 2010)

and along with more recent survey findings in North America (e.g., Yeager, Larson &

Krosnick, 2010; Leiserowitz, Smith & Marlon, 2010) suggest that public belief in climate

change, confidence in climate change science, and concern about climate change impacts

remains very high, notwithstanding the media attention given to the views of skeptics and

selective survey findings where issues with the framing of statements and questions and

problematic response formats have led to distorting interpretations and reported findings.

Those who directly experience the biophysical environmental impacts of climate change will

likely experience stress due both to their immediate exposure to and personal experiences

with climate change impacts as well as because of their shared and socially constructed

anxieties, expectations, and understandings about future impacts of climate change.

Types of stressors.

Discrete and continuous stressors. Climate change threat and impacts can be

experienced as discrete events and as continuous environmental stressors (e.g., Aldwin &

Stokols, 1988; Wheaton, 1999). Discrete events represent sudden, extreme, environmental

phenomena or life changing events, including natural disaster events such as hurricanes or

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tornados, that occur with little or no warning and impact a large number of people, and

personal stressors (i.e., stressful life events), such as death and illness, that affect fewer

people and may or may not be anticipated (e.g., Bell et al., 2001; Evans & Cohen, 1991).

Climate researchers have warned of more frequent and severe weather-related events

including the increased frequency, heightened intensity, and extent of impact of natural

disasters such as severe storms, hurricanes, tornadoes, floods, bush fires, and other rapid

onset and largely unpredictable events.

In contrast, continuous stressful events or prolonged and adverse environmental

conditions such as drought or a contaminated housing estate or mining region are viewed as

chronic stressors and not event-specific. Ambient stressors are a type of chronic stressor

particularly characteristic of environmental stressors (e.g., Bell et al., 2001). Ambient

stressors can represent regional conditions of the environment, such as pollution or toxicity,

that affect a large number of people but which may not be considered acute because they

approximate low level background noise and may go unnoticed either because they are subtle

or because people habituate to them (e.g., Adeola, 2000; Edelstein, 2002). Climate change

can be understood as an ambient stressor encompassing periodic acute stressor events.

Climate researchers have projected multiple and chronic stressor conditions, in the form of

drought and other more incremental and persistent environmental changes, such as soil loss

and erosion, salination, and desertification. Further, climate changes are often in the

background due to these changes being embedded in natural variations in climate, the

patterns being difficult to detect, the slow progression of the changes which can lead to a

normalized habituation and expectancy, or the effects being perceived to be more relevant for

future generations than ones own..

Natural and technological disasters. In the disaster literature researchers point to

both natural and technological disasters (resulting from technological processes and products)

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as differing types of cataclysmic events (e.g., Baum, Fleming, & Davidson, 1983; Baum &

Fleming, 1993; VandenBos & Bryant, 1987). Natural disasters are more sudden, cataclysmic,

uncontrollable, acute (as distinct from chronic), and are characterised by enormous

destructive power and magnitude. Technological disasters are attributed to human behavior

(not the product of natural forces) and are less predictable, typically accompanied by no

warning, are often chronic, often having no visible manifestation, are less familiar, more

likely to threaten feelings of control, more likely to have complex impacts, less likely to elicit

supportive and cohesive community response, and more likely to foster anger, frustration,

resentment, felt helplessness, and blame.

Global climate change straddles this classification. Human forcing of naturally

occurring climate change is largely the product of technological processes and products,

though consequent meteorological and climate change phenomena manifest as natural

disasters. Indeed, climate change elicits some of the same responses found in the case of

technological disasters, including distrust of government, corporations, regulatory authorities,

and indeed science itself (e.g., Earle, 2004). Global climate change is also unique in that it

presents multifaceted global impacts that will be chronic over a dramatic time frame, and

constitutes a phenomenon not amenable to conventional national or jurisdictional agencies, or

disaster policies and procedures (e.g., Marshall et al., 2007). Many authors have suggested

that framing global climate change in global disaster terms provides a clearer and more

realistic picture of interacting processes and impacts, their true magnitude and extent, the

nature and scale of human impacts, and the imperative to take immediate disaster mitigation

and preparedness measures (e.g., Spratt & Sutton, 2008; Reser & Morrissey, 2008).

Mediating transactions between stressors and coping responses

Threat appraisals. Adaptation and stress and coping models highlight the roles that

cognitive and affective processes play in risk appraisal and selection of coping responses.

