costis dallas (1987) the significance of costume on classical attic grave stelai: a statistical...

1. Theory and method

1.1 Classical Attic grave stelai and funerary practice

1.1.1 Family plots and grave mark-ers

Attic cemeteries of the Classical period were situated around the main roads, either outside the Athenian city walls or near settlements in the coun-tryside. Various types of mortuary treatment were practiced in Classical Attica, including inhumations in plain, tile-lined or slab-lined shafts, or clay sarcophagi, and cremations in clay or metal ash-urns, sometimes placed within larger stone or wooden contain-ers. Offerings, in the grave or in spe-cial offering pits, consisted typically of pots such as lekythoi and pyxides, stri-gils, mirrors and toys (Kurtz and Boardman 1970: 90-100). With the ex-ception of infants (special infant cemeteries) and warriors who died in battle (polyandria) individuals were buried in family plots. Most plots in-cluded less than six burials (Humphreys 1980: 116), a fact sug-gesting that they belonged to the im-mediate family, the oikos, rather than the extended genos; this fact is related to the close link between the respons-ibility for construction and mainten-ance of the family plot and the right to inherit, restricted among relatives only to cousins and their children, but in-cluding adopted children (Alexiou 1974: 20-22; Humphreys 1980: 98-99).

Classical family plots were demarcated by a rectangular enclosure of dressed stone or clay, lining the main roads go-ing through the cemetery. Such funer-ary periboloi were often decorated by stelai bearing a relief representation, and also by plain, tall ‘name stelai’ lacking a relief, marble funerary vases with or without a relief, and, occasion-ally, free-standing funerary sculptures; a catalogue of preserved periboloi, with associated memorials, has been compiled by Garland (1982). Sumptu-ous periboloi typically displayed a tall name stele flanked by wider relief stelai, and funerary vases on the corners of the front side of the enclos-ure, built of dressed stone; stelai were always used as grave markers, but many stone vases may have been mere boundary stones (Óroi mn»matoj). Stelai showing relief funerary vases decor-ated with ribbons (‘vase stelai’) may represent abridged representations of a family plot; they do not, however, display stelai, and they are too few to be generic “peribolos substitutes” for the less well-off (as in Garland 1982: 130-131).

Conspicuous expenditure was insti-tutionalised in Classical Athens in the form of liturgies; the necessity for the sumptuary legislation of Demetrios of Phaleron and the literary references to the high cost of building a grave (Schmaltz 1983: 140-142) demonstrate that the funerary programme was a prime domain of conspicuous ex-penditure as well. The frequent sec-ondary cremation, connected with elaborate ritual at the pyre, was more costly than inhumation (Humphreys 1980: 100). However, with the restric-tions in funeral form and number of mourners and the appearance of Clas-sical monumental periboloi, burial pro-cess became less important as con-spicuous expenditure than the appear-ance of the grave: a sharp decrease in the number of cremations was noted in Athenian cemeteries during the fourth century BC (Kurtz and Boardman 1970: 96), after sculptured grave markers became popular. In sum:

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The arrangement of the monu-ments fronting the roadside, the exploitation of height for dramatic effect, the use of intimidating sym-bols of strength and power (lions, dogs, archers, etc.), combined with the fact that when Demetrios of Phaleron terminated the series, his measure came as part of a compre-hensive strategy designed to curb unnecessary private spending, all seem to indicate that a peribolos was above all a status-symbol, both suited for and intended to display wealth to maximum effect (Garland 1982: 132).

Excluding the initial construction of the funerary enclosure, an important part of the funerary expenditure was represented by the cost of the optional marker. Apart from stelai set within the family plot over specific burials (Schlörb-Vierneisel 1964: 90, fig. 1-2; Kurtz and Boardman 1970: 98), burials were set in the family plot behind the monumental facade, and were thus dissociated from stelai. Name inscrip-tions identified one or more family members as deceased, and occasion-ally an individual was commemorated by more than one marker (e.g., C109, Demetria and Pamphile, Garland 1982: 140). The regular reuse of stelai and their common unified appearance on the front side of the enclosure sug-gests that their cost, visibility and lux-ury was linked not only with the iden-tity of commemorated individuals, but also with the wealth and status of the oikos at the time when they were erec-ted.

1.1.2 Relief stele representationsMost relief representations on Clas-

sical Attic stelai display one or more individuals in quiet compositions. Al-though it has been suggested that both chthonic deities and the deceased are represented on these reliefs (Couchoud 1923), there is now general agreement that these reliefs show ex-clusively humans; many figures are named by inscriptions set over the im-age, and there is no strong differenti-

ation in the appearance of some fig-ures that would allow their interpreta-tion as deities (Devambez 1930: 213, 218). One-figured reliefs have been in-terpreted as “idealized visualizations of the dead, as they were when still alive” (Johansen 1951: 16). On the other hand, alternative interpretations of two- or more-figured compositions have been advanced, identifying them as, (a), tomb cult scenes, representing an apparition of the dead in front of survivors coming to administer funer-ary rites in the cemetery, in analogy with scenes on white lekythoi (Schefold 1952, 1970; Thimme 1964; Schiering 1974), (b), reunion scenes, representing the deceased ancestors welcoming the newly dead in the Un-derworld (Furtwängler 1883/1887; Devambez 1930), or, (c), farewell scenes, representing the deceased in the company of members of the be-reaved family (Young 1936; Johansen 1951: 53, 56-58).

The last two views derive occasional support from actual examples: some stelai display a human figure in front of a clearly funerary monument (e.g., stele of Hagnostrate, Diepolder 1931: pl. 32.1), other stelai were, according to the epigram, erected after all rep-resented figures were deceased (e.g., stele of Andron, Clairmont 1970: pl. 18). In the majority of cases, however, only one figure was designated by name inscription as deceased when the stele was first erected.

The handshake that frequently links the main figures of the representation argues against the ‘cemetery cult’ in-terpretation, and has been interpreted as a gesture of greeting (in the Under-world) or farewell (from the family). Both these “novellistic” identifications of a specific narrative content in the handshake have been rejected by Jo-hansen, in his attempt to present a unified interpretation of stele icono-graphy, but were recently restated by Davies (1985: 629-30). However, there is no evidence that the handshake had been used to signify greeting or farewell before the first Industrial Re-

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THE SIGNIFICANCE OF COSTUME ON CLASSICAL ATTIC GRAVE STEIAI

volution (Morris 1979: 117-118), and other Classical iconography noted by Davies (marriage scenes, treaty re-liefs) confirms solidarity as the primary meaning of the gesture. In this light, grave stelai are better re-garded as generalized representations of family unity, “which the intervention of death has failed to sunder” (Jo-hansen 1951: 151; Humphreys 1980: 113).

It is likely that the representations of Classical Attic stelai, with a few ex-ceptions such as the stele of Am-pharete (Clairmont 1970: pl. 11), were made to order. The tectonic form of small monuments, such as metopic stelai, was probably prepared in ad-vance, but the small image in the panel could have been added in only a short time, after the stele was bought; the great variability in specific motifs, objects and gestures may have reflec-ted suggestions by the customer. Costly monuments such as naiskoi and the larger naiskos stelai were probably made to order, considering the amount of labour and the commercial risk in-volved in their production (Schmaltz 1983: 136-138). Reworking of the re-lief, occurring in several cases (Schmaltz 1979), is not an argument in favour of the ready-made production of reliefs: no workshop would produce a finished, labour-costly naiskos stele if it was possible that the purchaser would request equally labour-costly al-terations. It is more likely that altera-tions in the iconography coincide with a reuse of these monuments to com-memorate further members of the ori-ginal or another family.

If it is assumed that stelai were bought from stock, a range of grave-reliefs must have been available to the purchaser; the representation on the stele must, therefore have reflected a conscious choice of the family. This is a fortiori true, if it is accepted, for the reasons advanced in the last para-graph, that relief representations were made to order. The reliefs were, there-fore, conscious representations of the family as it visualized itself in a solemn

context, stressing traits and qualities that were considered appropriate and important, at the expense of those con-sidered inappropriate or unimportant.

1.1.3 Human figures on Classical Attic stelai

Name inscriptions were often en-graved over figures on Classical Attic stelai, usually on the architrave of naiskoi, naiskos stelai and large frame-less stelai, or on the shaft of oblong metopic or frameless stelai; their one-to-one correspondence to relief figures suggests that they were intended to identify representations of the named individuals. The frequent mention of patronymic name allows often the identification of kinship relationships. Excluding a large number of single name inscriptions, most names identify individuals, and therefore sculptured figures, belonging to the same nuclear family: husband and wife, possibly with a child or children; a parent, usually the father, with a child or children; brothers and sisters (Humphreys 1980: 116-117).

Oblong stelai on which there is in-sufficient space for side-by-side in-scriptions sometimes show names in-scribed below one another. Assuming that the figures were conceived as rep-resentations of individuals, as shown by the similar compositions on stelai with side-by-side name inscriptions, the frequency of stelai where the name is not self-evidently related to a figure suggests that the iconographic traits of the figures themselves, including their costume, would have provided the ancient spectator with the key for their identification. Other stelai, lack-ing an inscription, are iconographic-ally similar to those displaying in-scribed names, a fact suggesting that they had the same function; names may have been originally painted, a method that would facilitate the reuse of figures for the representation of ad-ditional, subsequently deceased indi-viduals.

When a member of the family died,

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burial took place in the family plot. A new stele could be erected for the oc-casion, and the deceased commemor-ated by primary name inscription, and, on sculptured stelai, identified with one of the figures; alternatively, the name of the deceased could be added to one of the markers already adorning the family plot (secondary inscription), possibly corresponding to a relief fig-ure; in some cases, such as the death of infants, the name was not recorded at all. The mode of commemoration de-pended on the identity of the de-ceased, the availability of a stele of ap-propriate form (e.g., a name stele for the male head of the family) with ad-equate space for the name, the avail-ability of an appropriate sculptured fig-ure to be identified as her/his repres-entation, and financial constraints.

If an individual was commemorated by a new relief representation, the fig-ure identified by name inscription as the primary deceased of the stele would correspond closely with the in-dividual’s social identity, as perceived by the close family circle; in addition, she or he would in all probability be one of, if not the main figure in the composition. If the deceased was com-memorated by an already erected re-lief, the relevant sculptured figure would be selected from those still nameless on the basis of its composi-tional importance and appropriateness in expressing the perceived identity of the deceased. The correspondence of the appearance of a figure with the perceived identity of the deceased was obviously closer when the stele was first erected, and decreased with sub-sequent use restricting the range of possible figure selections. However, certain further identifications would be almost predictable from the time of the original purchase of the stele: a man ordering a stele for his deceased wife would probably select a composition that would be appropriate for his fu-ture death as well. Moreover, rework-ing the traits of sculptured figures, noted above, was apparently aimed at bringing their appearance to line with

the identity of the deceased.

The frequency of erecting a new stele when not all figures of the already existing representation had been named is shown by the existence of nameless figures; these include, apart from compositionally secondary and iconographically distinct figures that are never named (therefore, rep-resenting accessory social stereotypes such as slaves), figures resembling named figures on other stelai. This ar-gument is based on the assumptions that figures belonging to stelai with proper inscribed names did not origin-ally have painted names that are now lost, and that these stelai were not the last to be erected in their respective family plots; both assumptions are reasonably realistic, considering that all advantages of painted names are lost if they are not used for the main figures of the relief, and that, had there been figures appropriate for identification on the last stele to be erected, they would not have been un-used after the sumptuary legislation of 317 BC. Thus, according to the argu-ments presented here, named figures on stelai correspond with the identity of the deceased as it was perceived by the bereaved family; nameless figures, where inscriptions name others on the stele, were either not realized in-stances of identification (e.g., a daugh-ter who was subsequently married, and was therefore not buried with her kin) or representations of accessory social stereotypes.

1.2 Costume on stelai and so-cial signification

1.2.1 Costume as a system of signsCostume traits of human figure rep-

resentations on Classical Attic stelai include the length and arrangement of the hair, the treatment of male facial hair, the combination and arrangement of clothing items covering the body, or-naments such as earrings, and foot-gear. Some, such as hair length, relate

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to a more permanent property of the individual represented than other traits, such as footgear. However, the-ories of costume do not differentiate between strictly bodily traits and the presence and form of clothing items (Polhemus 1978: 149). Costume in the following discussion thus includes not only dress, “the process of covering the body”, but also adornment, that is, the “aesthetic aspects of altering the body” (Roach and Eicher 1965: 1).

In a systematization of earlier de-bate on the origins of dress, it has been suggested that its three functions are the protection of the body from harm, the concealment (or, conversely, the display) of parts of the body, and the differentiation of one individual or group from another (Bush and London 1960); according to the emphasis on practicality or communication, cos-tume in general may be seen either as an object (e.g., having a protective function) or as a sign (Bogatyrev 1982: 125-130). However, although costume on Classical Attic stelai is an object, related to certain processes of produc-tion (carving of drapery etc.), like all visual or written representations it can only function as a pure sign, which “ne sert plus à proteger, à couvrir ou à parer, mais tout au plus à signifier la protection, la pudeur ou la parure” (Barthes 1967b: 18).

It has been suggested that “in order to grasp the social function of cos-tumes we must learn to read them as signs in the same way we learn to read and understand different languages” (Bogatyrev 1982: 128). In his rigorous attempt to study fashion as a sign sys-tem, Barthes (1967a) makes the dis-tinction between costume, the code in the system of dress, and clothing, a specific occurrence of dress, in a sim-ilar way to that of language and speech (utterance). The code consists of “the opposition of pieces, parts of garment and ‘details’, the variation of which entails a change of meaning”, known as the paradigmatic axis, and of “the rules which govern the associ-ation of pieces among themselves”,

that is, the syntagmatic axis (Barthes 1967a: 27). Espèces, types of clothing items, are distinguished from variants, specific traits of these clothing items; a genre is the set of interchangeable clothing items, which exclude each other from a structural position (Barthes 1967b: 102-103).

According to this formulation, in-stances of costume on stelai may be regarded as structured sets of ele-mentary costume traits, some primary (describing the presence of costume items) and some conditional and sec-ondary (describing the qualities of these costume items). The meaning of each costume trait is dependent on its opposition with other traits, which it excludes, and on its articulation with all other present traits. The import-ance of the articulation with other cos-tume traits is shown by the example of the male medium hair: in combination with a stephane, and a forearm, shoulder or bunched himation it signi-fies childhood or early adolescence, while in combination with a lap or armpit himation and staff it signifies seniority (medium-haired male adults appear to be older than their short-haired counterparts). Besides, the cer-tain absence of a costume trait is as significant as its presence: the fact that most adult females do not exhibit medium hair or a falling plait conveys more information about their age than their actual hairstyle.

The validity of the analogy between costume and language is based on the fact that, although costume may have been originally the product of practical needs, as soon as it is defined as a cat-egory, it is related to other aspects of human experience, such as the identity of the wearer, occupation or activity, taste, ethnicity, social attitudes, etc.:

Pour retrouver des objets purement fonctionnels, if faut imaginer des objets improvisés: c’etait le cas de la vague couverture que les soldats romains jetaient sur leurs épaules pour se proteger de la pluie; mais des que ce vêtement spontané a été fabriqué, et, si l’on peut dire, insti-

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tutionalisé sous le nom de pénule, la fonction protectrice s’est trouvée saisie dans un système social de communication; la pénule s’est op-posée à d’autres vêtements et elle a renvoyé à l’idée même de son usage, tout comme un signe s’op-pose à d’autres signes et transmet un certain sens (Barthes 1967b: 266-267).

While the empirical relevance of the actual categories employed by Barthes is assured, since they are derived from written descriptions of costume in fashion magazines (1967b), costume on Classical Attic stelai consists of iconic forms that require explicit cat-egorization; as often in archaeological situations, neither the appropriate level of resolution or detail, nor the relevant sets of interchangeable cos-tume traits are available from external evidence. Occasional literary refer-ences to costume give conflicting evid-ence on its terminology; it has been noted, for example, that “the word ‘peplos’ is usually reserved for the Doric dress whether open or closed, the word ‘chiton’ for the Ionic, though the latter is frequently applied to the Doric, and is invariably used of the un-der-dress, when the two styles became confused” (Abrahams 1908: 46). The conflicting definition of major costume items made it difficult to agree on the categorization of intermediate costume forms, occurring often on stelai; the costume of C803.1 may, thus, be de-scribed either as a Doric tunic with pseudo-sleeves (“everything is still Doric, the overfold giving the predom-inating character to the garment”, Barker 1922: 417-8), or, alternatively, as a heavy Ionic tunic (Bieber 1928: 47). The contradictory use of costume terms, probably due to temporal and geographical semantic shift, and the scarcity of specific descriptive refer-ences, argue against expecting literary evidence to provide the basis for the categorization of costume on stelai.

Before discussing the significance of costume on Classical Attic stelai, it is necessary to examine the relation of

represented dress to actual costume. Bieber has argued, on the basis of ex-periments with a human model, that the dress types represented in Greek, in contrast to Roman art, were taken from actual usage:

There are an inexhaustible number of possible ways to drape Greek dress, despite its simple basic form; the Greek artists of the Clas-sical and Hellenistic period accord-ingly never had to invent motifs, but could choose them from the many possibilities to suit their artistic intentions. In their work, the costumes are as organically rendered as the bodies. There are no mistakes in depicting any part of the dress (Bieber 1977: 12).

The basic type of dress in stelai re-flects indeed actual clothing arrange-ments; however, of all possible ar-rangements, only some occur on stelai. A comparison of different kinds of rep-resentations (sculpture in-the-round, grave stelai, red figure vase-painting), has shown that the frequency of forms both of tunic (Barker 1922: 412-413, table) and mantle (Oehler 1961: 9), varies considerably. Barker advanced the “obvious suggestion” that differen-tiation in dress usage be attributed to “stylistic and technical requirements”, adding that “the more complex cos-tumes of the grave-reliefs are quite in keeping with the genre spirit and smaller scale of their setting” (1922: 410). But, unless Barker’s argument is circular, one is entitled to ask why the “genre” element is more appropriate, in terms of subject-matter, to stelai than to vase-painting, where compos-ite dresses are uncommon. Besides, the reason why the small scale should favour composite dress, advanced by Barker is unsatisfactory; if tunic form is affected only by style, it is not clear why the elaborate, composite tunics should be less common on monu-mental free-standing sculptures than on relatively less conspicuous grave stelai.

Variety in the use of dress forms in different types of Classical art may be

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paralleled to “situational variability” in actual dress usage (Roach and Eicher 1965): it is reasonable to expect indi-viduals to wear a different costume in the solemn context of funerary sculp-ture from that of everyday scenes in vase-painting; monumental sculpture, on the other hand, represents mainly figures of gods and heroes. Differences in costume may thus be explained on the grounds of subject-matter, rather than technique. The popularity of com-plex dresses on stelai may be due to the fact that they represent more formal, festive arrangements than their counterparts in everyday scenes on vase-painting; on the other hand, the rarity of fine, transparent female tunics in comparison with both vase-painting and major sculpture, is prob-ably related to the solemnity imposed by funerary function.