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The more cognitive processes identified in these stress models focus on appraising or

evaluating the stressor and possible adverse impacts on oneself and those important to oneself

(e.g., friends, family members, colleagues). These appraisals include assessing the perceived

risk of events, the severity of current or future damage, and who is vulnerable to the risks

(e.g., Weber & Stern, 2010). It is important to note that appraisals include assessing

perceived psychological and human costs as well as the physical consequences of events.

Climate changes can also be appraised as threatening because of their broader environmental

impacts on all life on the planet and can be the cause of anticipatory grief and felt loss.

Risk perception and appraisal are influenced by social factors. Much information

about the world and potential threats and problems comes mediated by way of our social

world (e.g., Berger & Luckmann, 1967; Gergen, 2009), through interactions with friends,

overheard conversations, observations of others, media coverage, and specific risk

communications from health professionals and climate change scientistswith these risk

messages also being communicated through and edited by journalists and media

organizations (e.g., Carvalho, 2007; Danesi, 2002), and via information and communication

technologies including the internet (e.g., Olson & Rejeski, 2005; Pettenger, 2007). Such

vicarious experience, information exchange, and social learning includes the individual and

cultural learning of adaptive practices and competencies with respect to risk, danger, and

uncertainty (e.g., Bandura, 1999; Douglas & Wildavsky, 1982; Kahan et al., 2007).

Social construction, social representation, and social amplification processes are three

theoretical frameworks describing the complex factors which mediate and substantially

influence the publics appraisals of risk, environmental threat, and global environmental

change (e.g., Bauer & Gaskell, 2002; Pidgeon et al., 2003). These perspectives help explain

variation in understandings of and responses to climate change across cultures, regions, and

communities, and across environmental experts, journalists, scientists, and laypeople.

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Social construction as a process refers to how people collectively and through social

interaction impose meaning and order on their world, how they perceive and interpret,

construct and shape, their shared reality (e.g., Burr, 2003; Gergen, 2009). Social

constructions are also understood as consensual understandings and operating constructs and

classifications, thoughts and ideals, shared by members of a society which emerge through

everyday conversation and transactions with each other and with the environment and world

they share. Such entities as nature, the environment, environmental problems, natural

and technological disasters, sustainability and climate change itself are viewed by

many theorists and researchers as, in substantial part, social constructions (e.g., Macnaughten

& Urry, 1998; Pettenger, 2007). A considerable body of research helps us understand the

nature and dynamics of such socially constructed and media-disseminated environmental

threat representations and understandings (e.g., Adam, 1998; Johndon-Cartee, 2005; Weber,

2006). Hence this is an encompassing perspective of particular relevance to adaptation and

coping, and public risk perceptions, understandings, and responses to climate change.

Social representations are shared assumptions and understandings about the social

and physical world (e.g., Moscovici, 2000). They include material culture expressions,

images, texts, other information and communication technology products and information

environments which capture and reflect particular world views. They provide a framework

for the interpretation and communication of our experiences. It is through these commonly

shared and collectively elaborated social representations that we make sense of the world and

communicate that sense to each other (e.g., Deaux & Philogene, 2001; Flick, 1998). Social

representations of climate change include media images, articles, books, magazine covers,

documentary and popular culture films, research findings, and public discourse and shared

understandings about climate change and its nature, causes and environmental and human

consequences. Many studies have been undertaken in North America and Europe which

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examine public risk perceptions of climate change, but few studies have undertaken in-depth

investigations of the nature of media representations of climate change, or the underlying risk

domain of climate change vis--vis other known environmental risks, or how or why climate

change might be quite different from other risk domains in representation and with respect to

public risk perceptions and appraisals and related psychological responses.

Social processes can both amplify and attenuate understandings of climate change

(e.g., Pidgeon et al., 2003; Sjoberg, 2006). The social amplification of risk framework holds

that, as a key part of that communication process, risk, risk events, and the characteristics of

both become portrayed through various risk signals (images, signs, symbols), which in turn

interact with a wide range of psychological, social, institutional, or cultural processes in ways

that intensify or attenuate perceptions of risk and its manageability (Kasperson et al., 2003,

p. 15). The research challenge has been to distil what these research findings and past policy

applications of evidence-informed risk management principles have to say about how

individuals and communities might best prepare themselves for what will be, for many, a

very changed environmental and regulatory landscape in the context of climate change.

Coping appraisals. A second and more individually-oriented response domain related

to cognitive processing of experienced and anticipated stressors focuses on the evaluation of

responses one might make to the stressor. This includes assessing ones ability to engage in a

behavior (i.e., self-efficacy), the perceived likelihood of a behavior to result in the desired

outcome (i.e., response efficacy), perceived constraints on response options, and the relative

perceived costs and benefits of respective responses. Costs and benefits are, of course, often

unknown and therefore reflect a type of risk appraisal. Other coping appraisals involve

assessing characteristics and resources of ones immediate social environment and

community, such as the strength of ones social networks and neighborhood organization

(e.g., Benight, 2004; Holahan & Wandersman, 1991). Coping responses to various climate

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change impacts will be influenced by primary appraisals of the specific impacts experienced

or anticipated, and secondary appraisals of the adaptation and mitigation responses could be

made to these threats and/or impacts. Social processes and media portrayals are also very

likely to influence primary and secondary threat appraisals and coping responses.

Interpretive and motivational responses and processes. How individuals respond to

the perceived threat of climate change is likely influenced by the causal and responsibility

attributions made in the context of climate change. Psychological research shows that

peoples willingness to restore or prevent damage is mediated by perceptions of the causes of

the damage (e.g., Weiner, 1995). Such attributions, for instance, to either natural or human

processes can influence appraisals of and the impact of events (Brun, 1992; Slovic et al.,

2004). The distinction between natural and human-influenced causes may appear irrational in

the face of consequential considerations, but plays a crucial role in considerations of

perceived responsibility, accountability, and adaptation motivations. Even if people agree

climate change is anthropogenically forced, they may not take personal responsibility for

adjusting to current consequences or for preventing future impacts. Indeed research findings

suggest that many may perceive global and distant others to be largely responsible for this

global and distant environmental problem instead of attributing personal or collective

responsibility (e.g., Uzzell, 2000; 2004). Research is needed to specifically examine such

interrelations in the context of global climate change and how these sense-making and human

agency dynamics might relate to assessing and allocating blame and accountability for

disasters.

The emotional side of risk perceptions, appraisals, and responses to climate change

are likely to influence and mediate behavioral responses to climate change, and the

importance of risk-as-feeling is not limited to individual level responses (Loewenstein et al.,

2001; Slovic et al., 2004). Societal and cultural level emotional responses to media images

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and coverage of salient and menacing threats, such as radiation or seemingly cataclysmic

future scenarios, both imbue and reflect strong affective and symbolic responses to threat,

and are informed by culturally elaborated risk domains (e.g., Adam, 1998; Douglas &

Wildavsky, 1982). While only limited research has considered the nature and status of

climate change as a risk domain vis a vis other risk domains (e.g., Townsend, Clarke, &

Travis, 2004), it is of particular importance to ask how emotional and symbolic aspects of

climate change risk appraisals and sense making are influencing the nature and levels of

public concern and underlying adaptation and protection motivation processes (e.g., Bohm,

Nerb, McDaniels, & Spada, 2001; Weinstein, 1989).

Perhaps the most frequently studied affective responses to stressful events relate to

anxiety, fear, and worry, though other appraisal and self-efficacy related emotions are salient.

Environmental stressors characteristically undermine peoples perceived ability to predict and

control the environments in which they live. A perceived lack of personal environmental

control is one of the most ubiquitous determinants of aversiveness, anxiety, and distress (e.g.,

Evans & Cohen, 1991; Shapiro, Schwartz & Astin, 1995). Worry is an important

psychological impact of climate change (see Doherty & Clayton, 2010) which can also

influence other parts of the adaptation process (e.g., Davey & Wells, 2006). Fear, for instance

in Protection Motivation Theory, is conceptualized as a response to and mediator of ones

evaluation of the stressor (e.g., Rogers & Prentice-Dunn, 1997). Fear and anxiety, while

adaptive responses to threat, can often get in the way of clear thinking and very necessary

adaptive responding in the context of imminent natural disaster warning situations (Reser,

2004). Other affective responses, such as hope, may act like optimism, by enhancing the

likelihood that individuals will select coping strategies that engage one with the situation

(Snyder, 2002). A taken for granted assumption within psychology that such intra-individual

responses to the threat and perceived impacts of climate change are an important form of

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adaptation and a powerful mediator of overt adaptation behaviors is not widely appreciated or

understood in the climate change science community. The nature and status of emotional

responses to climate change is an important but currently unresolved conceptual and

theoretical issue, as is the status of environmental concern(s).