Barthes’ concept of “réserve de mode” is relevant at this point: actual fashion represents a subset of all pos-sible combinations of costume traits, the set of which constitutes a “réserve de mode”; combinations not permitted in a year’s fashion are nevertheless present in the memory of both design-ers and users, and their absence con-stitutes the identity of the current fashion (Barthes 1967b: 185-186). Cos-tume forms occurring in Classical art or in real life may have constituted a similar “réserve”, with which both sculptor of stelai and spectator would have been familiar. Although the sub-ject will not be pursued in this study, since it would require a full comparat-ive examination of contemporary figur-ative art, the fact that some only of these costume forms were used on grave stelai is an important aspect of the definition of costume on stelai.

There is also disagreement about the extent to which details of form re-flect actual costume usage. Morizot re-jects Gullberg and Åström’s contention (1970: 9) that factual conclusions about the texture of Greek clothing can be drawn from artistic representa-tions: “Comment peut-on, d’autre part, ravaler l’artiste au rang d’un habile

technicien? C’est de lui, autant où plus que des sujets, que naît le style” (Mori-zot 1974: 120); she stresses the vari-ation in the rendering in different artistic media of the vertical edges of peplos and himation, and the contrived character of the bunched folds of the himation in marble sculpture, and con-cludes that “il est impossible de con-naître le costume grec, sinon d’une manière approximative, en se fondant sur les monuments de l’art. Le degré et l’esprit de la stylisation varient, mais il y a toujours stylisation” (Mori-zot 1974: 125-131).

Since costume on stelai probably re-flects only the basic form but not the detail, of actual clothing arrange-ments, it is worth recalling that some information on costume is, in any case, lost through representation. Barthes has decided to study written descrip-tions of costume in fashion magazines primarily because they suffer neither from the “plasticity” of dress in image, which acts to confuse its signifying function, nor from individual variation (which violates the established signi-fication system) and the presence of a “parasite”, practical function, affecting the form of real dress (Barthes 1967b: 17-19). Costume on stelai is character-ized by an aesthetic function related to ‘plasticity’, which accounts for the stylization in the depiction of drapery referred to by Morizot, but the effects of style are focused on the rendering of detail, rather than general costume form. Since it is a mere sign, costume in representations does not show the kind of free variation in choice and ar-rangement of garments which would be observed in the streets of Classical Athens. Exactly because of the ab-sence of practical functionality and the limited nature of individual free vari-ation, costume on stelai is, therefore, an appropriate representation of how members of an oikos would be visual-ized by their social milieu.

1.2.2 Role theory and mortuary practice

Goodenough’s role theory (1965)

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has been introduced as a framework for the archaeological analysis of mor-tuary practices by Binford (1971), hav-ing already been systematized in an ethnographic context by Saxe (1970). It is based on the assumption that, apart from personal identity, i.e., the traits of persons that do not affect their social relationships, individuals are required to assume social roles, that regulate their mutual rights and obligations (Goodenough 1965: 3-4). According to role theory, each indi-vidual may be characterized by a num-ber of social identities or roles:

A composite of several social iden-tities selected as appropriate to a given interaction is referred to as a “social persona.” A social persona is (by linguistic analogy) “a gram-matically possible composite en-tity” (Goodenough, ibid.:7). It must conform to syntactic principles governing:

(1) arrangement of social identities one to the other in identity rela-tionships;

(2) association of identities with oc-casions, in our case, death and dis-posal;

(3) compatibility of social identities as features of a coherent social persona. (This also implies the in-compatibility of other identities and persona.)

Thus, in addition to reflecting ego’s nodal position in a web of social re-lationships, a set of social personae (in their syntactic principles) also reflect the organizing principles of the larger social structure (Saxe 1970: 7).

Social identities on Classical Attic stelai are related to the major aspects of social differentiation: the realization of specific roles such as ‘athlete’, ‘maiden’ or ‘wet-nurse’ depends on the sex, age or social rank and status of the individual. Sex and age differenti-ate individuals in an intrinsic, appar-ently ‘natural’ manner (“four years is not forty, male is not female”, Pader 1982: 16), but the concrete social iden-

tities that they constitute are the product of social categorization pro-cesses. In ancient Greek thought, as in many other societies, the polarity of male:female is related to other import-ant oppositions, such as right:left, light:dark, white:black, east:west and earth:sky (Lloyd 1973: 170); the sexes are also strongly differentiated in Greek mythology, with women blamed for the evil and disease associated with the decline of men from the golden age (Kirk 1970: 198). Besides, age is not conceived as a biological con-tinuum, but as a set of socially consti-tuted age grades, each regulated by its own rights and obligations (below: sec-tions 2.1.4, 2.1.5 and 2.1.6); law or custom determine which social identit-ies are possible for members of each age grade. For instance, among male Athenians, the role of a citizen may be assumed only by adults, while that of an athlete is customarily assumed by adolescents.

Aspects of social differentiation that cannot lay claim to ‘naturality’ include: (1), horizontal differentiation, such as deme and phratry membership, and (2), vertical differentiation such as census group membership, related dir-ectly with social rank, that is, the indi-vidual’s inherited position within the social hierarchy. The occupation, cit-izen/metic status, administration of a priesthood or liturgy, and servile status define identities that are associ-ated to a great extent with social rank. These are mostly ascribed social roles, and may be contrasted with achieved identities such as ‘warrior killed in battle’, which are open to all individu-als of a certain sex/age description.

Although funerary evidence has been frequently used to answer ques-tions about aspects of society such as social stratification or sex/age differen-tiation in mortuary treatment (Chap-man, Kinnes and Randsborg 1981: 2-4), role theory, as systematized by Saxe (1970), provided an explicit methodological framework for the so-cial interpretation of mortuary variab-ility. Saxe suggested that observable

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differentiation in mortuary practice is a systematic reflection of social differ-entiation; he also contended that fu-nerary evidence is particularly suitable for the identification of social struc-ture, since “death calls forth a fuller representation of ego’s various social identities than at any time during life” (Saxe 1970: 6). Ethnographic evidence (Saxe 1970; Binford 1971) confirmed that in most societies the disposal of the dead is related to sex, age, social rank and social affiliation. It should be noted, however, that important factors, such as multiple burial, ritual and atti-tudes towards death, interfere with the formation of the funerary record, and complicate its relationship with the so-cial identity of the deceased (Hodder 1982: 10; Pader 1982: 54-62).

1.2.3 Social significance of costumeIn a review of studies on the soci-

ology of dress, it was noted that, in all human societies, role differentiation based on sex and age is reflected in costume (Roach and Eicher 1965: 57). In a study of American boys’ dress dur-ing the 1930s, Bush and London (1965) had concluded that “differences in modes of dress within a particular society are indicative of differences in social roles and self-concepts of mem-bers of that society”. The corollary of this proposition, stating that “the less important it is to differentiate people along a particular [social] dimension, the less likely clothing will be the means of doing it”, is notable, because it implies that, by examining the effect of social variables such as age, sex and rank on costume variability, it is pos-sible to determine their relative im-portance for social categorization. However, since more than one social dimension may be reflected in the cos-tume of an individual, this hypothesis should be modified to suggest that dif-ferent costumes correspond to differ-ent composite social roles, i.e., social personae.

It should be pointed out, however, that costume is likely to represent the perceived, rather than “real” compos-

ite social identity of the wearer; in Classical Greek art, for instance, cos-tume traits (e.g., mantle forms, Oehler 1961: 11) are used indiscriminately for the representation of gods or humans, a fact undoubtedly related to the nature of Greek religion, but refuting the mechanical correspondence between costume form and social per-sona. In fact, the identity of the figures may be denoted by iconographic traits other than costume (e.g., size differen-tiation in Classical votive reliefs), or simply by the context (e.g., a statue erected in a temple, as against one erected in a cemetery). The composi-tions of Classical Attic stelai are, of course, so stereotyped (despite minor variation) that it is difficult to envisage dramatic changes in the significance of costume from stele to stele; it is, nev-ertheless, important to examine cos-tume in connection with other stele iconography, so as to evaluate its im-portance for social characterization.

Additional meanings of costume on stelai include the emulation of cos-tume forms occurring in real life, in other stelai or in contemporary art. In most cases, this emulation simply con-stitutes the elementary process by which costume forms signify social identity (i.e., types of individuals being represented in the costume that they wear in real life), and deserves no fur-ther comment. But occasionally figures on stelai display the same costume as representations of gods: the bunched himation of statuary types of Hermes Psychopompos or Chthonios, such as the Richelieu and the Andros-Farnese respectively, which is found with non-adults in Attic stelai (e.g., C1100.2: pl. 33), cannot be dismissed as entirely meaningless, considering the chthonic nature of the god. However, since the arrangement would have occurred in real life, one is bound to ask if the statuary type adopted the costume from stelai (with its childhood-adoles-cence associations) rather than the op-posite, or, more likely, if both statues and stelai imitated the costume ar-rangement of real life, with unknown

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social and psychological connotations.

Costume may also indicate the im-portance which the wearer attaches to it, his taste or his mood. The last as-pect has been used by Messing (1965) as the key for examining the signific-ance of the Ethiopian shamma, a plain rectangular garment draped around the body in eight main arrangements, each signifying a particular mood (sad, proud, mourning etc.). Messing found that the same arrangement (“symbolic expression 1”) was restricted to males, signifying different things according to the age of the bearer, a fact indicating the dependence of this aspect of mean-ing on his basic social identity. This is relevant to the study of costume on Classical Attic stelai, since there also the figures may be invested by a typi-fied “mood”: assuming that in some monuments mourners are differenti-ated from the primary deceased, they are more likely to express grief at her or his departure (Young 1936). Within the theoretical framework of this study, costume may therefore also re-flect the special social identities of ‘de-ceased’ and ‘mourner’.

Pader recently suggested that the significance of costume is intrinsic, rather than based on convention (1982: 18-27): Kayapo infants of the Amazon wear ear-plugs to indicate that they are not yet able to ‘hear’, and males after initiation wear lip-plugs of increasing size, symbols of oral assert-iveness and oratorical ability (cf. Turner 1979). Without attempting to tackle the complex issue of symbolism, it is necessary to note that a similar naturality of meaning (based here rather on the universal symbolism of the parts of the body, than on that of the lip- and ear-plug) is usually lacking from costume traits on Classical Attic stelai. Thus, male nudity (with or without a bunched himation) is intrins-ically related with the palaistra and athletic exercise, but the bunched hi-mation wrapped around the forearm and drawn back to a support (below: section 5.3.2) is only conventionally associated with hunt; while the female

tunic long overfall is functionally re-lated to shorter, non-adult girls, the male himation overfold is associated with fully grown young adults and not with juveniles (below: section 3.2.17), as would be expected had its function determined its significance.

It seems therefore that, except when a relevant link with the wider cultural context can be demonstrated, most costume traits derive their meaning from their opposition or association with other costume traits. The fre-quency of costume traits varies, sug-gesting that some are more common, and others restricted to specialized use; very different relative frequencies may suggest vertical differentiation (social rank), roughly equal frequen-cies horizontal differentiation (sex, age, social affiliation). Important social dimensions, however, will be reflected not on a single costume trait, but on the entire costume configuration.

There are, nevertheless, correlates of a number of costume traits that can be defined universally. Body exposure, i.e., the display of parts of the body, is determined by the social definition of proper and improper dress, and re-flects the degree of modesty prevalent in a given society. Although, as noted by Fischer (1978: 181), the parts of the body considered to be important vary in different cultures, the degree of per-mitted body exposure is in all societies consistently regulated. It varies not only with the context — “situational variability”, affected by the presence of members of the opposite sex (Roach and Eicher 1965: 14-15) — but also with the composite social identity of the individual. Body exposure on Clas-sical Attic stelai, and its opposite, mod-esty, is highly variable: figures vary from entirely nude athletes, to veiled females with both arms and hands wrapped in a himation. The meaning of this composite costume trait, which has intrinsic significance, is no doubt affected by the sex and age of the fig-ure: the exposure of head and arms of girls in crossing bands and shoulder-back mantle is connected with adorn-

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ment, while that of mature women is probably simply due to reduced need for modesty; these, and other inter-pretations are in fact informed by the analysis of specific costume types.

A second correlate of costume with possible intrinsic significance is its complexity (Pader 1982: 20). Even in-dividual costume traits may be charac-terized as simple or complex: compare the simple short hair of some female maids with the elaborate hairstyles of adult Athenian women. Besides, the number of actual constitutive parts in a costume is an index of its complex-ity; by virtue of this fact, entirely nude athletes and slave boys are contrasted to women wearing a multiple head-band, earrings, a double tunic and a himation, and sandals. Adapting Saxe’s “information content” principle to cos-tume (1970: 69), costume complexity may be regarded as a reflection of the complexity and status of the social per-sona of the bearer. In applying this hy-pothesis, however, the danger of mis-taking horizontal differentiation for rank differentiation must be taken into account (Pader 1982: 60-61; O’Shea 1984: 15-20). The costume of bearded men with a long, ungirt tunic, for in-stance, is no more complex than that of non-adult boys in exomis, but, in fact, the former are reliably identified as priests, and the latter as slaves (be-low: section 5.3.5). In fact, a long tunic was a common male garment in Ar-chaic times; wearing an everyday gar-ment no longer in use as ritual cos-tume finds parallels in Bogatyrev’s eth-nographic material. On the other hand, the exomis is a practical garment worn (with minor differences) indiscrimin-ately by slave boys, craftsmen or war-riors.

A specific case of costume complex-ity, determined by the form and prac-tical or ornamental value of specific costume traits, is ornateness: the double tunic with the inner fine buttoned pseudo-sleeves of some adult women signify adornment, unlike the practical, long-sleeved double tunic of undifferentiated texture, worn by slave

girls. On the whole, however, although the degree of costume complexity is significant, is not so much a direct re-flection of social rank, as a property of the entire social persona, including sex, age and special affiliation.

1.2.4 Chronology and other prob-lems

Several studies have been con-cerned with the chronology of Clas-sical Attic grave stelai (Diepolder 1931; Süsserott 1938; Dohrn 1957; Frel 1969), suggesting that large frameless stelai and low relief naiskos stelai with one seated figure or two-figured compositions (especially of the ‘mistress and maid’ type) are as a rule of early date, tall metopic or frameless stelai and three-figured compositions are dated in the fourth century, and crescent-shaped group compositions, and, especially, large naiskoi, become popular from the middle of the fourth century. Gravestones are supposed to reflect the stylistic achievements of major sculpture, but since they belong to a workshop tradition, a smaller or larger time lag is postulated between major sculptural ‘prototypes’ and their funerary ‘adaptations’. Although the valid analogy with decree reliefs, ap-parently belonging to the same work-shop tradition, has been used to an-chor the chronology of a number of stelai to absolute dates (Süsserott 1938), many small, unassuming stelai with hastily executed relief have not been assigned a date at all.

The chronology of Classical Athenian stelai is, with few exceptions, not based on external evidence. Both minor motifs and broader costume traits and gestures have been used to link gravestones chronologically; for example, Diepolder (1931: 43) grouped stylistically four stelai displaying the motif of the himation covering the left forearm and hand, and dated them to the 370s BC. Other aspects of stele iconography, such as nudity, frontality and visual isolation, have been seen as signs of stylistic lateness, reflecting cultural changes (Himmelmann 1956).

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The accepted chronology of Classical Attic stelai, therefore, depends consid-erably on the study of postural, ges-tural and costume motifs, which, as shown by Kaltenhäuser (1938: 52), cannot be a reliable index of stylistic or chronological proximity. As pointed out by Schmaltz, iconographic similar-ity in motifs may imply “die inhaltliche Aussage... ohne dass dies z.B. eine Werkstattgemeinschaft bedeuten muss” (1983: 128).

The problem is important to this study because one of the preconditions of role theory is that “a single set of cultural directives governing mortuary treatment was in operation during the duration of the cemetery’s use” (O’Shea 1984: 13-14). If the represent-ation of costume on stelai undergoes significant changes during the Clas-sical period, resulting both in the emergence of new forms and in the shift of usage of old forms, then the validity of the study is put under ques-tion: chronological variation in cos-tume may be mistaken for social vari-ation. However, using this chronology, which depends to a considerable ex-tent on iconographic and composi-tional evidence, to infer temporal changes in any part of the icono-graphy, such as costume, would be equivalent to begging the question: it is impossible to evaluate explicitly the effect on costume of a chronology which is by definition dependent on costume traits, such as nudity. Specific problems affecting the social interpret-ation of costume will, therefore, be discussed only so far as the affect the interpretation of costume; if the major social dimensions provide a plausible explanation of costume variability, the chronological explanation will be avoided.

The question of spatial variation presents related problems. Firstly, the position of a funerary plot within the cemetery, its centrality and visibility, is a correlate of the social position of the family (Garland 1982: 132, n. 32). But information on the exact findspot of the great majority of stelai is missing,

and a full view of the topography of At-tic cemeteries has yet to be presented. Other correlates of social rank have thus to be used instead: the dimen-sions and tectonic type of the stele, the relief height and number of figures represented, the form of the finial, the presence of an epigram; we have already argued why conspicuous ex-penditure makes it likely that funerary stelai in Classical Attica reflect the rank of the commissioning family (above: section 1.1.1).

The other aspect of spatial variation is geographical variation; although the bias in the provenience of excavated stelai reflects the building activity as-sociated with modern Athens, Piraeus and environs, Classical cemeteries have been found throughout Attica (Kurtz and Boardman 1971: 90-96; Garland 1982). Since many excava-tions remain unpublished, quantitative evidence is not available to suggest to what extent sculptured stelai were more common in Athens, or otherwise; if the cemetery at Rhamnous is a typ-ical example, some parts of Attica were no less endowed with stelai than the city of Athens.

The distance between demes sug-gests that it was sensible for grave-stones to be produced locally, to avoid both transportation overheads, and the danger of damaging the finished product; stylistic studies, such as Frel’s (1969), confirm the existence of local workshops. Some variation in costume may, therefore, be due to styl-istic choice. But Bogatyrev’s study on the costume of a traditional society (1982) suggested a wide range of geo-graphical variation, not only in the form but also in the meaning of actual costume. Despite the apparent simpli-city and uniformity of Greek costume, it could conceivably be geographically varied in two ways: a social persona could correspond to different costume configurations in different localities, or, the same costume could signify dif-ferent social personae.

Both types of variation are possible in actual, everyday costume of Clas-

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sical Attica, but, considering the de-gree of contact implied by the political integration of Attica, they are unlikely to have had a great effect. The ‘per-manent’ nature of stele representa-tions and their visibility on the road-sides of Attica indicates that the use of a costume type in one part of Attica was bound to take into account its sig-nificance in other parts, especially in the main cemeteries around the Athenian walls. Because indications of provenience are often missing or vague, no systematic study of geo-graphical variation in costume has been attempted; however, with rare ex-ceptions (e.g., female children with falling plait and shoulder himation, be-low: section 4.3.5), provenience did not appear to influence the selection of costume on stelai.

1.3 Method: data constitution, typology and interpretation

1.3.1 A statistical approachA methodological issue that needs

to be resolved before proceeding to the discussion of specific problems of method, is that of a normative versus a probabilistic approach. A normative approach assumes that the phenomena examined are governed by relation-ships of strict implication, of the kind “all As are Bs”, the probabilistic ap-proach assumes instead only that phe-nomena are linked by weak implica-tion, as in “many (or most) As are Bs”. Although the former may be seen as a special case of the latter (with a prob-ability of truth equal to 1), the two ap-proaches lead to different kinds of formalisation, related to logic or stat-istics respectively.