Motivational processes are fundamental to considerations of psychological responses,

impacts, and behavior change in the context of climate change. Most stress and coping

models assume that the reduction of appraised threats motivates individuals to initiate coping

responses. The Health Belief Model, for instance, is premised on the assumption that people

are prepared to undertake preventive behavior(s) as a function of their appraisal of the

severity of a threat, the perceived benefits of a recommended health action, and the perceived

barriers to taking such action (e.g., Janz & Becker, 1984). Cognitive adaptation approaches

(e.g., Aspinwall, 2004; Lehman & Taylor, 1987; Taylor, 1983; Taylor & Shepperd, 1998;

Taylor & Stanton, 2007) are also central to understanding intra-individual psychological

adaptation processes, and the suite of cognitive and emotional heuristic strategies employed

to achieve a manageable world (e.g., Slovic, 2000). Motivated reasoning perspectives argue

that functional, self-serving needs lead us to selectively seek information, evaluate evidence,

and form conclusions that validate existing, unreflective, beliefs and enhance self perception

and esteem (e.g., Kunda, 1990; Leary, 2006). Other motivational responses to environmental

threat and stress have received substantial psychological attention: instinctive fight or flight

responding, drives to survive as described in evolutionary psychology, psychoanalytic

defense mechanisms, goal setting, and various manifestations of protection motivation,

whether through attitudinal stance, value expression, avoidance, defensive pessimism or

unrealistic optimism (e.g., Taylor & Brown, 1988; Weinstein & Kline, 1996). These and

other motivational and sense-conferring considerations can substantially inform our

understanding of adaptation and coping responses in the face of climate change.

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A central emphasis over the past several decades in the area of environmental

psychology (e.g., Bell et al., 2001; Bonnes & Bonaiuto, 2002; Gifford, 2007) has been that of

environmental concern(s), and the role which this risk appraisal process and outcome, and

accompanying motivational state, plays in adopting pro-environmental behaviors and

possibly mediating psychological distress (e.g., Hansla, Gamble, Juliusson, & Garling, 2008;

Schmuck & Schultz, 2002). This focus on concern has also been very typical of popular

culture coverage and debate with respect to the human impacts of climate change (e.g.,

Carvalho, 2007; Kluger, 2006; Lowe et al., 2006). But current conceptualizations of

environmental concern(s) as construct, risk response, and motivational state have not

adequately addressed the nature, scope, and uncertainty of global climate change, nor its

important spatial, temporal, and cultural referents and meanings.

These convergent literatures are routinely drawn upon by psychologists when

addressing environmental risks and natural and technological hazard preparedness and

response (e.g., Cvetkovich & Earle, 1992; ORiordan, 1995). Such psychological

considerations and research findings are often not recognized or utilized in interdisciplinary

considerations and discourses, with climate change being a particularly salient case in point.

More recently a number of psychology research teams have begun to systematically compare

and contrast public risk perceptions, appraisals and psychological response to global climate

change as contrasted with nuclear energy facilities (e.g., Pidgeon, Lorenzoni & Poortinga,

2008; Spence, Pidgeon & Uzzell, 2008). This research draws on an extensive research base

compiled since 1979 in the wake of Three Mile Island (TMI) and other nuclear power station

accidents (e.g., Baum & Fleming, 1993; Baum, Fleming & Davidson, 1983) and has since

been directed to many technological and natural environmental threats (e.g., Edelstein, 2002).

The research with nuclear facilities and accidents, such as that at TMI has conclusively

shown that information itself about technological risks can be threatening and anxiety-

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inducing, leading to very real mental and physical health impacts. In this context, for

example, emotionally-focused coping strategies were associated with less stress than

problem-focused coping and denial. In many large scale disaster contexts, being able to

anticipate and manage ones risk perceptions and psychological response in the context of

largely uncontrollable external events and consequences confers very real and

psychologically adaptive benefits (e.g., Taylor, 1983; Aspinwall, 2010; Aspinwall & Taylor,

1997; Reser & Morrissey, 2008).