As noted by Pader in criticism of role theory (1982: 16), “there is often a ‘dislocation’ between how we are taught we ought to act and how we do actually act”; pure social identities are abstractions, analytical categories used to summarize often fuzzy and contradictory individual behaviour. In

the field of mortuary analysis, it is no accident that normative applications of role theory have been more successful with ethnographic evidence, that tends by its nature to provide a purified, con-ceptualized view of social differenti-ation, than with archaeological evid-ence, that tends to represent unac-counted for, individual variation as much as that due to social constraints. The dependence of archaeological re-search on a normative, cause-and-ef-fect model, is, therefore, not justified (O’Shea 1984: 20-21).

A relationship of strict implication between social persona and form of costume is also improbable, so far as Classical Attic stelai are concerned. Unlike societies where the permitted costume for different social groups is legislated upon, becoming effectively social uniform, Athenian costume is regulated by custom, which did not ex-ercise absolute constraint on indi-vidual dress. This explains the great amount of minor variation characteriz-ing costume on stelai; it could be caused by specific factors, such as style or personal whim of the sculptor, but in the framework of studying the major dimensions of costume it may be treated as random variation.

The nature of archaeological data indicates that archaeological proposi-tions, like those of other social discip-lines, are probabilistic rather than normative. A statistical approach, rel-evant to archaeological phenomena (Clarke 1978: 16-17), requires explicit data constitution, a clear definition of research questions in terms of the data available, and an informed selection of appropriate methods of analysis. A handbook intended for archaeologists and anthropologists (Thomas 1976), presents the classical basic statistical theory; an alternative view, taking into account the specific problems of ar-chaeological research, is presented by Doran and Hodson under the heading of data analysis (1975). The reader is referred to one of these books for cla-rification of basic concepts (Thomas 1976: chapters 1-5; Doran and Hodson

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1975: 30-58).

1.3.2 Methodological outlineThe theoretical framework presen-

ted in the previous sections has served to refine the originally stated aim of this study, namely, the examination of the significance of costume represen-ted on Classical Attic stelai. As a result of the link between role theory and a semiotic theory of dress and adorn-ment, it was asserted that costumes on stelai are stereotyped representations of the composite social identities of the individuals represented; the plaus-ibility of this assertion was supported by a discussion of the function and use of stelai in Classical Attic cemeteries. Other minor premises on the nature of costume on the one hand, and of relev-ant social correlates on the other, have also been presented. The aim of the study becomes, therefore, to determ-ine the systematic effect of social di-mensions such as sex, age, social rank and group affiliation on the costume of figures represented on stelai. If such a systematic effect is found to exist, the validity of this theoretical framework for the study of costume on stelai will have been broadly confirmed; in addi-tion, the relative importance, fre-quency and compatibility of social identities, as represented on stelai, may then be used as valid evidence about certain aspects of Attic role sys-tem and funerary ideology.

A preliminary step in the study of the significance of costume on Clas-sical Attic stelai is data constitution: the selection of representative cases, and the selection and coding of appro-priate attributes. Next, it is necessary to establish, from the almost infinite range of individual variation, distinct-ive costume types, that summarize well the variability of costume, and that enable the use of the concepts of the social persona on the one hand, and of social dimensions on the other. Finally, a procedure for the evaluation of the effect of social correlates both on each separate costume trait and on female and male costume types must

be put forward, accounting for their possible interdependence and combin-ability. A discussion of methodological problems relevant to these questions is presented in the following pages.

1.3.3 Selection of casesThe empirical evidence for this

study consists of relief stelai erected in Athens and Attica during the fifth and fourth centuries BC. A historical acci-dent, according to which Classical At-tic stelai are bound between two peri-ods of prohibition (Robertson 1975: 363-4; Schmaltz 1983: 197-200), starkly differing in style and icono-graphy from their Archaic and Hellen-istic counterparts, makes it possible to identify clearly which stelai of known Attic provenience belonged to the Classical series. A major problem of archaeological data constitution (Doran and Hodson 1975: 95) is there-fore removed.

However, not all Classical Attic gravestones are relevant to this study. Firstly, memorials lacking figural rep-resentations were obviously excluded. Secondly, funerary vases were also ex-cluded, since they are compositionally distinct from stelai, since they may represent boundary-markers rather than grave markers, and since their form, style and iconography has been already extensively studied (Schmaltz 1970; Kokula 1974). Thirdly, reliefs with a narrative theme, such as battle-scenes, funerary banquet reliefs, and representations of women falling on a couch (probably to indicate that they died in childbirth, Johansen 1951: 50) are also excluded; apart from the ap-parently strong influence of public me-morials on the battle-scenes, the needs of the narrative may have affected the nature of the representations in all three categories.

Even after the preceding qualifica-tions of the subject of this study, it is necessary to distinguish between the domain about which conclusions are to be drawn (“target population”), and the domain from which evidence can be extracted (“sampled population”,

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Doran and Hodson 1975: 95; Thomas 1976: 34-36). According to the theoret-ical framework presented in previous sections, social dimensions are reflec-ted on the costume of all stelai with quiet compositions erected in Attica during the Classical period. On the other hand, evidence can be drawn only from stelai preserved for archae-ological study. In a statistical ap-proach, it is legitimate to use pre-served stelai to make inferences about all stelai only if the former can be reasonably regarded as an unbiased, representative sample of the latter. Al-though the nature of the evidence makes it impossible to obtain a true random sample, we can restrict the set of the cases used for data constitution, so that various types of bias are min-imized.

Firstly, there is bias linked to the availability of information on stelai, both in exhibition and in publication; stelai of large dimensions, quality of style, and iconographic rarity, com-plexity and interest tend to be more of-ten selected for exhibition or publica-tion than small, poor style or common-place memorials; this cultural bias, re-flecting the past and current interests of Classical archaeology, affects all ar-chaeological publication, including even the illustration of stelai in short preliminary excavation reports. To avoid this type of bias, only the corpus of Attic gravestones published by Conze (1893/1900), consisting of all Attic stelai known to archaeology until that time, will be examined.

Another type of bias concerns the pattern of discovery of stelai, driven by the need for rescue excavation linked with building expansion of modern At-tica, and by the tendency to concen-trate on areas that have already yiel-ded important finds. This could be alle-viated by means such as stratified sampling from the material presented by Conze (1893/1900). Considering, however, the limited total number of stelai available, sampling would result in a great decrease of the number of cases used as primary evidence, a fea-

ture that was considered undesirable. In addition, the status of such a sample, drawn from a collection of un-known sampling properties, will be questionable (Doran and Hodson 1975: 56-57). Thus, all stelai presented by Conze are considered. Since it was as-sumed that geographical variation did not have a major effect on the icono-graphy of costume (above: section 1.2.4), the effect of this bias should not be very important. With these cau-tions, although not a true random sample, Classical Attic stelai with quiet composition included in Conze (1893/1900) will be taken to be a fairly representative subset of the entire pro-duction of such stelai in Classical Athens.

Considering stele production, it is logical to define each stele included in the corpus as a case (unit, observa-tion) for further analysis, since the en-tire representation was the effect of a single, albeit complex, design decision. But considering semiotic function, cases may equally be defined at the level of the entire funerary plot, its stele representations signifying col-lectively the typified role composition of the family. Plot associations, how-ever, are known for a very small num-ber of stelai, listed by Garland (1982), so that this level of case definition is unusable for statistical purposes.

Alternatively, a case may be defined as a sculptured figure, corresponding to a composite social identity; both named figures, identified as individu-als with real social personae, and nameless figures, identified as social stereotypes, are included in this defini-tion. This decision, simplifies consider-ably the practical aspects of the ana-lysis, and will be generally adhered to in considering the typology and mean-ing of costume. It is not suitable, how-ever, for one specific question, namely, the examination of the general struc-ture of stele-wide attributes (e.g., di-mensions, tectonic type, relief depth etc.), since it introduces a bias in fa-vour of multi-figured stelai; in that case only, each stele will be treated as

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a separate case.

1.3.4 Selection of attributesThe complement to the selection of

cases in data constitution is the selec-tion of appropriate descriptive categor-ies, known as attributes or variables, and consisting of attribute states or values (Doran and Hodson 1975: 99; Thomas 1976: 19). Genre, as used by Barthes, may be recognized as a syn-onym to the archaeological attribute, “a logically irreducible character of two or more states, acting as an inde-pendent variable within a specific frame of reference” (Clarke 1978: 156); the espèce is equivalent to the attribute state or value. The adoption of this terminology provides a general structure for the representation of cos-tume, i.e., the descriptive matrix: each row of the matrix may represent a fig-ure, and each column may represent a relevant (a notion that requires further discussion) costume attribute, with the observed attribute value shown in the row/column intersection.

An alternative structure, implicitly used in most textual description of costume (e.g., Conze 1893/1900), rep-resents costume as an aggregate of traits taken from an unstructured pool, a thesaurus, without usually distin-guishing the uncertainty about the presence of a trait from its ascertained absence. Because the matrix repres-entation consists of categories that are both exhaustive and mutually exclus-ive, it has considerable methodological advantages over the thesaurus, since it permits to use the semiotic framework for data retrieval, numerical classifica-tion and statistical analysis (Everitt 1977: 2-3).

Other desiderata for the coding of attributes concern the entire attribute set: attributes should (1) be “analytic-ally useful” for the investigation of the problem in hand, (2) they should ac-count as fully as possible for relevant variation in the data, (3) they should be defined in such a way as to “equate roughly at the same broad level of im-plied behaviour complexity”, (4) they

should not be logically correlated to each other, and, (5) they should not be totally constant throughout the data set (Sokal and Sneath 1973: 103-106; Doran and Hodson 1975: 99-102; Clarke 1978: 152-157). Some of these points deserve a brief further com-ment.

The need for “analytical usefulness” of attributes highlights the important role of theory for data constitution; in-deed the selection of an appropriate level of descriptive resolution should take into account the purpose of the study. If the principle of logical irredu-cibility is followed uncritically, and costume of stelai is described to the finest detail possible, recording, for in-stance, the exact form of folds in each segment of the himation, or, even more extremely, the marks of tools used within each fold, these attributes will constitute useful data for the styl-istic history of Classical gravestones, e.g., in Diepolder (1931), or for the technical processes of Classical sculp-ture, as in Adam (1966), but they are bound to confuse rather than elucidate the study of the social significance of costume. The level of recording chosen is, therefore, that of broad cos-tume motifs that would be reasonably expected to be affected by the social factors already discussed.

The definition of specific attributes used to describe costume is dealt with in chapter 4, and the constitution of social attributes from iconographic and other evidence, used to represent the social dimensions of age, social rank etc., is discussed in chapter 3. According to the nature of the traits that they describe attributes are defined on one of four levels of meas-urement: nominal and ordinal, both known as discrete, and interval and ra-tio, both known as continuous or nu-meric (Thomas 1976: 18-28). The dis-tinction is important, since the scope and power of appropriate statistical methods increases as one proceeds from nominal to ordinal, and from or-dinal to numeric data (Thomas 1976: 29).

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Most costume attributes, such as mantle arrangement, are defined on the nominal scale, since there is no natural order between the attribute values by which they are constituted. An example of ordinal attribute is fig-ure frontality, consisting of the natur-ally ordered attribute values of ‘frontal’, ‘slightly turned’, ‘oblique’ and ‘profile’; note that the magnitude of difference between successive val-ues is not specified. Finally, a numeric attribute is stele width, defined on the ratio scale, since it is possible to de-termine not only the difference (inter-val) between two widths, but also their ratio.

By analogy to the semiotic distinc-tion between espèces and variants, primary attributes, used to denote cos-tume categories that are always relev-ant, are distinguished from those sec-ondary (above: section 1.2.1). Second-ary attributes are typically conditional on the presence of a specific costume item, for instance those describing mantle form: when a mantle is not present, these attributes are coded for normal data analysis purposes as ‘not applicable’ (Doran and Hodson 1975: 104).

Attribute values have been defined according to the degree of morpholo-gical distinction that could be applied to a sufficiently large number of fig-ures; minute variations, not recorded in most actual stelai, have been sub-sumed under more general divisions. For instance, the hair of a large num-ber of female figures has been coded as an encircling plait, disregarding dis-tinctions in the exact arrangement, since it appears on most small stelai as a uniform, ring-shaped mass of hair. The rationale behind this decision is that the distinctions that were relevant for the communication of social mean-ing would have been made visible in the majority of cases; this argument has also been used to exclude attrib-utes unrecorded in most stelai, such as the texture and material of garments. Besides, nominal traits are coded as multistate attributes of the type ‘hair-

style’, rather than as a series of pres-ence/absence attributes of the type ‘short hair’, ‘medium-length hair’, ‘fall-ing plait’ etc. Apart from the import-ance of distinguishing between oppos-itive and combinable elements implied by semiotic theory, methodological reasons argue for this form of coding, since mutually exclusive binary attrib-utes are logically correlated to each other, an undesirable feature.

A final problem concerns traits such as beard; these are continuous in nature, but have been coded as dis-crete attributes. Some subjectivity is involved in deciding when a figure is to be described as unshaved, short-, medium- or long-bearded. Beard length could alternatively be seen as a continuous variable, and expressed by a numeric index, perhaps related to the ratio of its length to figure height. But a theoretical and a practical argu-ment may be presented in support of coding in distinct levels: firstly, it may be argued with Spaulding that “the makers and users of archaeological ar-tifacts characteristically operated in the nominal mode” (1982: 5-6); con-sequently, the length of beard, tunic overfall etc. was not conceived as a continuous variable, but as a categor-ized trait with distinct levels. Secondly, because of differences in orientation and stance, degree of preservation and bodily proportions, it is not possible to define these attributes on some con-tinuous scale without large errors of measurement. Their expression in dis-tinct levels sacrifices some analytical power, but conforms both to our theor-etical framework of costume categoriz-ation and the practical possibility of measurement; on the other hand, cod-ing on the ordinal scale preserves the importance of the order between the levels.

1.3.5 Typology of costumeThe special conditions under which

costume acts as a social sign, and the occasional deviations from the system of signification, cooperate to create in practice a very wide variety of costume

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configurations. In order to be able to relate costume with a small number of meaningful composite social identities, it is necessary to devise a mechanism for separating relevant from trivial morphological variation, and reducing the data to fewer, representative cos-tume combinations. This process, and the resulting reduced data configura-tion, may be defined as typology. In this context, the concept of costume type may be used to mean (a), the class of costume configurations shar-ing “essential” traits, (b), the most typ-ical costume configuration, represent-ing other members of the class and, (c) the traits characterizing all or most members of the class, or differentiat-ing them from members of other classes; despite their subtle difference of meaning (cf. Doran and Hodson 1975: 164-166), the three aspects of the definition of a type are demon-strably complementary.

Typology is a constant practice in archaeology, necessary to derive meaningful pattern from the seemingly random variation of the archaeological record. It is implicit in most stylistic studies on Classical Attic stelai, presenting in the main text a number of monuments (types in the sense of ‘typical example’), linked in the foot-notes with associated, less important monuments (types in the sense of ‘es-sentially uniform class’), and discuss-ing the important aspects of stylistic variation (types in the sense ‘set of constitutive traits’). By analogy with this implicit typological process, cos-tume type could be identified by using prior archaeological opinion about the subject to select initial figures whose costume seems intuitively to be typical of social stereotypes. The dress of fur-ther figures could then be examined, and linked with the originally selected costumes in an agglomerative process; finally, conclusions could be drawn on the basis of the established types-classes of similar costumes, both on the association and on the significance of specific costume traits.

There are, however, major methodo-

logical flaws in this procedure. The se-lection of different original typical fig-ures, that is in this approach subject-ively made, would lead to different types-classes, and different types-at-tribute sets, even if there existed an objective procedure for the incorpora-tion of further figures. Therefore, since the method lacks a unique solu-tion, the only evidence for the validity of its results rests upon their compat-ibility with the substantive proposi-tions on which the intuitive selection of the original point of departure was based in the first place. The practice of evaluating the significance of such subjectively defined types by means of sophisticated numerical methods has been justly equated by Clarke to at-tempting to build “sound structures from shoddy components” (1978: 206). If, therefore, the significance of cos-tume on stelai is to be statistically ex-amined, the typology itself must be based on more stable ground.

Typology, in a stricter sense, is con-nected with the explicit partition of a set of observations into distinct classes, on the basis of their perceived affinities and differences; this proced-ure, attempting to uncover the struc-ture of the data, is called classification (Gordon 1981: 1-6). In order to de-termine the desirable properties of such an explicit typology, it is useful to examine Bieber’s study of costume in Greek art (1928); here, separate classi-fications are put forward for each clothing item (peplos, chiton, mantle, hairstyle etc.), based on successive di-visions of possible costume forms on the basis of a single attribute. Actual figures are assigned to a class in each level of partition, according to the form of the relevant clothing item. Thus, the feminine peplos (clothing item I.) is divided to class i. with long, and ii. with short overfall; these are subdivided to A) ungirdled, and B) girdled; the latter are distinguished into those having the girdle a) over the long overfall, and b) under the short overfall; peploi may be partly or (espe-cially Bb) fully sewn at the sides, A)

18


and Bb) may have the back part of the overfall brought over the head as a veil, B) may have a pouch formed by the girdle. The process of dividing cos-tumes for typological purposes by the value of a single attribute is followed by other studies on Greek costume (Barker 1922; Oehler 1961; Bieber 1977).

Three disadvantages are associated with Bieber’s typology. Firstly, what should be one of the results of the ana-lysis, namely, to determine the relative importance of costume attributes, be-comes its precondition: the order by which attributes are used for classific-ation is based on prior subjective de-cision on their relative importance. Secondly, the system does not provide a unique typology, taking into account the interaction between the form of different costume items, such as tunic, mantle or footgear; it is, of course, possible to divide costumes succes-ively by tunic type, mantle type, hair-style and footgear type, but the order of these divisions will again be arbit-rary. Thirdly, costumes that differ in one of the first attributes used for the classification (such as tunic overfall), will be presented as very different, even if they share most other attrib-utes; thus, the conceptual ‘position’ of costumes within this classification may represent very poorly their perceived affinities.

Since it is based on successive divi-sions of the data on the basis of a single attribute at each step, and pro-duces classes of objects sharing every single attribute, Bieber’s study (1928) may be categorized as a monothetic di-visive classification (Clarke 1978: 35-36). On this account, it resembles Saxe’s componential analysis of mortu-ary practice (1970), in which actual disposal forms were successively di-vided according to aspects of mortuary practice (components), each resulting set of components corresponding to a social persona. But Saxe’s normative approach is, as we already discussed (above: section 1.3.1), inappropriate for the study of Greek costume. If the

monothetic divisive method is used within a probabilistic framework, e.g., by ignoring combinations occurring less often than a certain limit, the method is not guaranteed to produce the same final types, provided that the order in which the attributes are used to divide the data is altered. Automatic monothetic divisive classification methods, attempting to overcome these objections by determining the order in which the attributes are used according to some objective criterion (Sneath and Sokal 1973: 203-204; Tainter 1975: 9-14) are best suited to binary, rather than multistate nominal attributes, and lead typically to only two or three successive divisions (e.g., O’Shea 1984), being unsuitable for a large number of attributes; in addition, the substantive importance of the few attributes selected is not guaranteed.