Types of adaptation and coping responses

Coping responses include actions or inhibitions of single, multiple, and repeated

behaviors engaged in by individuals or groups as well as intra-individual responses to climate

change. These responses can be proactive (also known as anticipatory adaptation and

psychological preparedness), made in anticipation of an event, or reactive, made after an

event (e.g., Aspinwall, 2010; Aspinwall & Taylor, 1997). The two merge when responses are

made to an event in order to diminish the impact of a current event while simultaneously

addressing future events. For instance, individuals who rebuild their homes after a natural

disaster may be adapting to changes that have occurred while at the same time enhancing

protection from future disasters. Nonetheless, the differentiation is useful when thinking

about coping with climate change because many people may not be responding to currently

occurring events attributable to climate change but are instead responding to anticipated

events. Thus, addressing successful coping in the context of global climate change requires a

thoughtful consideration of prevention and preparedness (e.g., Ball, 2008; Keim, 2008).

Different literatures emphasize different types of coping responses. The stress and

coping literature has emphasized individual coping responses. Intra-individual responses to

experienced or anticipated experiences include responses such as denial, environmental

numbness, cognitive reappraisals, and emotion regulation (e.g., Carver & Sheier, 1998).

19


Other individual responses are overtly behavioral such as seeking information, seeking social

support, or engaging in problem solving by changing ones habitat to adjust to climate

changes, or engaging in mitigation. In contrast, research on environmental stressors and

natural disasters has been more likely to include community level responses (e.g., Gow &

Paton, 2008; Peek & Mileti, 2002). Community responses to stressors include volunteerism

and helping neighbors cope with lack of water, basic amenities, or destruction of ones home.

It is not uncommon for groups to emerge after disasters that help communities cope with

crises, reflecting the interactive dynamics of collective coping, community resilience, and a

crisis-initiated and renewed group identity and sense of community (e.g., Holahan &

Wandersman, 1991; Gow & Paton, 2008). These community responses may be particularly

important to take into account when considering coping with the impacts of climate change

given the breadth and duration of the impacts, and the differential impacts of climate change

for communities in differing geographic and socioeconomic circumstances. In the context of

climate change, additional and specific types of psychological and social responses that have

not typically been examined in past research may need to be addressed, such as abandoning

social or moral order, reliance on dogmatic beliefs, or rejecting consumer driven lifestyles

(e.g., Eckersley, 2008).

Moderators of adaptation and coping processes

Many personal and contextual variables have been theorized and tested as predictors

and moderators of individuals and communities adaptation and coping responses and many

of these are likely to be important factors in public adaptation to climate change (e.g., Bell et

al., 2001; Winkel et al., 2009). Several examples are listed in Figure 1. Sometimes these

variables predict appraisals and preferences for coping responses, such as when optimism

predicts the tendency to use problem-focused coping in reaction to a stressor (e.g., Scheier,

Weintraub, & Carver, 1986). At other times the constructs will moderate relations between

20


the variables in the model such as when the constructs predict the impact of these appraisals

on the coping response (i.e., moderators of the impact of appraisals on coping responses) and

when the construct predicts the consequences of coping responses (i.e., moderate the relations

between coping responses and outcomes; the latter are discussed in Doherty & Clayton,

2010). For instance, neuroticism has been shown to influence not only the choice of coping

responses but also the impact of coping responses on wellbeing (Bolger & Zuckerman, 1995).

Two constructs often discussed in the climate change literature are resilience and

vulnerability. In this literature resilience typically refers to the adaptive capacity of resilient

social-ecological systems (e.g., Schipper & Burton, 2009). Within psychology, and in the

case of individuals, the construct of resilience typically refers to inner strengths and coping

resources for necessary adaptation to situational demands. In the case of communities, it

refers to social strengths and capacities of a community such as in the form of pooled

resources, knowledge, social supports, and social capital (e.g., Bonanno, 2004; Luthar, 2003;

Masten, 2001; Schoon, 2006). Resilience has become the principal theme in the APAs

web-based help line and brochures providing advice and guidance in the context of disasters

and terrorism (e.g., American Psychological Association, 2007; Newman, 2005).

Vulnerability refers to the extent to which systems and individuals are susceptible to,

and unable to cope with, adverse effects of climate change. Vulnerability is a function of the

characteristics of climate change impacts (e.g., their magnitude and rate of change) and

variation in systems and individuals (e.g., degree of exposure to climate change impacts,

individual and community adaptive capacity, and connectedness to communities). It has also

been well documented, most recently and dramatically in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina,

that vulnerabilities can be endemic to systems and places as well as integral to life

circumstances, prior experiences, and socioeconomic and racial disadvantage (e.g., Cutter,

Boruff & Shirley, 2003; Cutter et al., 2006). Vulnerability in psychological contexts is also a

21


very important experiential and risk appraisal domain and psychological response, which is

often not commensurate with objective risk assessment and which typically reflects cultural

and often symbolic meanings and associations as well as individual difference considerations.

Discussion

The question addressing adaptation in the context of climate change framed by the

APA Taskforce was How do people adapt to and cope with the perceived threat and

unfolding impacts of climate change? This brought necessary specification to that which

people are adapting to, and to the construct and processes of adaptation, and facilitated a

clearer and strategic consideration of convergent theoretical and research areas which seemed

of particular value in identifying and profiling relevant psychological work. The matter of

what people are adapting to is in our view critical, albeit complex, as climate change is

clearly far more than the objective environmental consequences and impacts of altered

atmospheric climate patterns. It is also one thing to review how individuals and communities

have coped with a devastating set of environmental changes such as a decades-long drought,

or a catastrophic event such as 9/11 or Hurricane Katrina, or that body of literature relating to

more personal life changes and crises, but quite another to address how individuals and

communities will adapt and cope with an encompassing spectrum of global environmental

changes profound in scope and consequences and possibly extending into the next

millennium. Yet adaptation to climate change also constitutes a quintessentially

psychological matter and our discipline has considerable experience and depth in related risk,

disaster, crises, and promotion of health and wellbeing contexts, and the matter at issue is

human response to dramatically changing behavior contexts, settings, and natural

environments.

While we focused on adaptation in this article, it is difficult to separate psychosocial

and mental health impacts from adaptation processes and responses, either analytically or

22


operationally. They are intertwined aspects of psychological response to the complex

phenomenon of global climate change. Public perceptions, appraisals, understandings,

motivations, and consequent psychological and behavioral responses to climate change

representations and physical environmental consequences are all integral and inter-related

features of psychological adaptation to the ongoing and unfolding psychosocial impacts of

global climate change. Having said this, it is important to closely consider, and to bring

theoretical and analytic clarity to, the construct and processes of adaptation in the context of

climate change, both to communicate the too-often neglected mediating roles and dynamics

of psychological processes when discussing adaptation in the context of climate change,

and to profile the crucial value of an encompassing ecological and multi-level psychological

perspective when considering climate change impacts, interventions, and policy

considerations (e.g., Winkel et al., 2009).

A challenge in addressing adaptation in the context of climate change is that

adaptation is such a fundamental part of psychologys assumptive and theoretical world when

addressing human behavior and in particular people-environment transactions that it is not

always easy or useful to differentiate adaptation from closely related and/or interacting

processes such risk perception and appraisal, sense making, coping, psychological impacts,

and multiple types of intra-individual and extra-individual responses and adjustments. These

processes all fall within the compass of adaptation and the reciprocal adjustments which

characterize characterize people-environment transactions. Indeed from a psychological

vantage point it is arguable that climate change adaptation and mitigation are closely

interlinked, in that it is ones psychological response to the climate change threat and ones

changed thinking, feelings, motivations and concerns that powerfully mediate the extent to

which one engages in environmentally significant behavior (i.e., behavior which reduces

ones carbon footprint, e.g., Stern, 2010). What has received insufficient attention is that it is

23


often the psychological significance of ones behavior and response to perceived

environmental issues that is personally meaningful and motivating. The prevailing distinction

between adaptation and mitigation made in the climate change science literature is

understandable and arguably useful, but problematic in terms of the motivations,

meaningfulness, and consequences of ones actions and their relationship to psychological

adaptation. Indeed more recent interdisciplinary discussions are acknowledging that

adaptation and mitigation are in fact closely interlinked, with this realization itself suggesting

an important research front (e.g., Brewer, 2008).

The challenges of addressing the threat and environmental impacts of global climate

change highlight multiple areas of research need and cross-domain collaboration possibilities,

both within psychology and across the social and natural sciences. A more environmental

psychological perspective places particular emphasis on important changes taking place in

the human landscape in response to environmental changes and impacting processes. In the

context of human response and adaptation to climate change, there exist a number of areas of

crucial need and strategic importance.

There is a clear need to be able to more adequately and sensitively measure, document, and monitor significant changes over time taking place in the human

landscape with credible and meaningful psychological and social indicators which

relate to psychological and social responses to and the psychosocial impacts of the

threat and environmental consequences of climate change. (e.g., Li, 2010; Stokols et

al., 2009).