Since it is accepted that social vari-ables operate on the entire costume of figures on Classical Attic stelai, the de-sired classification should be based on all relevant costume attributes. Pader presents convincing arguments why a separate analysis of the two sexes is desirable in mortuary studies, noting that the way other social differenti-ation is signified may vary consider-ably among the sexes; if evidence on male and female burial is mixed, she argues, then one sex may be incor-rectly “deemed ‘richer’ than the other by reference to artifact count, quality and type, without considering that per-haps the grave inclusions ‘mean’ dif-ferently for each sex”, for instance be-cause of “the females being buried in costumes which included jewellery while the males were not” (Pader 1982: 59-60). Since male and female figures constitute, with the exception of infants in swaddling clothes, two clearly established populations, and since we know that they had quite dif-ferent roles in Athenian society, a sep-arate classification of female and male costume will be sought; in the light of Pader’s arguments, this will present a clearer view of the significance of cos-tume among the sexes.

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CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

1.3.6 Similarity, classification and identification

A notable criticism of monothetic classifications is that they assume a property that costume on Classical At-tic stelai may simply lack: namely, that significance is attached to individual attributes. However, in the light of the view of costume and mortuary practice presented above, it may be reasonably expected that important social dimen-sions will be reflected in more than one costume attribute. In fact, the de-gree to which attributes vary together may be related to their importance for the communication of social meaning, and attributes that vary on their own may be more likely the product of un-accountable individual variation than of social constraint. This view leads to an alternative formulation of typology to the monothetic approach, according to which a type is defined as “an ho-mogeneous population of artefacts which share a consistently recurrent range of attribute states within a given polythetic set” (Clarke 1978: 209). In a polythetic classification, all values of attributes considered contribute to the assignment of an object to a type, but each single attribute value on its own is not a necessary condition for group membership.

The polythetic methodological framework has been used extensively for numerical classification of biolo-gical and prehistoric archaeological data. Two approaches to typology can be distinguished, known as R- and Q-mode analysis. The former consists of the study of the association between attributes, ranging from simple de-scriptive statistics to sophisticated multivariate methods, such as factor analysis; the significance of specific traits is thus directly evaluated. The latter consists of the study of the simil-arity between units or objects (i.e., ob-servations), and leads to direct classi-ficatory results; the importance of the attributes, however, has to be evalu-ated after the analysis. Under the same assumptions about the nature of the data, the two approaches often

lead to similar results (Gordon 1981: 87-88), although their relative merits in highlighting finer variation are dis-puted (Spaulding 1982; Hodson 1982). But the Q-mode analysis (classification of objects) is more appropriate for the study of costume on stelai, because of the large number of attributes involved (Sokal and Sneath 1973: 258; cf. Cow-gill 1982: 47-48).

Classification implies judgement about the degree of resemblance between objects, according to a set of attributes; numerical polythetic classi-fication is often based on evaluating a matrix of quantitative indices of simil-arity between objects, in order to es-tablish their relationships. The simplest similarity index for binary at-tributes is the simple matching coeffi-cient (Sokal and Sneath 1973: 131-134; Doran and Hodson 1975: 140-141); extended to the multistate nom-inal case, this coefficient takes values between zero and unity, and is equal to the ratio of the number of matches to the sum of matches and mismatches of attribute values for each pair of obser-vations. In cases of presence/absence attributes, this coefficient gives equal weight to positive and to negative matches; although measures exist that differentiate between the two, favour-ing positive matches (Doran and Hod-son 1975: 141-142), the simple match-ing coefficient is preferred here be-cause of the following considerations: it is simple and thus easy to interpret, it is a more objective measure of simil-arity since it does not depend on the semantics of presence and absence, and, furthermore, it conforms with the semiotic view, that the significance of an attribute value for role differenti-ation lies in its opposition to other at-tribute values rather than in intrinsic meaning (Sneath and Sokal 1973: 146-147; above: section 1.2.1).

Some male and female costume at-tributes need to be coded in a specific way before they can be used with the simple matching coefficient. Firstly, there are attributes that are constant among figures of one sex, such as the

20


supporting chest bands, not en-countered with males in the data set, and logically irrelevant attributes, such as the presence of beard for fe-male figures; despite their importance for establishing differences between male and female costume, such attrib-utes shall be excluded from the data sets used for classification. Secondly, attributes will be coded to reflect the fact that two figures wearing a hi-mation are more similar to each other than to one lacking a mantle, regard-less of differences in himation form; other conditional attributes describing tunic form will be coded similarly (Gordon 1981: 17). Thirdly, complex traits will be broken into two simple attributes: separate attributes will therefore be used for the presence and position of a staff respectively (so that two men holding a staff in different po-sitions will, ceteris paribus, have a higher similarity to each other than to a man lacking a staff altogether) and female veil will be recoded also as an attribute of himation form, independ-ent from head cover. Finally, the beard, an five-state ordinal attribute, will be transformed into four binary attributes by means of additive coding (Gordon 1981: 20), so that a long-bearded man will display a higher similarity index to a medium-bearded than to a beardless male, conforming to intuitive judg-ment.

A practical problem in numerical classification is that of missing attrib-ute values, occurring frequently with costume on stelai, either because of bad or fragmentary preservation, or because an adequate illustration could not be consulted. The computation of the simple matching coefficient ex-cludes by definition attributes missing from either of the two figures com-pared. If the number of missing values is large, the simple matching coeffi-cient becomes an unreliable index of real similarity, and the magnitudes of indices computed on the basis of en-tirely different attributes are not com-parable; furthermore, the statistical significance of such differences varies

with the number of valid comparisons on the basis of which the coefficients have been computed (Sneath and Sokal 1973: 180-181). This is an im-portant drawback, since it may not only lead to the negligible mistaken as-signment of one figure, but also to the wrong definition of types and their re-lationships.

A measure of the proportion of miss-ing values, applicable both to a single unit, a single attribute, or a pair of units or attributes, is known in taxo-nomic literature as relevance (Sneath and Sokal 1973: 181-182). To avoid the problems associated with missing val-ues in the computation of the similar-ity matrix, only figures with a high unit ‘relevance’ will be included in the male and female costume classification data sets; no attributes will be excluded, however, on account of low attribute ‘relevance’, since this would obscure a possibly valuable aspect of costume variability.

Experiments in biological taxonomy have shown that replacement of data by missing values starts affecting sig-nificantly the correlation of the result-ing similarity matrix with that com-puted from the original full data only when more than one third of all entries have been replaced (Sneath and Sokal 1973: 181). Since the behaviour of ar-chaeological data in this matter has not been studied, especially those on the semantic domain, it is wise to aim for a lower proportion of missing val-ues, implied here by a minimum ‘relev-ance’ of 0.75. Figures not satisfying this requirement will be excluded from the process of classification.

Having established classes of well-preserved figures on the basis of their costume, further figures may be as-signed to these classes, without danger of major distortion of the clas-sification. This process is called as-signment, identification or pattern re-cognition rather than classification, since its purpose is not to establish a typology, but just to assign or identify objects to one of a number of known classes (Doran and Hodson 1975: 159;

21

CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

Gordon 1981: 3-4). Considering that all evidence on costume may be poten-tially valuable, it is essential that as many figures as possible be assigned to a male or female costume type. Fig-ures with ‘relevance’ higher than 0.25 were, therefore, assigned to the already established types. Sophistic-ated mathematical methods, such as discriminant and canonical variate analysis, exist for identification (Doran and Hodson 1975: 209-213). However, for reasons of simplicity and methodo-logical uniformity, instead of these sophisticated methods, a simple al-gorithm, based on evaluating a matrix of simple matching similarity coeffi-cients of all figures originally classified to types with all unclassified figures, was used for type identification; a fig-ure was assigned to a type if its aver-age similarity to the figures of the type was (a) at least as high as the average between the original members of the type, and, (b), at least 0.05 higher than its similarity with any other type. Al-though misclassifications did occur, the results of identification using this algorithm were in general satisfactory.

1.3.7 Selection of a classification method

Unlike dissection, which aims at the unconditional division of a group of ob-jects into sectors possessing certain specified properties, classification aims at uncovering the underlying structure of the data, assuming that they truly consist of more than one group. In order to consider a partition into groups as a true classification, the criteria of internal cohesion and ex-ternal isolation must therefore be sat-isfied: costumes of the same type must be very similar to each other, and as dissimilar as possible to costumes classified in other types (Gordon 1981: 4-5). Although this is a general desid-eratum of a classification, it assumes special importance when methods of automatic classification are used, based on the representation of cos-tume by a set of attributes, or on the representation of relationships

between instances of costume by a similarity matrix; such methods are collectively known by the name of cluster analysis (Doran and Hodson 1975: 173-186). Several cluster ana-lysis methods have been used in ar-chaeology; the applicability of the most common methods has been tested on a variety of archaeological material, in-cluding repeated studies on a group of La Tène fibulae from the Iron Age cemetery of Münsingen (Hodson 1969, 1970; Doran and Hodson 1975: 218-236).

These studies concentrate either on the general classificatory implications of specific cluster analysis methods, or on the validity of the specific archae-ological results that they produce, without attempting to relate the selec-tion of the method to the nature of the data. However, the desideratum of an “objective” solution to the question of costume typology, a strong argument for using numerical rather than intuit-ive classification, would be surely viol-ated if all possible clustering methods were applied, until one of them ap-peared to yield suitable results; in con-trast to many prehistoric studies, a sufficiently detailed body of theory about the nature and significance of costume on Classical Attic stelai is available, so that an appropriate clus-tering method may be selected on sub-stantive grounds. This selection may be achieved by a process of elimina-tion, in the following manner.

There are clustering methods allow-ing an object to belong to more than one clusters (“clumps”, Gordon 1981: 54-58; cf. Doran and Hodson 1975: 177, fig. 9.10), but since the costume types derived from the analysis are as-sumed to be representations of social personae, and since personae are by definition mutually exclusive, the de-sired clusters of male and female cos-tume must be non-overlapping. Be-sides, the polythetic definition of types (above: section 1.3.6) rules out formal monothetic divisive methods of numer-ical classification (Sneath and Sokal 1973: 203-204).

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Three non-overlapping methods have been used in almost three quar-ters of all studies in archaeology and natural science (Gordon 1981: 34); on account of their proven record, we shall restrict further discussion to these methods. The K-means method is based on partitioning the objects into a specified number of non-overlapping clusters, so that a clustering criterion expressed in numerical form is maxim-ized; the algorithm is described in de-tail by Hodson (1970: 311-315). The method, however, is not guaranteed to produce the best solution, since its results are dependent on (random or subjective) selection of initial cluster seeds and on the order in which obser-vations are evaluated; besides, even if figures fall into groups so that all pair-wise within-group similarities are lar-ger than all between-groups similarit-ies, it has been noted that K-means is not guaranteed to distinguish the groups correctly (Gordon 1981: table 6.2). Moreover, the method tends to respond well only to the discovery of clusters of roughly equal size; but, in the light of the theoretical framework presented so far, it is not realistic to assume that costume types on stelai, and thus social personae, occurred equally often; in contrast, some com-posite social identities would certainly be expected to be more common than others as a result of vertical social dif-ferentiation. For these reasons, the use of K-means clustering was con-sidered inappropriate for our purpose.

Having rejected the sum-of-squares method, of particular importance are two methods leading to hierarchical non-overlapping classifications, start-ing from individual units, and pro-gressively joining them into wider divi-sions in an agglomerative fashion. Al-though hierarchical methods are known to distort the original relation-ships in the similarity matrix more than their non-hierarchical or overlap-ping counterparts, they provide a bet-ter summarization of the overall struc-ture of the data: since they may be shown as a dendrogram or tree dia-

gram (e.g., fig. 95), representing a hierarchy of nested partitions, rela-tionships both between and within clusters can be explored. This is espe-cially important in the study of female and male costume on stelai, since the number of socially relevant costume types is not known from the outset.

Of the two methods, single link cluster analysis has desirable mathem-atical characteristics, but has not been found useful in practical taxonomy, since it tends to create elongated, straggly clusters, chaining together dissimilar objects (Sokal and Sneath 1973: 223). But it may be assumed that actual male and female costume clusters should consist of figures showing a roughly similar amount of individual variation from a typical, ‘pure’ representation of social per-sonae; since minor costume variability is seen as the product of style or per-sonal whim of the sculptor, there is no reason why some types should by definition be less cohesive than others. This, and the disappointing results of the method in archaeology (Hodson 1970: 305), argue against its use for costume typology.

A common method satisfying this assumption of “spherical” clusters of roughly equal variance is arithmetic average linkage cluster analysis posed sketches of typical examples (fig. 101); the latter are usually the figures known as centrotypes, that is, those displaying the greatest average simil-arity with other figures in their cluster. This kind of diagram is suggested here as an effective way of summarizing in-formation about the frequency, charac-teristic appearance and taxonomic re-lationships between types.

The chi-squared test is normally used to determine the statistical signi-ficance of the association between two logically independent attributes; a good introduction to hypothesis test-ing, contingency tables and the chi-squared test is given by Thomas (1976: 264-284). Although the assumptions of the test do not apply to the relation-ship of costume type with single cos-

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CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

tume attributes, since the former is by definition not independent from the latter, a pseudo-chi-squared test may be used in an exploratory fashion, to determine which attribute values are especially connected with specific cos-tume types. The analysis of residuals of a contingency table (Everitt 1977: 46-48) is used to find which attribute value combinations account for a sig-nificant chi-squared value. In this light, costume traits connected with each type are distinguished into those occurring in a high proportion of type members, and those occurring much more often than expected within the type. The former, conventionally those occurring in more than 1/2 of cases, may be used for the morphological definition of the type; the latter may be used for its differentiation from other types. Both categories of attributes taken together, represent different as-pects of the polythetic set that charac-terizes male and female costume types; they therefore play an important part in type description (chapters 4-5).

1.3.8 Assessment of costume classi-fication

All clustering methods, including av-erage linkage, will impose the ‘best’ division of figures into classes, even if distinct types do not really exist. As a first step towards examining the exist-ential claims of clusters, the matrix of similarity indices between- and within-clusters may be analysed (e.g., fig. 96). The mean within-group similarity in-dex is a measure of internal cohesion, while the between-groups similarity in-dices indicate the degree of external isolation of the cluster. Of particular interest is the between-groups similar-ity index with the closest cluster; its difference from the within-group simil-arity index is a measure of how well the particular cluster satisfies simul-taneously both criteria of internal co-hesion and external isolation, similar to the graphical evaluation of “moat” (above: section 1.3.7).

Despite their initial usefulness, these indices do not provide an overall

view of the taxonomic structure, and, more importantly, are based on the prior definition of the clusters; if these do not represent real types, the simil-arity indices between them are artifi-cial constructs without intrinsic signi-ficance. An alternative examination of taxonomic structure is provided by geometric, also known as ordination, methods, which attempt to reduce a multivariate attribute set to a small number of components, losing as little of the information about the relation-ship between objects as possible; the resulting configuration of points in a (normally two- or three-dimensional) conceptual space, so that similar ob-jects will be shown close together, and vice versa (fig. 98) may then be spa-tially represented and visually ex-amined (Gordon 1981: 80-81).

Two major ordination methods have been used in archaeology: principal co-ordinate analysis, and (non-metric) multidimensional scaling. The former assumes that the pairwise similarity indices between objects are numeric measures of their distances in the ori-ginal, high-dimensional attribute space; the latter assumes that just the order of similarity indices is the re-verse of the order of distances, and results in different geometric configur-ations according to the number of di-mensions selected. PC analysis has been found to represent better the gross structure of the data, while the distortion imposed by non-metric scal-ing is spread evenly between high and low similarity values (Gordon 1981: 80-101). Both methods are accompan-ied by a numeric measure of how well they represent the original, high-di-mensional variability in a reduced, low-dimensional space. In PC analysis, this measure is the proportion of total variability expressed by each principal coordinate; a ‘scree’ plot of the vari-ance values provides a means of se-lecting an appropriate number of co-ordinates, i.e., one more than the PC showing an “elbow” (Doran and Hod-son 1975: 191, pl. 8.3; below: fig. 97). An indication that a small number of

24


dimensions represents a high percent-age of the original variance suggests that the geometric representation will not seriously distort the overall struc-ture. An equivalent measure, ‘stress’, exists for non-metric scaling.

The metric assumption of PC ana-lysis on similarity indices makes it par-ticularly appropriate for the study of female and male costume typology. It has been noted that the presence of two modes in the distributions of the similarity indices of each object to all other objects is important evidence about internal cohesion and external isolation, and thus of the “existence” of real types (Cowgill 1982: 35, fig. 3.4); it is especially this information that is discarded by the transformation of similarity values into ranks by non-metric scaling. For this reason, and also because of its low computation cost and its advantage in representing the broad taxonomic structure, PC analysis will be used to control the res-ults of clustering of male and female costume, by examining the visual sep-aration of costume types in the three-dimensional representations.

1.3.9 Interpretation methodsThe purpose of interpretation, ac-

cording to the theoretical framework of this study, is to examine the effect of a number of important social variables on the typologies derived from cos-tume attributes of male and female fig-ures by means of numerical classifica-tion. In order to ensure that all avail-able evidence is exploited, the data set used for interpretation consists not only of figures used for classification, but also of all figures with unit ‘relev-ance’ higher than 0.25 that have been subsequently assigned to a type. Al-though some reallocation was per-formed in individual discussion of the types, all statistical procedures de-scribed in this section were performed on the raw data, as they were provided by cluster analysis and automatic iden-tification; indeed, it is not clear what would be left to be “tested” after changes were made to the classifica-

tion, subsequent to the study of the form and meaning of specific types. Only results that were statistically sig-nificant at the 5% level were dis-cussed, except where explicitly de-clared otherwise; although repeated tests of a specific hypothesis using the same data were avoided, it should still be noted that, as implied by the 5% significance level, roughly 1/20 of tests performed in this study will be thought to show meaningful association, while in fact the pattern they exhibit is simply the effect of chance.

To facilitate understanding, results were presented, where possible, in graphical form: according to the nature of the data in each case, simple and subgrouped bar charts, cumulative frequency plots relative frequency area charts, and box-and-whisker plots were used. The cumulative frequency plots (ogives, Doran and Hodson 1975: 124, fig. 5.11; below: fig. 51) are espe-cially suitable in comparatively show-ing the “profiles” of groups defined at the nominal level across a numeric or ordinal attribute, such as apparent age, even if the data are not very smooth. The relative frequency area chart, which examines the contribu-tion of each class of a nominal attrib-ute within consecutive levels of a nu-meric or ordinal variable, is more af-fected by local fluctuations, but is easier to interpret than the cumulative frequency plot. Finally, comparative box-and-whisker plots present a sum-mary of the distribution of a numeric attribute such as stele size within each level of a discrete attribute: apart from the median and mean values of the dis-tribution, the box records the middle half of observations (interquartile range), and outliers, larger or smaller than one or two interquartile ranges from the first (25%) and third (75%) quartiles respectively, are plotted as individual points.

The frequency of types is an import-ant aspect of the typology; more fre-quent types may be expected to corres-pond to more common social per-sonae, while very rare types and

25

CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

singletons probably correspond to less common, or even atypical personae. Besides, the correspondence of the frequency distribution of costume types to the demographic and social structure, as known from external evidence, is also important. To exam-ine the effect of social correlates such as age, rank and group membership status, these variables are defined in the nominal scale, and tabulated against costume type; the value of the chi-squared statistic is used to determ-ine if association exists between each social correlate and costume type. Despite the frequent occurrence of small expected values, due to the small size of some of the clusters, categories were not pooled, since this would af-fect the randomness of the test; al-though some recent opinion (Everitt 1977: 40) suggests that the chi-squared test is quite robust against small expected frequencies, its result in this study is taken as a suggestion, rather than definitive confirmation, of interesting associations in the data. Besides, an analysis of residuals (Everitt 1977: 46-48) is used to identify which combinations of attribute values contribute significantly to departures from independence.

Moreover, the significance of the effect on costume type of correlates defined on the ordinal scale, such as age, or on a numeric scale, such as the squared width of the stele represent-ing expenditure (below: section 2.2.1), is tested by appropriate Wilcoxon two-sample test (and its multi-sample ex-tension, the Kruskal-Wallis test) and analysis-of-variance F statistics (Sokal and Rohlf 1981: 242-262, 429-435; Thomas 1976: 307-322). All these ana-lyses are preceded by separate tests for each costume attribute, and there-fore the effect of interaction between costume traits on their social signific-ance may be evaluated.

While these measures are useful for exploratory analysis, the multivariate nature of the interaction between so-cial correlates and costume type sug-gests the necessity of additional ana-

lysis. Indeed, there is no reason to suppose that social correlates are in-dependent of each other, so that it may not be valid to ignore their interac-tions. The use of sophisticated meth-ods backed by strong statistical theory, such as log-linear models (Everitt 1977: 63) to examine the effect of age, rank, special types of group affiliation etc. on costume type is precluded be-cause of the small number of observa-tions without missing values for these social factors. But an alternative way to examine the combined effect of so-cial dimensions on male and female costume consists of the evaluation of the principal coordinate analysis res-ults.

Since principal co-ordinates repres-ent in an unbiased way decreasing amounts of costume variability, it is useful for our purpose to examine the effect of all relevant social variables, and the contribution of specific cos-tume traits, on the first few PCs, start-ing from that representing the greatest variance percentage. By definition, scores for each principal coordinate across all observations have a mean of zero (Gordon 1981: 80). The associ-ation of each attribute value (costume or otherwise) with positive or negative PC scores may be thus determined us-ing a two-tailed T test, examining the hypothesis that the mean PC score of observations possessing the attribute value differs significantly from zero (Thomas 1975: 230-233; cf. Pader 1982: 105). While the result of the test provides an indication of the signific-ance only, and not the strength of this association, the mean represents nev-ertheless the typical PC score for that attribute value. Despite the fact that the assumption of normality is fre-quently violated by the way PC scores are distributed, the results of the T tests are useful as means of screening out spurious associations. It should be noted, of course, that T-tests have no strict statistical significance for cos-tume traits, since the PCs are bound by definition to be associated with cos-tume. Apart from T-tests, however, the

26


strength of association of each PC with social variables that can be expressed as ordinal or numeric (such as appar-ent age), may be measured by means of the Kendall tau-b correlation coeffi-cient, which is free of the parametric assumptions of the T-test (Thomas 1976: 406-412). This analysis results in a list of social correlates with posit-ive or negative associations to each of the first few principal coordinates; spe-cific attribute values are represented by their mean scores, the correlation with the main social dimensions by Kendall’s tau-b correlation coeffi-cients. In sum, the results of PC ana-lysis are used in chapter 6 to determ-ine which social variables affect cos-tume most, and how exactly they inter-act in their common influence over costume with other iconographic and stele traits.

27

2. The social identity of figures on Classical

Attic stelai

2.1 Sex and ageThe sex of most figures on Classical

Attic stelai is determined from the ob-vious anatomic and physiognomic dif-ferences between male and female; the few exceptions, mostly babies or poorly preserved examples, do not jus-tify a special discussion of criteria for sex determination. Considering the sharp changes in physiognomic, bodily and iconographic traits between in-fancy, childhood, adolescence and adulthood, it is no surprise that the broad age of female and male figures is also routinely identified in studies on Classical Attic stelai. Following Conze (1893/1900) in cases where an illustration has not been available, 791 (out of 799) females, 593 (out of 600) males and a negligible number of fig-ures of unknown sex have been identi-fied in this study as infants, children, adolescent or adult. In the absence of explicit criteria, the age determination of some marginal cases is open to criti-cism. But, in general, we may be reas-onably confident that the results re-flect well the general trends of sex and age representation on Classical Attic stelai. Excluding the very small num-ber of infants, mostly of unidentified sex (below: 2.1.4), adults are shown on stelai in a proportion of 3:1 to non-adults; besides, while representations of boys are more common than those of girls, there are considerably more adolescent and adult females than males (fig. 1).

Unlike sex, which constitutes a fun-damental dichotomy running across cultural frontiers, the four-fold distinc-tion of broad age is based on modern “common sense” about age categoriza-tion. The multiplicity of Classical Athenian age terms suggests, however, that broad age may fail to reveal im-portant differences within each group (e.g., young adulthood to maturity), and may also hide similarities between transitional cases assigned to contigu-ous groups. To overcome this problem, it is necessary to make finer age dis-tinctions. In the virtual absence of dir-ect external evidence for chronological age on Classical Attic stelai (as, for in-stance, on Roman funerary inscrip-tions), specific traits of bodily and fa-cial characterization will be used to es-tablish a ranking of figures according to their relative age.

The resulting ordinal attribute, called here the apparent age, is a re-flection of the figures’ biological age, “measured by the senescence of the organism” (Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970: 102-104). However, while the same biological age may, because of variations of growth or senility between individuals, correspond to a range of chronological ages, the ste-reotyped nature of stele representa-tions implies that the ancient spectator would assign figures with similar facial and bodily traits to the same age group; the problem of stylistic vari-ation has already been noted (above: section 1.2.4). However, the chronolo-gical age corresponding to each group cannot be determined simply by intu-ition; ageing patterns may have been different in antiquity, especially biolo-gical senility, which used to set in “earlier than at the lower limit of old age defined chronologically today” (Ac-sádi and Nemeskéri 1970: 103).

The exact age of the commemorated individual is sometimes epigraphically recorded on Greek stelai; several ex-amples are collected by Verilhac (1978). Attic inscriptions of the Clas-sical period providing the absolute chronological age of figures on stelai


constitute admittedly rare, but valu-able evidence for the relationship of apparent age groups with chronolo-gical age; all examples are listed by Clairmont (1970), but specific refer-ences will be made where appropriate. The height of non-adult figures relative to adults is also a useful measure of their chronological age. However, rel-ative figure height is also affected by the intended status of the figures (be-low: section 2.3.2); besides, it is some-times difficult to calculate the true rel-ative height when the taller figure is not standing, or is not certainly adult.

Apparent age reflects by definition the continuum of biological age; the discontinuity of the ranking is due to the technical impossibility of making very fine age distinctions between the figures classified. But the way age is represented in terms of anatomy and physiognomy and its tectonic and icon-ographic associations depends on the way it was conceived by ancient Athenians. From Solon’s elegy defining the ten ages of mankind, separated by seven-yearly intervals (Eleg. Fr. 19(27)), to the Periclean reference to the three generations of Athenians (Thuc. 2.44), age is understood as a set of discrete categories, rather than as a biological continuum. The rarity of absolute chronological age refer-ences in Classical funerary epigrams, matched by frequent reference to the qualities, actions and circumstances of the deceased, providing indirect in-formation for the determination of age, confirms this fact.

Universal natural events, such as puberty and female menopause form a basis for age categorization. Natural age landmarks are especially import-ant, since they are iconographically visible: the appearance of anatomic traits, such as female breasts or male pubic hair and beard, may be used to link apparent age to specific chronolo-gical ranges with relative certainty. Moreover, the social integration through education, a system of initi-ation rites, military service and mar-riage constitutes an important frame-

work for the social identity of figures. Literary evidence often provides indic-ations about the chronological age as-sociations of these and other events. The occurrence of age-related, non-costume iconographic traits will be used, together with epigraphic evid-ence, to interpret the apparent age of figures, and to qualify the connection of apparent age ranks with chronolo-gical age ranges.

In sum, the following sections present the exact procedure observed for the determination of apparent age, and the respective ranking of female and male figures. The remaining dis-cussion deals both with age categoriz-ation, and with establishing, by using all available evidence, the chronolo-gical and social associations of appar-ent age ranks. Early childhood is presented in common for both sexes, since infant girls and boys have similar social and iconographic associations. Females and males of older age ranks, where sex patterning seems to be im-portant for age categorization, are, however, discussed separately. Finally, the representation of sex and age on Classical Attic stelai is discussed on the basis of all evidence except cos-tume; the age distribution of figures of each sex on stelai is related to addi-tional evidence.

2.1.1 Apparent age rankingEstablishing which of two figures on

Classical Attic stelai is older appears intuitively to be considerably easier than speculating directly on their chro-nological age. The methodological as-sumption underlying apparent age ranking on the basis of universal, fa-cial and bodily traits, is that different classifiers would reach roughly the same conclusions on the relative age of pairs of figures. To test the validity of this proposition, the female and male figures were ordered according to their age by the author (main rank-ing), and by two independent judges not familiar with the iconography of Classical Attic stelai, working in co-operation (control ranking); Kendall’s

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tau-b was used as an index of concord-ance between the two rankings.

The same procedural rules were fol-lowed for both main and control rank-ing. In order to guard against bias in the ranking process, a set of explicit criteria, dealing exclusively with physiognomic and anatomical age-re-lated traits, was first defined for each sex; iconographic criteria such as the presence of age-related attributes, and even the relative figure height, were explicitly excluded from consideration. Pairs of figures were originally put in the order suggested by the greater number of criteria; then, figures were freely rearranged to ensure that suc-cessive ranks were both different to each other, and internally homogen-eous. A large number of figures whose the age rank could not be determined was rejected from the analysis.

The amount of anatomical and physiognomic information available for each figure varies with relief depth, di-mensions and the technical quality of the stele. In addition, the availability of anatomic surface detail varies with the degree of bodily exposure; only a few well-preserved nude figures permit as detailed a study of the anatomy as has been advocated by Kurtz (1983: 18). It is obviously possible to assign figures with more detailed age characteriza-tion to finer ranks than less-detailed examples. In the interest of striking a balance between precision and effi-ciency, a minimum of ten groups, en-abling a substantially finer classifica-tion than broad age, was requested for each ranking, but the assignment cri-teria were adjusted so as to be applic-able to as many figures as possible. The exact number of groups was left at the discretion of the judges, to be de-termined during the ranking process.

Figures were ranked on the basis of photographs or small sketches. In most cases, apart from large, high quality monuments with detailed age characterization, sketches show ad-equately the simplified facial and bod-ily traits of figures; this is shown by comparing sketches and photographs

of the same stele, such as C95 (Conze 1893/1900: pl. 37 = Clairmont 1970: pl. 13) and C340 (Conze 1893/1900: pl. 84 = Clairmont 1970: pl. 25). The un-avoidable error and reduction of ana-tomic and physiognomic information resulting from including sketches is far outweighed by the large number of figures represented, that would other-wise have been inaccessible.

2.1.2 Female relative apparent ageThere are several universal natural

changes, visible in stele representa-tions, taking place in the lifetime of fe-males; they are unsurprising, but es-sential for the determination of relat-ive apparent age. Especially during childhood, the head becomes progress-ively smaller in proportion to the body. In adolescence, the pelvis becomes wider, and the bust fuller. Additional traits, although not universal to nat-ural human growth, characterize changes in female age on Classical At-tic stelai. During childhood the shape of the face is transformed from round and chubby to oval, the limbs become leaner, and the silhouette more slender. In adulthood, the bodily pro-portions become progressively heavier, and horizontal wrinkles on the front of the neck, known as Venus rings, make their appearance. Old age is character-ized by a thin and stooping bodily frame, and a bony, wrinkled face with deep-set eyes.

These criteria have been used by the author to assign 184 females, shown on Classical Attic stelai, to twelve age groups. Employing the same criteria, eleven groups, of 167 fe-males in all, were distinguished by the independent judges. According to Kendall’s tau-b of 0.82, the main rank-ing has a high, albeit not perfect, de-gree of concordance to the control ranking (fig. 2); we, therefore, assume that it is not seriously affected by our iconographic or conceptual bias. The main characteristics of the relative age groups constructed by the ranking are briefly summarized in fig. 3, and ex-plained, pointing out illustrative ex-

30


amples and specific problems, in the following paragraphs.

The first three groups show just dif-ferences of bodily proportions, sharing a flat chest and similar facial traits. Age group 1 consists of little girls with plump bodies, fleshy arms and round faces; typical examples are C827.1, with a very chubby frontal face accen-tuated by the flat, pointed nose with wide wings, and C840.1 (pl. 20). Girls in group 2 have less plump bodily pro-portions (e.g., C815.1); C878.2 fits bet-ter with this group, although she ap-pears slightly younger. Girls in group 3 are generally more slender (e.g., C1100.1: pl. 33), but the traits of some vary: the extremely slender C831.1 could be older if it were not for the very chubby face, while only the face differentiates C818.1 from group 2 girls.

The next two groups consist of girls apparently up to the advent of puberty. Age group 4 contains two distinct types of figures, the age order of which could not be determined. One is characterized by flat chests, slender bodies or limbs, and childlike but not chubby faces (e.g., C115.2: pl. 4). The other consists of girls with bodies al-most as plump as group 3, but display-ing slight signs of development of the bust (e.g., C875.1). On the other hand, most girls in group 5 display a combin-ation of a slightly bulging bust and more slender bodily proportions than groups 1-3 (e.g., C410.1: pl. 15; C896.2); the unusual C819.1 is also as-signed here despite the apparent lack of bust development, on account of her excessively small head and apparently broader pelvis.

Adolescent girls are assigned to the sixth, seventh and eighth age group; discrimination between these groups is difficult, and criteria often conflict. Age group 6 includes both girls with an almost full bust but childlike facial characterization (e.g., C875), and girls with only slightly bulging chest, lack-ing the childlike traits (e.g., C310.2: pl. 10). Group 7 includes mostly taller figures, separated from group 6 either

by the bust (e.g., C888.2) or the facial traits (e.g., C887.1). Finally, group 8 consists of females with adult bodily proportions; some, however, have dis-tinctly youthful facial traits (e.g., C755.4: pl. 17), while others have a not yet fully developed bust with an apparently adult face (e.g., C871.2).

The remaining groups consist of adult females, differentiated from younger figures by an adult face and broad pelvis. Group 9 consists of wo-men with often idealized, young adult faces, lacking any positive sign of age-ing (e.g., C69.2: pl. 2). The few women assigned to group 10 either display Venus rings but relatively firm bodily forms (e.g., C297.2), or a youthful face combined with a heavier body (C290.3; pl. 9).

The distinctive trait of group 11 fe-males, is, apart from heavier bodily proportions, that they lack the ideal-ized, firm physiognomic traits of younger women: faces are often fuller, chins more pronounced, eye-sockets deeper (e.g., C337.2: pl. 12). Several group 11 women are shown in the company of females with the “ideal-ized” traits typical of earlier groups (e.g., C70; C465; C896), to dispel the view that female physiognomic realism on Classical Attic stelai is merely the result of late chronology, suggesting instead that it is used consistently for mature age characterization. Finally, unlike women in group 11, the three old females assigned to group 12 dis-play a thin, albeit not stooping bodily frame; their face is emaciated, with pronounced features and wrinkles un-der the chin or the deep-set eyes (e.g., C95.1).

2.1.3 Male relative apparent ageLike females, male young children

have plump limbs and bodily forms, and large heads with round, chubby faces. The frequent exposure of the body, however, allows more detailed age determination. Young children with full abdomen and frequent folds of the flesh give way to leaner and

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more slender older boys; they display a correspondingly smaller head, but not yet major changes in musculature. At a second stage, males develop a wider chest and more detailed muscles, es-pecially of the trunk and upper arms; this change is no doubt related with the Athenian athletic ideal, reflected also on iconography (below: section 2.1.6). The process is reversed in adulthood, with bodily forms becoming heavier and muscles less firm; the in-ferior boundary of the pectorals is set lower and the abdomen gets fuller again.

While ageneioi are non-adult by definition, adult men are always bearded, since shaving was considered in Classical Athens a sign of effemin-acy (Ehrenberg 1951: 105). Beard length is used as an age determination criterion because of its importance for facial characterization, in the know-ledge that, having also been defined as a costume trait (above: section 1.3.4), it introduces an element of circularity to our argument; in practice, it is often associated with bodily age-related traits. Finally, as with women, old age is associated with stooping, thin bodily frame and emaciated, wrinkled face with deep-set eyes; an additional sign of male old age is the presence of bald-ing or thinned out hair.

According to these criteria, I have assigned 190 males to thirteen age groups, compared with 217 males as-signed also to thirteen groups by the independent judges; Kendall’s tau-b measuring the concordance of main to control ranking is 0.82, with misclassi-fications mostly extending to just one group, suggesting that this is a relat-ively reliable way of determining relat-ive male age (fig. 4). The main traits of age groups, discussed briefly below, are summarized in fig. 5.

Boys in group 1 display a very plump body with fleshy limbs and a large head; several have thin, barely visible hair connected with infancy, for example, C887.2, who has deep folds of flesh visible in the groins, in the bend of the knee and the ankle, and

around the chin; on the basis of facial traits and narrow shoulders C1044.2 also belongs here, despite his more solid bodily frame. Group 2 consists of slightly more slender figures. Oblique or profile examples display a full abdo-men (e.g., C64.2); despite his wide nose and pronounced lips associating him with older boys, C290.2 (pl. 9), whose body is hidden, has a full face and a plump and featureless visible up-per arm, suggesting that he also be-longs here. Group 3 boys share with younger figures the round shape of the face and the full abdomen, but usually have leaner limbs and smaller heads, without a fleshy chin or chubby cheeks (e.g., C1100.1: pl. 33). They lack defined musculature, with two excep-tions: C978.1, displaying a slightly bul-ging biceps and shallow S-shaped flank-line, but also full abdomen and cheeks and a fleshy chin separated by a furrow, and C964.1, with clearly de-lineated pectorals countered by very squat bodily proportions. Boys in group 4 have more slender bodily pro-portions, often without a full abdomen, but still display fleshy faces and soft, undefined muscles (e.g., C967.1: pl. 25). Despite the bulging belly of C977.1, his slightly arcing depression denoting the costal margin on the one hand, and his undefined muscles on the other, suggest that he is rightly as-signed to this group (cf. Kurtz 1983: 24).

Group 5 figures have a smaller head, a leaner body, lacking the full abdomen of younger examples and dis-playing some anatomical detail: the linea alba, an S-shaped line of the groin with a bulging anterior superior iliac spine, or a slightly bulging biceps (e.g., C1044.1). Boys in group 6 also display these anatomical traits, with the regular addition of the lower bor-der of the pectorals, sometimes exten-ded laterally over the armpits. They have, however, more developed bodily proportions, especially so far as the head-to-body ratio is concerned, with two variations: slender boys with nar-row upper trunk (e.g., C953), or squat-

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ter boys with fairly developed chest and a bulging biceps (C1036.1: pl. 29); which of the two variations consists of younger boys cannot be determined.

Group 7 is characterized by stylized, oval-shaped faces without the childlike traits of earlier groups, and a fit, but not very muscular body (e.g., C935.1; C157.2: pl. 5). The heads of the clavicles are now often denoted, the division of the thighs from the groins marked by clear, almost straight fur-rows, and frontal loins are slightly bul-ging. Several non-nude youths are as-signed to this group of the basis of fa-cial traits or general bodily form (e.g., C1062.2: pl. 31). Youths in group 8 have similar proportions, but a more solid body with stronger thighs and wide chest, and more developed muscles: a clearly demarcated biceps, a deep S-shaped depression at the line of the groin, more detailed muscles of the flank and the rectus abdominis (e.g., C929.1: pl. 24).