A pressing research challenge is to more closely address the matter of local versus global environments and places; how these space/place perceptions and connections

relate to environmental concerns, engagements, responsibility attributions, and

perceived efficacy; and how very consequential psychological adaptations to climate

24


change might well involve making the global more local, and the local more global,

through meaningful personal engagement at a local level with this global threat and

challenge (e.g., Uzzell, 2004; Whitmarsh, ONeill & Lorenzoni, 2010).

An important and related research domain relates to the relative importance of direct exposure to and experience with environmental changes and impacts associated with

climate change as distinct from indirect or vicarious experience through media

coverage, environmental documentaries, on line inquiries, and interpersonal

exchange. Given the pervasiveness of media coverage of climate change, it is

important to further explore and document emotional and other reality-conferring

message features which can make virtual exposure to and experience with the realities

of climate change more direct, personal, and motivating (e.g., Moser & Dilling, 2004;

Ornstein & Ehrlich, 1990 ).

There exist very few studies of the risk domain status and cultural meaning contexts and parameters of climate change. This neglected research domain relates closely to

that of the social representations of global climate change, and how media images and

popular science depictions are influencing public understandings of, perceived risk,

other psychological responses to the phenomenon of climate change (e.g., ONeill &

Hulme, 2009). Using what is known about adaptation and coping could be used to

develop interventions to aid psychological and physical adaptation, as has been done

in health psychology (e.g., Aspinwall, 2010; Taylor, 2006), and to develop policy

recommendations.

Psychological perspectives on climate change adaptation highlight a number of crucial but currently neglected aspects of adaptation in multi- and interdisciplinary

perspectives on adaptation. These include multi-leveled approaches and analytic

frameworks that encompass individual and experience-focused levels of analysis,

25


social psychological and motivational process responses to the threat and unfolding

impacts of climate change, and environmental psychological models, constructs, and

indicators relevant to assessing the psychosocial contexts and impacts of climate

change (e.g., Gifford, Steg & Reser, 2011; Wapner et al, 2000).

Psychological research on human response to global environmental change

conservatively spans three decades (e.g., Chen, Boulding & Schneider, 1983; National

Research Council, 1992, 2009; Stern & Gardner, 1981), providing particularly helpful

perspectives and insights on human adaptation and adjustment to environmental threat,

natural and technological disasters, and stressful and challenging environmental changes. But

this highly relevant and extensive body of theoretical approaches, research findings, and

evidence-based applications continues to be a relatively unfamiliar disciplinary landscape in

the environmental sciences. Of particular importance is the conceptual framing and

theoretical elaboration of intra-individual and social psychological adaptation processes

which would appear to be powerfully mediating public risk perceptions and understandings,

effective coping responses and resilience, overt behavioral adjustment and change, and

psychological and social impacts in the context of climate change. This psychological

window on climate change adaptation is arguably indispensable to genuinely

multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary research and policy initiatives addressing the impacts

of climate change (Stokols et al., 2008).

26


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Interpretive and motivational responses

and processes Attributions Affective responses Motivational processes

Coping appraisal (aka secondary appraisals)

Assessing anticipated effects of possible responses and capacity to respond

Self-efficacy Response-efficacy Cost-benefits Situation constraints Strength of community

Threat appraisal (aka primary or risk appraisals)

Assessing whether impacts on self, family, community, culture, and society exceed resources

Perceived probability of risk Perceived severity Perceived vulnerability & resilience

Continuous & Dynamic Process

Proactive and reactive coping response

Intra-individual responses (examples)

environmental numbness cognitive reappraisal such as

altering risk assessment

emotion regulation

Behavioral responses (examples)

seeking information seeking interpersonal or community

social support

compensatory behavior such as changing structure of habitat Mitigation Civic participation

Direct, indirect & mediated threats and

impacts

Discrete (e.g., Cataclysmic) events

Chronic events including

ambient stressors

Psychosocial Impacts

on Individuals and

communities

40

Examples of Moderators of each step in the process

Characteristics of Individual Resilience and vulnerability Prior experience Dispositional optimist

Characteristics of community Resilience and vulnerability Social capital and social networks

Media representations, social construal & reactions

Cultural norms Neighborhood organizations

Characteristics of incident and physical environment

Severity & intensity of impacts Region specific biophysical impacts Proximity & exposure to impacts

Figure 1: Psychological processes that influence adaptation and coping with climate change.

coping theory

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