Group 9 consists of males with a fully developed body: solid thighs and buttocks, a wide upper torso, a markedly bulging anterior superior iliac spine, and fully developed - albeit relaxed - musculature. Several figures display a thin, growing beard (e.g., C676.1: pl. 16), suggesting that they are at the point of transition to adult-hood; some beardless youths are also assigned to this group, because of their anatomic similarity with nude youths growing a beard (C1054.3: pl. 30), to whom they may also be stylist-ically related (Himmelmann 1956: 27, n. 112).

Adult men have usually only the chest and arms exposed, so that de-termining their relative age is less se-cure than that of children and youths. Group 10 consists of young men, with an upright posture (either standing or seated), firm bodily forms and a relat-ively youthful face; they have a flat ab-domen and high lower pectoral lines, and a short or medium-length beard (e.g., C410.4: pl. 15). Group 11 in-cludes upright, mature men with less-defined musculature than group 10 fig-

ures; many have a long beard, full ab-domen or sagging lower pectoral mar-gin (e.g., C384.2: pl. 13). Despite his firm musculature, C1084.1 is assigned to this group because of his long beard, deep-set eyes and furrowed cheeks; on the other hand, C741.3 is assigned here on account of his thinned-out hair and apparently reced-ing forehead line, despite his short, rounded beard.

Finally, the last two groups consist of old men. Figures assigned to group 12 display long beard, balding fore-head associated with medium-length beard, or thinned-out, wavy hair (e.g., C755.5: pl. 17); the face is often fur-rowed, especially in combination with a thin, wavy beard (e.g., C462.1). Many group 12, long-bearded men show a convex, stooping back, accen-tuated by - but not due only to - their leaning forward on a staff. Group 13 men combine these traits to produce an even stronger impression of old age: stooping body, long beard, thinned-out hair, and an emaciated, wrinkled face with deep-set eyes (e.g., C1013.1: pl. 26; C1055.3).

2.1.4 Infants on Classical Attic stelaiThe youngest figures on stelai are

those of babies held in the arms, usu-ally wrapped in swaddling bands (e.g., C274.2: pl. 7). They display either a pointed cap or uncovered head; their sex cannot be determined, either by this difference in head cover (it lacks other iconographic associations), or by external evidence. The lack of obvious sex differentiation conforms with the similarity in the treatment of boys and girls after birth: anointment with oil and water, a public appearance (am-phidromia) combined with a purifica-tion or consecration rite, a naming ce-remony (genethlia) on the seventh or tenth day (Girard 1891: 65f.; Hoorn 1909: 2-6). But the different attributes hung outside the door of the oikos, a woollen ribbon (alluding to domestic labour: Aristoph., Lys., 567-86) for girls, an olive wreath (alluding to sport?) for boys, find no parallels in

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Classical Attic stele representations of infants.

The height of infants is in most cases a small fraction of that of the adults holding them, suggesting that they are newly-born, or, at any rate, considerably younger than the little children of identified sex included in apparent age ranking. All may be older than five days, when they would have been received by the father (Plato, Theaet., 160E), but, on account of their relative height, many would not yet have been registered in the phratry at the yearly feast of the Apatouria. Two figures, also held in the arms, identified as females by inscription (C310.3: pl. 10) or by the absence of male genitals (C280.2), are larger than babies of unidentified sex, the latter being probably of similar age to reclin-ing, crouching or kneeling infants of uncertain sex (e.g., C888.1). All in all, fourteen babies held in the arms of fe-males, and four other infants have been recorded; their height is always less than half that of adults, and, therefore, none should have been older than ‘2-3 years’ of age.

The death of an infant whom fate has claimed “¢pÕ mastoà mhtrÕj” is commemorated by an Eretrian fourth-century epigram (Verilhac 1978: 39, no. 22). This theme is associated with that of the baby held in the arms, since the holding female apparently repres-ents the mother or wet-nurse; terra-cotta figurines of seated women hold-ing a baby have been found in Attic in-fant burials (Kurtz and Boardman 1971: 100). However, no certain Attic stelai erected for a baby are known; a figureless Attic stele commemorating “tÕn d' œti papta…nont' ™pˆ goÚnasi pa‹da”, dating to the third century BC, probably does not refer to a baby be-ing held on the knees (Verilhac (1978: 129-30, no. 82), but to an older boy not yet able to walk (e.g., C887.2). Stelai with a baby held in the arms may com-memorate a woman who died in child-birth, but whose baby has survived. The subsidiary compositional role and namelessness of the newly-born in-

fants means, in any case, that they were not the primary deceased; the stele of Ampharete (Clairmont 1970: no. 23, pl. 11), in which both grand-mother and baby are designated as de-ceased, is a probably bought-off-the-shelf exception.

However, a large number of deaths must have occurred in infancy, espe-cially during or shortly after labour; according to Aristotle (Hist.An. 7, 588a), “t¦ ple‹sta d' ¢naire‹tai prÕ tÁj ˜bdÒmhj”. Life table evidence from Ro-man funerary data, compatible with Angel’s general outline of Greek demo-graphy, suggests that 1/5 of infants died before their first birthday (Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970: 289-96, tables 121-3; cf. Angel 1972: table 1). In the light of the high infant mortality, the extreme rarity of figured stelai com-memorating infants may be explained by their low status in Classical Athens, shown also by the fact that they were accorded simple pot burials at special infant cemeteries rather than in the family plot (Kurtz and Boardman 1971: 97). Babies were not considered full members of the family, and “the dis-tinction between exposure of the new-born and late abortion was blurred” (Pomeroy 1975: 69). The legitimacy enjoyed by exposure confirms the very low status of infants, despite its rarity due to the high natural mortality (Gomme 1933: 79 and 81-82; Euben 1980/1981: 14, n.31). The absence of sculptured stelai intended for infants means that their low status was main-tained not only for the first week, when the newborn was received by the father, or the first year, when the re-gistration to the phratry took place in the Apatouria, but at least until ‘2-3 years’ of age. Although girls may have been more often subjected to exposure (Pomeroy 1975: 69; Euben 1980/1981: 17), the evidence of stelai suggests that both sexes were accorded equally minimal funerary attention in infancy.

In the life tables assumed above to be broadly representative of Greek demography, infants younger than three years of age represent 8% of the

34


stationary population. This age range constitutes, however, only about 2% of all figures that were meant to repres-ent survivors at the original use of Classical Attic stelai. It should be noted that the heavy under-representa-tion of infancy is a different fact to the lack of stelai commemorating infants; while the latter is related to the status of infants themselves, the former points out the low status accorded to maternity and child care. In fact, chil-dren of all ages are under-represented on stelai as survivors. Even assuming that Attic oratory is not reliable evid-ence (large families were more likely to fall into inheritance problems), on demographic grounds the average Athenian family could not have com-prised less than two children (Gomme 1933: 78-81, and 81 n. 1); an anthropo-logical study of the pubic symphysis of Greek female skeletons suggested, al-lowing for infant mortality, a mean value of 2.7 children per family (Angel 1972: pl. 28). However, excluding standing females that could have been unmarried, of 438 stelai with a (prob-ably married) seated woman, only 26 display a non-adult male, 37 a non-adult female (excluding those in sakkos and long-sleeved tunic, since they represent slaves, below: section $), and 16 an infant. In this light, the view that Classical Attic stelai display the deceased in the context of her or his typical family is not entirely accur-ate.

The importance of the festival of An-thesteria for juvenile age categoriza-tion is shown by its direct use for the indication of age: “how old is he? three Choes or four?” (Aristoph. Thesm. 746). Children older than three years of age participated in the festival, es-pecially in the choes, the procession and ceremonial meal of the second day; they were adorned with flowers, and they made a dedication to the altar of Eurysakes, son of Aias, to commem-orate his sacrifice to Dionysus. In the initiation ceremony (parastasis), chil-dren were admitted to the Attic reli-gious community (Hoorn 1951: 17-19).

A type of squat oinochoe found often in children’s graves, the chous, is of-ten decorated with “scenes of mirth and play” related to the Anthesteria, showing children, often gesturing, crouching, kneeling, or playing with toys and pet animals (Hoorn 1951: 44-49; Green 1971).

Female and male figures assigned to age group 1 of the respective ranking are also associated with motifs of play. The majority of figures hold a little bird, and several are accompanied by a leaping pet-dog; a few hold a ball, or gesture vividly with raised arms to-wards older figures. Group 1 boys are sometimes crouching or kneeling, or hold a pole attached to a wheel toy. Al-though these motifs occur also with older children (below: 2.1.6), the strong similarity between group 1 girls and boys and those shown on choes suggests that they may be ‘3 years’ old or slightly older; this connection is strengthened by the fact that the height of examples where comparison can be made is about 1/2 of adult height or slightly more, if allowance is made for the effect of stance. The fact that most belong to single-figured compositions, and thus represent the primary deceased, means that a sub-stantial change in status takes place at the age of ‘3 years’, probably related to the religious initiation of Athenian children at the feast of Anthesteria. We shall return to the status-related as-pects of age after discussing the links of female and male ranking with abso-lute age, in the context of Athenian age categorization.

2.1.5 Female age categoriesThe following discussion is con-

cerned with the association of female age groups with absolute age ranges, and their relation with Athenian age categories. The fit between the appar-ent age ranking and the broad age dis-tinction between children, adolescent and adult suggests convenient break-points. Flat-chested figures are obvi-ously still children; the slightly bulging bust characterizing all group 5 figures

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would be expected shortly after ‘10 years’ of age, signalling the beginning of adolescence; finally, the fully-de-veloped bust of group 8 females sug-gests that they are adult, probably hav-ing reached ‘18 years’ of age. The de-termination of finer age ranges follows this general division, taking into ac-count demographic and historical evid-ence; the iconographic traits that are significantly correlated with female ap-parent age are summarized in fig. 6. In addition, the relative popularity of stance, degree of contact, gestures and attached attributes is recorded in figs. 7-10. The relative figure height is notably uncorrelated with apparent age, possibly because non-adult maid-ens are often shown in the company of a half-size slave girl, while adult wo-men are often shown seated.

The existence of a system of four fe-male initiation grades, from the age of seven to marriage, is suggested by a much-discussed Aristophanic passage (Lys. 641-647); although the passage is spoken by the chorus of the Athenian women, its historical validity has been doubted: aletrides and kanephoroi were mere sacral functions, without initiatory significance, in a variety of cults, e.g., in the Panathenaic proces-sion (Sourvinou 1971a: 342); the arrhephoria was in the Classical period restricted to two or four girls each year, despite its probable initiat-ory origin (Burkert 1976: 39; Loraux 1980/1: 135 n. 74); arrhephoroi and aletrides, connected with the cult of Athena Polias, may be mere allusions to the identity of the probable satirical target of Lysistrata, a priestess of the goddess at 411 BC., Lysimache (Lewis 1955: 6; Loraux 1980/1: 147-149); fi-nally, the whole passage may be a mockery of male initiation, spoken “as if the women of Athens were in fact the citizens” (Vidal-Naquet 1981b: 179). Unlike the three stages referred to above, arkteia was a pre-marriage consecration rite at the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron or Mounychia (Harpokr. s.v. arkteusai; Schol. Aris-toph. Lys. 645), probably practised by

all Athenian girls in turn; in the cere-mony, attributes of childhood, such as toys, dolls and infantile dress, were offered to Artemis (Brelich 1969: 274-275). Other evidence, relating to cos-tume, is discussed in chapter 6.

According to the Aristophanic pas-sage, the arrhephoria took place at the age of seven. The reference to ten years must refer to aletrides and not to arktoi, since it is improbable that Artemis, rather than Athena, would be called archegetis in Attica (Vidal-Naquet 1981b: 178, n. 28); the connec-tion of dekateuein with arkteia (Sourvinou 1971a: 341) is not suffi-cient evidence to the contrary, since it may refer to an offering, rather than to age (Harpokr. s.v. dekateuein). The arkteia, thus, may coincide with com-ing of age, the transition from child-hood to puberty that is noted in Attic texts as hora (maturity) or helikia (age; e.g., Isaeus II, 3-4). Menarche, typic-ally appearing at 13-14 years, is the obvious natural landmark; however, puberty may be associated with the slightly earlier development of the bust.

According to the age ranges associ-ated with groups 1-4, except for C310.3 (pl. 10), held in the arms of a standing figure, the majority of fe-males between ‘3-7 years’ old are standing and frontal or looking to the side in one-figured compositions (figs. 7-8), and display a small or large bird and often a leaping pet-dog; unlike the small bird, pet-dogs and large birds oc-cur rarely with adolescent or adult fe-males. A ball is shown only with two of the youngest girls, ‘3-5 years’ old (C827.1; C829.1), and a doll is held out by some ‘6-7 years’ old, as well as some older girls (fig. 10); the doll held by C815.1 is a “canting badge” for her name, Plangon (Ritti 1973/1974). The motif of the raised, gesturing arms oc-curs sometimes with the youngest girls, especially in connection with tactile contact (e.g., C310.3: pl. 10; fig. 8). Females with two or more at-tributive items are in most cases ‘3-7 years’ old, reaching up to five attrib-

36


utes in C815.1. C1100.1 (pl. 33) is ex-ceptional for her age of ‘7 years’, both in displaying a handshake and in lift-ing her garment at thigh height, a ges-ture common with older girls. After the age of ‘7 years’ there is a decrease in the number of attributes held by or ac-companying the figure, especially balls and pet-dogs; it is notable that ‘3-7 years’ old females also share similar physiognomic traits.

A pyxis occurs with a small but not insignificant number of females, mostly ranging from ‘8-19 years’ old, and frequently shown on the back-ground plane; they represent, as a rule, accessory figures, and are better dealt with separately (below: 2.3.2). The little bird held by younger girls continues to be common in adoles-cence, until the age of ‘17 years’; there are some figures lacking an attribute, but the majority still display at least one item (fig. 10). Transitional, ‘11-12 years’ old girls, showing the first ana-tomic signs of puberty, are frequently frontal or slightly turned, and may hold a doll or lift the mantle at thigh height. Although the doll is found, apart from children, also with ‘15-17 years’ old, and this particular form of lifting the mantle occurs less often with other females from ‘7-17’ years, the association of both traits here with frontality suggests that an unusual de-gree of attention is intended here. Cos-tume evidence reinforces the view that the transition to puberty, connected with the arkteia, is archaeologically visible on Classical Attic stelai (below: section 6.2).

Although little girls are, in Attic oratory, given in marriage at a very early age by means of the engye, the legal contract of betrothal, the con-summation of the marriage, marked symbolically by the gamelia feast and the subsequent phratry registration at the Apatouria (Ehrenberg 1951: 194; Vidal-Naquet 1981: 180; Redfield 1982: 191), took place later. Conser-vative morality may have exerted pres-sure for early marriage (Lacey 1968: 107; Pomeroy 1975: 64); epikleroi

came to legally possess their property at fourteen, the average age of men-arche, and this is the age of marriage witnessed by Xenophon (Oec. VI, 5). But the actual age of first marriage must have varied, and, if the Spartan norm advocated by Plato was followed, could certainly be as late as eighteen years.

New traits appear sometimes between ‘13-17 years’ of age: the handshake at ‘13 years’, and the ges-ture of lifting the mantle at shoulder height somewhat later (figs. 8-9). How-ever, all females of this age are still standing; in addition, figures occasion-ally hold a little bird or a doll, attrib-utes associated with younger age, and suggesting unmarried status (fig. 10). The iconography of females with a fully-developed bust, of ‘18’ years of age or older, undergoes an important change. Firstly, adult females lack as a rule attributive items, most of the ex-ceptions being pyxis-carriers. Secondly, they are frequently shown in handshake, the gesture of lifting the himation at shoulder height, or both; the “speaking” gesture, the extended index, and bringing the hand to the cheek or chin, are also found with adult females. Thirdly, they are shown seated, occasionally at first, but in the majority of cases after ‘20 years’ of age (fig. 7); the absence of seated non-adult females indicates that this stance may have been confined to married women.

The absolute age of adult women is more difficult to determine. Of two in-stances of inscriptions denoting abso-lute age, C565, of a married woman with tunic and himation, designated as twenty years old, is unfortunately un-accounted for today (Clairmont 1970: 125). Twenty-four year old C450.1 is assigned to apparent age group 10, on account of the Venus rings. The in-scription suggests that wrinkles of this kind appear as early as the middle twenties, rather than in maturity; the association of age group 10 with ‘25-34 years’ of age is based on this evid-ence.

37

CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

The epigram of C858 suggests that the deceased Dionysia has died during her youth (hebe) and prime of age (he-likia). A fragmentary frontal female (C858.1) who has “the physiognomy of a mature rather than a young woman”, is, despite the epigram, identified by Clairmont as the deceased, the contra-diction between image and epigram being attributed to purchase off-the-shelf. But if a young female could con-ceivably be represented in a large monument by a figure so clearly char-acterized as mature as C858.1, as-signed to age group 11 (’35-59 years’!), then the basic assumptions of age ranking would be indefensible.

However, Clairmont’s reconstruc-tion of the stele, identifying C858.1 as Dionysia, is problematical. Despite the observation that a break on the left “might possibly be connected with the head of a second figure”, a one-figured composition of the type of C803 is eventually assumed by that author. The suggestion of the epigram that “tÒnde t£fon kosme‹ sÕj pÒsij 'Ant…f[ilo]j’”is brushed aside thus: “Anti-philos was hardly represented in the relief as he could not have been smal-ler than his wife, unless he was seated, which is unlikely with the main figure standing frontally” (Clairmont 1970: 88). Despite the apparent awkward-ness of this interpretation, this is a rare case where no comment is offered by Daux’s careful review (1972: 528).

The stele is not necessarily one-figured, as Clairmont implies. The ra-tio of the height of the woman’s face (from the top of the forehead to the chin), to stele width (derived from the almost fully preserved pediment half-width), is 1/6. It therefore resembles both the exceptionally wide single-figured C803 (1/5.4), and several three-figured naiskos stelai, such as C450 (1/6.5) or C454 (1/6.8). The pos-sibility of C858 being a similar three-figured relief is strengthened by the clearly visible traces at the break of the stele on the left that Clairmont also reported. These indicate the head of a seated figure, probably to be iden-

tified with the deceased; we should ex-pect her physiognomic and bodily traits to be those of age group 9 (’20-24 years’). On the right, her husband was probably shown standing, as indic-ated by the epigram. C858.1, standing in the background, may be the mother or another older relative (cf. C718.2).

Few iconographic differences have been found between adult women of different apparent age: mature women tend to be more often standing than those young, are frequently frontal or simply gaze at another figure, and, with the exception of the amplified handshake, display fewer gestures. Special iconographic attention is, therefore, given to young, rather than mature women. Moreover, it is notable that very few women are distinctly characterized as old. This may be a re-flection of the low status accorded to women after menopause, related to the fact that their main purpose in life was reproduction: old women became bear-ers of messages or midwives, and took part in the family funerals (Lacey 1968: 175). According to the epigram, C95.1, assigned to age group 12 (’over 60 years’) on account of her thin bod-ily frame and wrinkled face, has died having seen her children’s children. The characterization of C95.1 as eu-daimon recalls epigrams commemorat-ing very old men. The exceptional erection of stelai commemorating old women is supported by the fact that, in this case, C95.1 was a priestess of Kybele, escaping the usual anonymity of her age in Classical Athens.

2.1.6 Male age categoriesIn order to link male apparent age

groups with absolute age, epigraphic and iconographic evidence from stelai will be used in conjunction with in-formation about Athenian male age categorization; unlike females, the ini-tiation of males is linked to a formal system of education, followed by clearly differentiated age categories, in terms of rights and obligations, during adulthood. The connection of stance, degree of contact, gestures and at-

38


tached attributes of the figures with age groups is shown by area charts (figs. 12-15). Besides, the overall asso-ciation of apparent age with icono-graphic attributes other than costume is summarized in fig. 11; the lack of significant correlation with the relative figure height is due to the fact that this trait is affected by the stance of both figures, and by the sex and age of the taller figure, so that it is preferable to discuss individual cases than to at-tempt a more rigorous analysis. Finally the biological age of a skeleton associ-ated with a male figure on a stele rep-resentation is used as external evid-ence on the age of similar figures.

Changes connected with male abso-lute age include the appearance of pu-bic hair, marking the transition from childhood to adolescence, and of the beard, related to the advent of adult-hood. But the age association of pubic hair on stelai is not always clear-cut: it may be demarcated by a horizontal in-cision in C978.1 (group 3) and C977.1 (group 4) and is certainly sculpturally defined in C894.2 (group 5), while it is barely indicated in the clearly older C1036.1 (pl. 29) and C937.1 (group 6). On the other hand, despite its use as a ranking criterion (above: section 2.1.3), the exclusive appearance of a thin, growing beard within group 9 suggests that beard is consistently as-sociated with other age criteria. In de-termining broad age, the beard is used extensively to separate adult from ad-olescent males, but general bodily ap-pearance, rather than pubic hair, is used to separate adolescent from chil-dren; the first five apparent age groups are, therefore, designated as children, and groups 6-8 as adolescent.

Both traits, however, are subject to social categorization. According to So-lon (Eleg., 19(27)), permanent teeth appear at the age of seven, puberty at or before fourteen, and the beard at or before twenty-one. In the Classical period, male age categories before adulthood, describing stages of educa-tion, are often defined by multiples of seven years. Boys younger than six or

seven years, known as paidia, stayed at home. The education of paides, from seven to 13-14 years of age or to pu-berty, concentrated on music and let-ters: the two activities are shown to-gether in vase-painting. From puberty to the age of twenty-one, the physical aspect of education predominated, geared towards the military training of the meirakia (Girard 1891: 127; Mar-rou 1948: 157; Flacelière 1979: 130). It should be noted, however, that in post-Classical sources other terms are used to designate non-adult males, such as anebos, twelve years old, or mellopais, older than ten, and some of the terms mentioned above (e.g., pais) have other meanings, or are also used in a generic, non-technical manner (Brelich 1969: 214).

On stelai the youngest age groups are characterized by their association with crouching and kneeling (fig. 12), tactile contact (fig. 2-13), the gesture of raising the arm or arms towards an older figure (fig. 2-14), and holding in the left hand a pole attached to a wheel toy (fig. 2-15). Unlike other common attached attributes generic to non-adult figures, such as pet dogs and, especially, birds, these traits do not occur with males older than ‘12 years’ of age. Moreover, at least one of these traits occurs with all ‘3-4 years’ old, and the majority of ‘5-6 years’ old boys. The stance of the unstable, half-kneeling C887.2, and the crouching C1052.1 and C1053.1, supported with the hand on a ball set on the ground, probably indicates inability to stand; these are the youngest age-ranked males. The stance of the older C1054.3 (pl. 30) and C1055.1, crouching on the steps of a relief stele with the head leaning on their arms, may, however, be related to their social status (below: section 2.3.2). The raised arms ges-ture (e.g., C887.2, C891.2) implies, apart from pleading, the intention of an embrace. Except for the ‘11-12 years’ old C894.2, holding the arm of a standing woman, and the ‘3-4 years’ old C1044.2, caressing the head of a minuscule male, tactile contact con-

39

CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

sists usually of leaning against the knees of a seated woman (e.g., C290: pl. 9); the intimacy of this variant of the trait and the possible connotation of a difficulty to walk, confirm the young age of the ‘5-8 years’ old males with whom it occurs. Choes, repres-enting young children at the Anthes-teria, often show little boys crouching, raising their arms or holding a wheel toy (Hoorn 1951: figs. 291-293, 460). The connection of the wheel toy with the age preceding athletic education is shown by its non-occurrence on stelai with sport requisites.

The high variability shown by the relative height of ‘3-8 years’ old boys is explained by their stance, and the stance, sex and age of the accompany-ing older figures. The lowest relative height index is predictably shown by crouching and kneeling examples. But if compensation is made for the stance of, for example, the half-kneeling ‘3-4 years’ old C887.2, his relative size in-dex becomes 0.61; considering that C887.1 is an adolescent female, the ra-tio to an adult male should be approx-imately 0.5, in line with the average height of ‘3-4 years’ old males in real life. If allowance is made for the ad-olescent age of the accompanying fig-ures, the relative height of the ‘5-6 years’ old C891.2 and the ‘7-8 years’ old C1036.2 (pl. 29) and C1040.1 should be similar. The height of young boys shown with seated women corres-ponds also with ratios below 0.6 in re-lation to adult male height.

In several cases, ‘7-8 years’ old boys accompany older, non-adult males (hence the frequency of visual contact, fig. 13), and have the hands clasped to-gether (fig. 14; C1036.2: pl. 29) or holding a strigil (fig. 15; C1033.1). Their young age is confirmed by Philostratos (Clairmont 1970: 83-85, no. 17, pl. 9); his nickname Neollarion is a metaphor for meaningless speech or greed, related to the Greek name for a gull (laros, cf. Aristoph. Knights, 956; Clouds 591), but apart for the generic “little babbler” (Clairmont) or “chatterbox” (Humphreys 1980: 114),

it probably means a boy who has only recently started to speak. A nickname would, of course, be used for some time, but apparently not as long as suggested by Clairmont (1970: 84: ‘8-10 years’).

Two iconographic elements running across male childhood and adoles-cence are a little bird, held out by the figure, and a pet dog, often leaping to-wards the figure; the former is some-times recognized as a pigeon (e.g., C938.1), and the latter is a Maltese on account of small size, curly hair and twisted tail. By virtue of the rarity of other attached attributes, the combina-tion of bird and pet dog is particularly important for ‘9-10 years’ old males (fig. 15); unlike several younger sec-ondary figures, they are never shown without an attached attribute. It is un-fortunate that a boy who has seen “en-neeteis kyklious horas eniauton” (Ver-ilhac 1978: 243, no. 169) has no relief preserved, and that all these boys be-long to one-figured stelai, so that relat-ive height cannot be used to confirm their absolute age.

Apart from two figures shown with a standing female (C893.2 and C894.2), ‘11-12 years’ old boys are half-size, shown with a mostly non-adult male. The difference between the relative height of boys shown with a female is due to the fact that C894.1 is adult, while C893.1 is a young adolescent; their relative height index compared to adult men is likely to be around 0.65-0.70, connected with ‘11-12 years’ of age. Figures accompanying a non-adult male display often mere visual contact (fig. 13), the gesture of right arm flexed to the left shoulder (fig. 14), and a strigil or oil flask. Their ex-cessively small relative height is illus-trated by C1044.1, who is only 0.6 as high as C1044.2, despite the fact that the latter is ‘3-4 years’ old; since this cannot be explained by age alone, its interpretation must be sought in status differentiation (below: section 2.3.2).

Despite social differences that re-stricted the advanced teaching of the sophists to the offspring of the elite,

40


“toÝj gennaiot£touj kaˆ plousiwt£touj tîn nšwn” (Plato, Prot. 326C), the ma-jority of Athenians after the fifth cen-tury learnt how to read and write (Flacelière 1979: 129). However, the iconographic continuity from ‘3-12 years’ of age suggests that the start of Athenian education at ‘7 years’ did not affect significantly the perceived social persona of boys. In fact, Classical Attic stelai very rarely allude to the literary and musical, first phase of education, and when they do, it is always in con-nection with older males than those examined here (Polemon, Clairmont 1970: 111-112, no. 35, pl. 18; Phyrkias, ibid.: 102-104, no. 29, pl. 14, 17; C622.1, probably non-Attic, Möbius 1966: 139).

The admission of non-adult compet-itors at the Panathenaia only after ‘12 years’ of age (Girard 1891: 194) sug-gests that children could not have been allowed in the palaistra much earlier. Most figures younger than ‘12 years’, holding a strigil or oil flask, are accompanying a larger non-adult male, to whom the palaistra requisites ap-parently belong; but several excep-tions exist (e.g., ‘5-6 years’ old C64.2; ‘7-8 years’ old C964.1), suggesting that merely holding palaistra requis-ites is a generic symbol of the athletic ideal, without age significance. The frequency of a strigil or oil-flask as an attached attribute of adolescents (fig. 15) confirms the view that neoi are apt for sport in the same way as adult men are apt for war (Loraux 1975: 2 n. 8). Unlike the general age associations of palaistra requisites, the depiction of a boy actually scraping himself with a strigil is mostly confined to age group 6, connected with ‘13-15 years’ of age; other males in that group appear in scenes of athletic activity, involving a hoop (C1062.1: pl. 31) or ball (C953.1 and C1046.2). Additional evidence on the absolute age of these males is provided by Eupheros, whose skeletal dimensions of 135 cm suggest that he died ‘15 years’ old (Schlörb-Vierneisel 1964: 90, pl. 51).

A support appears repeatedly with

‘13-15 years’ old males: apart from a palaistra pillar (C1046.2) and a tree-trunk (C938.1), a stele is shown twice, together with a hare (C937.1 and C1036.1: pl. 29), a theme known also from stelai not included to this study. Phyrkias, of age similar to males ex-amined here, offers a hare as a love present (Clairmont 1970: 102-104); the hare is a popular pet with children of both sexes (e.g., Hoorn 1951: 49, figs. 340f.). The slightly older youth of the Knöchelspieler relief (Schefold 1970: 103, pl. 50.1) is about to throw a stone at a hare, a motif represented on a white lekythos, with the hare on an ap-parently funerary stele (Kurtz 1975: 211, pl. 32.3); another white lekythos, more similar to C1036 (ibid.: 216, pl. 39.1), confirms that representations of hare and stele were intended as funer-ary, but were also specifically connec-ted with male adolescence.

Epigraphic references to helikia, the prime of age, occur with the short-bearded Aristokles (Clairmont 1970: 93-95, no. 24, pl. 12), who is similar to the group of ‘20-24 years’ old figures, the beardless Euthykritos, apparently younger at ‘18-19 years’, with the sur-prising addition that he had reached “p£shj ¢retÁj ™pˆ tšrma” (ibid.: 109-110, no. 33, pl. 17), and the even younger Phyrkias, similar to ‘13-17 years’ old males (ibid.: 102, no. 29, pl. 14). The age characterization of [Phil]etairo[s] (C625), known to have died at twenty-two, cannot, unfortunately, be determ-ined, because his figure was erased during the reuse of the monument. The epigraphic evidence suggests that the transition to adulthood, as wit-nessed by stele representations, may have taken place in more than one stages.

It is known that at the age of six-teen, Athenian males were accepted to the phratry (Pollux VIII, 107, s.v. phratores), consecrating their hair on the Koureotis day of the Apatouria. Be-fore or at the age of eighteen (it is un-known if the period between the sev-enteenth birthday and the official doki-masia counted as a full year or as a va-

41

CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

cuum, Davies 1971: 125) they were en-rolled in the demotic lists and began the two-year military training as eph-eboi or neoteroi, (Gomme 1933: 8, n.3; Marrou 1948: 161-164). Two closely related initiatory structures therefore existed, one connected with registra-tion into the phratry, the other with en-rollment in the demotic lists and milit-ary training (Brelich 1969: 208-228; Sourvinou-Inwood 1971a: 174). Des-pite the fact that registration both in the phratry and in the demotic lists precedes the military ephebeia, and that epheboi are presented to the city at the end of the first year of service, the initiatory nature of the second year is demonstrated by its connection with the story of Melanthos and Xanthos, the aetiological myth of the Apatouria. In opposition to the hoplitic ideal of collective battle in the phalanx, the lightly armed epheboi are connected with fighting alone at the eschatiai of Attica, during darkness, using cunning and trickery; the costume of the eph-ebos resembles that of the hunter, and hunting is the ephebic activity par ex-cellence (Vidal-Naquet 1981a).

Apart from the representations of hares listed above (especially the ‘18 years’ Knöchelspieler), several youths display attached attributes denoting that they are hunters: the hound, which supplants the accompanying pet dog from the age of ‘16-17 years’ and continues being represented up to adulthood (rarely ‘25-34 years’: C1111.2), and the lagobolon, the hunter’s knobbed club, that appears with ‘18-24 years’ old males (e.g., C1055.2). A stele or other monument (C928.1: funerary loutrophoros am-phora) is intimately linked with these attached attributes of hunt, reinforcing the interpretation of the hare, also connected with a stele, as game rather than a pet. The gestures of the hand brought to the cheek and of the exten-ded index (interpreted as a mere man-nerism by Karouzou 1926) are espe-cially common between ‘17-24 years’ (fig. 14); these gestures of grief per-formed by the deceased suggest that

the stele may represent his grave marker. But symbols of hunt are con-flated not only with generic non-adult attached attributes, such as a little bird, but also frequently with strigil and oil flask, suggesting that a double identity of hunter and athlete is inten-ded; the fact that males shown with a stele are exclusively youths suggests that these may equally represent pal-aistra stones. In any case, the import-ance of hunt in these representations shows that Vidal-Naquet’s mytholo-gical analysis on the significance of the ephebeia (1981a) is not only in-genious, but also relevant to real Athenian conceptions of age.

The two elements constituting a young citizen’s definitive admission to the city were marriage, and entry into the hoplitic phalanx. The ideal age of marriage was 30-35 years (Solon, Eleg., 19(27), v. 9-10; Xen., Oec., 7, 5), but in practice it varied from the early twenties to over 40 years, according to prosopographic evidence (Lacey 1968: 107; Davies 1971: 336-337). On the other hand, Athenians resumed full cit-izenship after military training, at the age of 20 years. The change in male status after that age is apparent in stele iconography. Despite occurring sometimes with youths (and, excep-tionally, with the child C1100.1), the handshake predominates among males older than ‘20 years’; since it remains popular within age groups 9-12, it is a trait of adulthood in general (fig. 13). Some of the youngest adult males, des-ignated as ‘20-24 years’ old, are icono-graphically connected with adoles-cents; C646.1, however, is shown seated, a stance not encountered with non-adults, and C718.1 holds a sword sheath compatible with his costume of hoplite. On the other hand, most bearded adult males belong to age groups 10-13; unlike youths and chil-dren, adult men are rarely shown hold-ing objects, or otherwise characterized by attached attributes (fig. 15); the little bird occasionally held by adult men is always related with other, non-adult figures in the representation

42


(e.g., C697.3).

Despite the evidence of Old Comedy, suggesting that “the Greeks had no word for middle-aged people of either sex” (Ehrenberg 1951: 208-211), due to the polar opposition between a re-mote, glorious past and a present characterized by the decline of sol-dierly spirit (ibid.: 303-304), or to the private conflict between father and son, two age categories including men of hoplite age may be identified, e.g., in the persons of Nikias and Alkibiades (ibid.: 310; Davies 1971: 18, 404). A study of funerary speeches confirms that three, rather than two categories of adult males were recognized in Classical Athens (Loraux 1975: 1-9). The neoi served in the army, but were excluded from public office until 30 years of age (ibid.: 7-8, n.31); the legal limit is a rough indication of the un-derlying age differentiation, and young men were considered to be character-ized by apeiria up to 35 years of age (ibid.: 14, n. 55). The andres are the bulk of the army, “Ð polÝj Ómiloj kaˆ stratièthj” (Thuc. VI 24, 3), and are characterized in the funerary speeches not only by military virtue, but, in op-position to the neoi, also by the sophrosyne befitting an Athenian cit-izen (Loraux 1975: 5); the normal army excluded the presbyteroi, usually (but not always: Gomme 1933: 5, 15) older than 50 years, who constituted the re-serve. Finally, those over 60 years be-came “Øpr toà katalÒgou”, and after a year of service as arbitrators, were practically excluded from public life (Lacey 1968: 116-118). In Thucydides’ time, the only preoccupation of these presbytatoi should be to live their few remaining years thinking of the past, cheered by the fame of the departed warriors (Thuc., II, 44).

This tripartite categorization is re-flected by the assignment of most adult males on stelai to three age groups. The first includes ‘25-34 years’ old, standing figures, showing occa-sionally attached attributes appropri-ate to younger males, such as a strigil, oil flask (C410.4, pl. 15) or hound;

iconographic motifs connected with war, such as a helmet (C158.2), horse or sword, seem to be more common with these than with older men. On the other hand, 1/3 of men older than ‘35 years’ are shown seated (fig. 12), a fact reflecting the higher respect ac-corded to this age group. Fewer fig-ures are shown holding any attached attribute, a downward trend continu-ing throughout adulthood; these in-clude the unidentified tool and finished disc of a metalworker (C618.1) and a hoplite’s helmet (C1023.1: pl. 27). Both the active occupation implied by the former and the status of Athenian hoplite implied by the latter confirm that mature men in group 11 are not older than ‘59 years’ old.

Yet older men include proportionally more instances of the “speaking” ges-ture (C237.1), the hand brought to the cheek or chin (C193.2) and the ampli-fied handshake, performed with both hands (C634.1), perhaps related to the helplessness of their age; it may be re-called that only the last of these traits is connected with female old age, and that, on the contrary, the ‘speaking’ gesture occurs with young women. The only object shown with these men, who are probably ‘60-69 years’ old, is a priest’s knife (C920.1, pl. 22). Fi-nally, a few very old males, most stand-ing and all lacking any attached attrib-utes, are designated as ‘over 70 years’ old.

The seated Chairion of a stele not included in this study, identified by epigram as ‘90 years’ old (Clairmont 1970: 136, no. 58, pl. 26-27), is similar to our ‘60-69 years’ old men. However, rather than be taken as typical evid-ence on Attic life span that would make a nonsense of the age structure of stele representations, this should be set together with other epigrams presenting the topos of the celebration of longevity (Humphreys 1980: 114), with possibly exaggerated statements about age at death (100 years: Clair-mont 1970: 133, no. 55b); the phe-nomenon, known as age accumulation, occurs also in Roman epitaphs, and in

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census data of modern pre-industrial societies (Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970: 68-70). It is, of course, possible that Chairion indeed died at such an old age; ancient authors frequently ex-ceeded 70 years of age, as, for in-stance, Plato, Aischines and Theo-phrastos, but again this evidence is probably not representative of the en-tire population. The bodily and facial appearance of group 12 males sug-gests an age of ‘60-69 years’, and even this estimate may be optimistic, con-sidering the earlier advent of senility in ancient societies.

2.2 Stele cost, age-related status and social rank

The permanent nature and visibility of figured stelai in the Classical Attic cemeteries made them social state-ments, not only of the identity of the deceased, but also of family status. The ability of the family to correspond to the need for advertisement of social position varied with its ability to sus-tain the high cost involved in the erec-tion of funerary monuments, which, after the original construction of the funerary enclosure, must have repres-ented a large part of the burial ex-penditure. As shown in the following paragraphs, the cost of funerary monu-ments must have been highly variable; particular aspects of stele form provide information about its cost that may be interpreted using external evidence.

Firstly, it is self-evident that ex-penditure must have been correlated with the dimensions of the stele. Schmaltz notes from epigraphic evid-ence that the purchase of the material, transport and general preparation and smoothing of the stone represented a large part of the cost of decree reliefs. The effort involved in quarrying and transport should have varied with the weight of the stone, and smoothing with its overall surface, so that this cost component could be expected to increase drastically with stele dimen-

sions (Schmaltz 1983: 143-144).

On the other hand, the amount of sculptural labour required must have varied systematically with the number of relief figures, the dimensions of the image, and relief depth; that is, leaving aside other sculptural elements, such as a siren, animal or relief anthemion crown, that should also have added to the cost. According to the Erechtheion building inscriptions, sculptural work on the frieze was paid by the figure: humans or horses were paid a stand-ard sixty drachmas apiece, a half-size figure twenty drachmas, and the relief of a pillar seven drachmas (Paton 1927: 388-389; IG 17 col. I). Leaving aside the actual prices, it is reasonable to assume that the cost of grave reliefs was also linked to the number of full-size figures represented (Schmaltz 1983: 145).

Apart from the number of figures, relief cost must have varied with the relief depth and the size of the image; both are affected by the overall meas-urements of the stele, but the latter is determined to great extent by its tec-tonic type. The image of fully-blown naiskoi, naiskos stelai, pseudo-naiskos stelai and several frameless stelai oc-cupies most of the front face of the monument; in these cases, the relief cost varied directly with stele dimen-sions and relief depth. But in metopic stelai and low-relief frameless stelai featuring a ground-line, the image measures roughly from 20 to 35 cm in each dimension regardless of overall stele size; here the relief cost must have been more or less fixed, depend-ing on the number of figures.

The major cost of stelai would be re-flected in the correlations between the tectonic attributes referred to above and with additional traits on which we have no prior knowledge. In order to increase the size of the effective sample, stele height and width were recorded using approximate measure-ments for stelai that were almost fully preserved; stele thickness was not known for most stelai, and was there-fore omitted. For similar reasons, re-

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lief depth was recorded as an ordinal attribute with five possible values, ran-ging from incised to very high relief; the number of figures was simply coded as numeric. Several traits, such as anthemion crown, pediment crown, crown with akroteria cornice, mourn-ing or musical siren finial, mytholo-gical or real animal crown, pair of rosettes, and the Pentelic or Hymettan provenience of the marble as recorded by Conze (1893/1900), were coded as binary attributes.

For the purposes of correlation, tec-tonic type was broken into two attrib-utes: the first records the presence or absence of antae (frame), reflecting Brückner’s original categorization of stelai (1886: 58f.), and need not have cost implications; the other, a condi-tional attribute, records the complexity of the frame on the ordinal scale, and should be expected to affect stele cost significantly: metopic stelai have an image in a small sunken panel similar to a metope; pseudo-naiskos stelai dis-play a large panel, occupying most of the stele; naiskos stelai have, in addi-tion, antae with often protruding relief capitals; finally, naiskoi are narrow porches enclosing the figures and made of several pieces of stone. This categorization is similar, but not identical, to those used by other au-thors (Dohrn 1957: 182, 186; Clair-mont 1970: 46-48).

Stele cost is a function of several tectonic attributes, accounting for ma-terial and transport, shaping and smoothing, and, finally, sculptural work. The dimensions of the stele have differential effect on cost: wide stelai are more often sculptured on higher relief than narrow ones, and are also deeper and, therefore, heavier, while tall stelai may well be of the thin, low relief metopic type, without clear cost implications; the area of the front face of the stele is therefore inappropriate as a measure of stele cost, since it fails to differentiate between the two di-mensions. The table of correlations (fig. 16) easily confirms that stele width is the single attribute that best

represents other important tectonic traits with cost implications: the stele height, complexity of the frame, and relief depth; it is less strongly correl-ated with the number of figures shown, but so are all other tectonic at-tributes. In addition, the full stele width is known for a greater number of stelai included in this study than any other trait: stele height is less well correlated with both frame complexity and relief depth; indeed, low-relief metopic stelai have frequently very slender proportions; frame type does not take into account the important variance in stele dimensions, espe-cially among metopic stelai, and ig-nores frameless stelai altogether; the various crown or finial forms seem to be related to frame complexity, but not to the dimensions of the stele; finally, the marble provenience appears to be unrelated to the dimensions, tectonic type and, thus, stele cost.

The contradictory evidence on the remuneration of craftsmen in Classical Greece, and the lack of experimental research on the labour required for representative examples of relief sculpture (the recent rescaling of the Erechtheion sculptors’ wages by Wesenberg (1985; contra, Himmel-mann 1979) is based on their number and their obligation to honour the con-tract within one year, but its feasibility is not demonstrated) means that any attempt to attach price tags on actual stelai would be unwarranted. But rough indications of relative cost, as-suming stability in quoted prices, are provided by Schmaltz (1983: 137-145): the low relief of small metopic stelai may have cost between 30 and 50 drachmas, on the evidence of decree reliefs, of which about 15-20 drachmas would cover preparation costs; stelai like C68 may have cost 300-400 drach-mas, assuming a tenfold increase of the quarrying, transport and smooth-ing cost of decree reliefs, and relief prices similar to those quoted for the smaller, but almost free-standing Erechtheion frieze figures (Schmaltz 1983: 145).

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Using the squared stele width (in-stead of the product of width by height, that would fail to differentiate an oblong metopic stele from a squat-ter naiskos stele) as an approximate index of relative cost, a proportion of 1:7 is found between a typical metopic stele (80 x 36 cm) and C68 (149 x 95 cm); a rough estimate of the average cost and labour of tectonic types, as-suming that the typical metopic stele would cost 40 drachmas, appear in fig. 17. The cost of pseudo-naiskos stelai is justifiably similar to that of taller met-opic stelai, since the image of the lat-ter is confined to a small panel; ac-cording to this measure, large naiskoi such as C109 (215 x 145 cm) should have cost indeed as much as a small house (Schmaltz 1983: 145). The dis-tribution of squared width values of stelai examined in this study confirms the relative cost associations of these tectonic types; its marked skewness in-dicates that stele cost was related to social rank, fewer families being able to afford large monuments (fig. 18).

The use of archaeological evidence on the cost of the monuments for the identification of rank has been criti-cized as unreliable, “partly because the cost of any given monument can-not be closely assessed against the wide variation in attested figures, but mainly because such monuments re-flect not only economic position but also a scale of taste, fashions, and val-ues which seems to have been chan-ging rapidly in the years after 340” (Davies 1971: xix; cf. Schmaltz 1983: 139). Additional objections may be ad-ded. Firstly, that the cost of the monu-ment may also vary according to the age of the deceased, apart from family status. Secondly, that the single stele is only part of the archaeologically vis-ible funerary programme: several monuments may have been erected in a family plot, family rank being reflec-ted in overall peribolos expenditure. Thirdly, that many figures may have been commemorated on the same stele by multiple inscriptions, a multi-figured monument being in fact a cost-

effective solution.

However, apart from the circularity of the chronological argument, all these objections do not in fact deny the effect of social rank on stele ex-penditure, but only introduce addi-tional factors for cost variability. The different financial means of Athenians and the pressure for conspicuous ex-penditure would be expected to create a social pattern of stele cost resilient to distortions from extraneous factors. Assuming that stelai were erected on the occasion of a death, their cost should have been mainly affected by the social persona of the deceased, and the status of the family. However, before social status can be determ-ined, it is necessary to examine the ef-fect of the age of the primary deceased on stele expenditure.

The apparent age of female and es-pecially male primary deceased figures is correlated with several stele attrib-utes (figs. 19-20). Of those unrelated to cost, the association of the rosettes, anthemion crown and the full name in-scription (including patronymic and demotic or ethnic name) with male adulthood and of the siren finial with young male age, are the most note-worthy. But both sexes also show strong associations of apparent age with cost-related traits: the older de-ceased are shown on taller stelai, with many additional figures. Older females are also commemorated on wider stelai, but monuments with fuller antae (e.g., naiskos stelai) and a high-relief image more often commemorate younger males.

Although apparent age is more strongly correlated with stele height, it is necessary to examine its effect on width, which more closely reflects stele cost (Kendall’s tau-b coefficient has by definition the same value for simple as for squared width). The width of stelai commemorating female children is small; stelai of intermediate width are used for ‘15-19 years’ old fe-males, but those commemorating young adult women between ‘20-34 years’ of age are significantly larger

46


(fig. 21). The stele width associations of all female figures are similar (fig. 22); ‘13-14 years’ old females shown on larger stelai are often slave girls, normally accompanying adult women. The higher status of female young adulthood, suggested by these results, is related to marriage and mother-hood. Except for C887, erected for a ‘3-4 years’ old, the stelai of male chil-dren are also small until ‘15 years’ of age, when they show a slight increase; the largest monuments, however, com-memorate ‘20-24 years’ old males, at the age of transition from ephebeia to adulthood (fig. 23); this measurement is based only on two cases of ‘20-24 years’ old youths positively identified as primary deceased, but is supported by several large stelai displaying males of similar age, who probably represent the deceased as well; the very old men (’over 70 years’) shown on large stelai are accompanying youths of the trans-itional age (fig. 24).

The major differentiation in stele cost appears, therefore, to separate children and adolescents on the one hand, from (especially young) adult figures on the other. The effect of age on stele cost may be removed by meas-uring the difference of stele width with the average within the age category of the deceased; in order to have more reliable estimates, we shall sacrifice differences between apparent age groups, using averages from the broad age ranges. The great variability within each age range cannot be acci-dental; the rank index, calculated as the residual from the mean squared width of stelai commemorating an indi-vidual of the same sex and broad age, should reflect, among other factors, the social and economic rank of the family, and may be used, together with iconographic and compositional evid-ence, to determine family status.

Since the purpose of studying the dimensions and tectonic form of the stele is to determine the social and economic rank of the family, it would be interesting to examine the traits of stelai belonging to families included in

Davies’ register of the liturgical class (1971). But very few of the individuals attested in Davies (1971) are identified with any certainty on figured grave stelai. C68 may commemorate the daughter of Proxenos of the Gephyraioi, notable in Athenian public life (ibid.: 478-479); the dates fit, and the stele is considerably larger than the average for adult women, but, with the demotic missing (a common trait of early chronology) the filiation has to remain open. Python I, son of Py-thodoros ek Kedon, and his son Python II, attested in the single-figured C923, are in all probability members of a wealthy oikos of the late fifth and fourth century (ibid.: 485); their stele is moderately larger than those of other mature men.

However, other monuments connec-ted with the liturgical class do not show increased stele expenditure. C153 commemorates the daughter of a fourth century naval family (ibid.: 276), on a stele smaller than average; the metopic stele associated with the family of Sostratos (C763; ibid.: 499) is of average dimensions, compared to stelai of both male and female adults. The stele of the girl Mnesiptoleme is also of average size, despite her litur-gical class connection (C827; ibid.: 482); the same is true of the youth C946.1, who belonged to a naval fam-ily (ibid.: 443).

On these grounds, it should be con-cluded that no association was found between liturgical class affiliation and increased stele expenditure. It should be noted, however, that a fraction only of the members of the liturgical class is known (Davies 1971: xxix-xxx), and probably that the stelai examined rep-resent also a small part of those ori-ginally erected. A full examination of this problem would require a study of all funerary monuments, including the figureless anthemion ‘name stelai’ used for the commemoration of the pa-ter familias and apparently found often in Davies’ register (Schmaltz 1983: 146 n. 345); such an examination, however, is beyond the limits of this

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study.

2.3 Other aspects of social differentiation

2.3.1 Athenian citizens and meticsMetics, immigrants resident in

Athens or Attica, were treated as a special legal category, paying special taxes, and, until the late fourth cen-tury, having to be represented in court by an Athenian prostates. Since they could not own agricultural land, they were involved in a major way with commerce, manufacture and banking (Austin and Vidal-Naquet 1977: 99-101); metics, identified by their ethnic name, appear in the Erechtheion build-ing inscriptions, but, in comedy, traders are in most cases Athenian cit-izens, a fact suggesting that Athenians were still the predominant power in trade and manufacture (Ehrenberg 1951: 160). Despite their lower legal status, metics were accepted to serve in the Athenian army (Thuc. VII, 63). Gomme’s calculations suggest that they represented from one fifth in 425 BC to nearly two fifths in 313 BC of the free adult male population (1933: 19-20, table 1). These are conservative estimates, since they are based on the number of adult males under the as-sumption that many of them would not have brought their families to Athens, in analogy with modern short-term im-migration. Unlike fourth century im-migrants, metics in or before the fifth century were mainly Greek. Their eco-nomic position must have varied in analogy with Athenians, from the very rich members of the liturgical class to the very poor thetes (Gomme 1933: 25-27; Ehrenberg 1951: 161-162; Austin and Vidal-Naquet 1977: 104-105).

Evidence on the metic status of indi-viduals commemorated by stelai is provided by their ethnic names in fu-nerary inscriptions. Conversely, the demotic name, combined with proper name and patronymic, identifies Athenians; the name and demotic in

genitive, accompanying female names, identify the male guardian, who may be either the father or husband, the situation being unclear when the rela-tionship is expressed solely by the gen-itive case (Humphreys 1980: 116 n. 47). The exceptional direct reference to a woman’s demotic, as in Nikippe Phrearria (C37) and possibly in Myrtia Kephisia (C67) is puzzling; women had no political rights, and, while they could administer the affairs of an oikos when the male head of family was away for a limited period (kyria), even widows had to be under the protection of a guardian (Lacey 1968: 15f.); per-haps, the demotic is here a misnomer for residence in the respective deme, that does not clarify whether these wo-men were metic or Athenian.

Foreigners in the majority of cases lack a patronymic name; most excep-tions concern males of the second gen-eration, such as Pamphilos, son of Kal-lias from Sikyon (C658), the father be-ing identified just with the ethnic, or women, such as Symmachia and Theo-phile, wife and daughter of Sym-machos from Mende (C413). With the exception of Eirene from Byzantion, probably of Phoenician descent on ac-count of the bilingual inscription, most figures included in this study appear to have been Greek; this is due to the better integration of Greek metics into Athenian society, non-Greeks such as Antipatros of Askalon maintaining their own cults, funerary customs and sepulchral iconography (Clairmont 1970: 114-117). Proveniences occur-ring several times are Plataiai, Olyn-thos, Herakleia in Thessaly, Kythera and Elis; proper names such as Kypria (C47), Asia (C58) or Doris (C122) may also be ethnic nicknames, and will be taken to identify non-Athenians on stelai. The metic status of individuals is not recorded in funerary inscrip-tions, except when they are isoteleis, granted equal taxation status to Athenian citizens (C634); it is, how-ever, reasonable to accept that indi-viduals identified by inscription as for-eigners were actually metics, rather

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than slaves (below: section 2.3.2). Since stelai are family monuments, ex-cept for clearly secondary slaves, fig-ures in a composition are taken to rep-resent either Athenians or metics, as the case may be.

Of 137 stelai bearing an ethnic or demotic name, 26 commemorate for-eigners and 111 commemorate Atheni-ans. The ratio (1:4) falls within Gomme’s actual population estimates for metics and Athenian citizens. On the assumption that the demographic estimates are correct, this suggests that there was the same chance of sculptured stele commemoration for metics as for citizens. The ratio of male to female figures among metic stelai (28:21) is slightly higher than that of Athenians (122:125); this, how-ever, is probably due to the fact that male adult Athenians were often com-memorated by figureless ‘name stelai’. The Kendall’s tau-b correlations have shown that the effect of provenience on the iconography is minimal, and based on single occurrences: a female holding a baby (C274.1: pl. 7) is metic, as is also a youth shown leaning on a loutrophoros amphora (C928.1). On the other hand, no significant correla-tions between provenience and tec-tonic form of stele have been found. The evaluation of the effect of citizen or metic status on costume will, there-fore, be studied only on the basis of cases identified by name inscription.

2.3.2 Slaves, servants and special categories

Estimates on the number of slaves in Classical Athens are almost entirely hypothetical. Gomme suggests, on grounds of financial viability, that Athens could support a maximum of 115.000 slaves, half of them, all men, engaged in industry, and the other half being domestic servants in a ratio of one male and one female to each free adult (1933: 20-24); but the “quite un-certain number of slave children” (ibid.: 27) should increase this ratio considerably, even assuming a consist-ent practice of infant exposure, in line

with dramatic evidence suggesting that “numbers varying from three to twelve were normal in most houses” (1951: 168).

No evidence for servile status is provided by name inscriptions on sculptured Classical stelai; this is to be expected, since servility was hardly ap-propriate for social advertisement, and it is also apparent in the Erechtheion building inscriptions, where the rela-tionship of non-Greek slaves (identified as such by their name) to their owners is indicated by a simple genitive. Moreover, despite Clairmont’s view, based on a confusion of isoteles with apeleutheros (1971: no. 25; Daux 1972: 532-535), no freedmen are iden-tified among 241 cases of preserved inscriptions on sculptured stelai.

It could be argued that slaves are commemorated in Classical stelai without reference to their position, be-cause of the low status involved; their status would then have to be denoted by more subtle means. Robertson (1975: 365-366) has suggested that the lack of patronymic and demotic in a name inscription is a strong indication of servile, or at least not citizen, status; the small, unassuming C696 and C38 are suggested as probable representations of slaves; the short hair of C38.1 is interpreted as a sign of servile status as well.

The simple, ‘name only’ inscription is indeed connected with small stele dimensions. However, of 341 stelai bearing a name inscription, 158 (46%) display only a proper name. Robertson’s provision for an additional epigram bearing patronymic or demotic names, suggested for the case of the stele of Chairedemos and Lykeas (1977: 369) cannot hold true for all these stelai, many of which are fully preserved: epigrams are rare, and, when they occur, the patronymic and ethnic or demotic names appear on the name inscription, rather than the epigram (e.g., C96). If all simple names identified slaves or metics, tak-ing into account the further number of metics identified by ethnic name, only

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37% of stelai would commemorate Athenians, a clearly unacceptable con-clusion. On the other hand, avoiding the difficulty by arguing that only some of the ‘name only’ figures are slaves removes entirely the possibility of discriminating slaves from Atheni-ans or metics by this means. Even when names allude to foreign origin, there is no way to know that they identify slaves and not metics. In fact, the only certain slave commemorated by a sculptured stele is Pyraichme, the Thracian titte (a misspelling alluding to a foreign accent, Karouzou 1957b), whose name echoes slave names like Xanthias, recorded in Old Comedy (Ehrenberg 1951: 171-173), and whose long-sleeved tunic has been connected in further analysis with slavery (below: section 4.3.7).

Stelai with simple name inscriptions stood often in periboloi near other monuments identifying the proveni-ence of the family; such is the case of the stele of Demostrate in the family plot of Hierokles at Rhamnous, and of the relief of Phanias and Philoumene in the peribolos of Nikodemos at Dekeleia (Garland 1983: 165-167). The lack of patronymic and ethnic or demotic is, nevertheless, associated with representations of female figures; to 152 women on these stelai corres-pond only 100 men, while the two sexes are equally often represented (187:181) in stelai with either pat-ronymic, ethnic or demotic. Besides, non-adult figures are clearly favoured on stelai with simple name inscription, a fact suggesting an alternative inter-pretation for their small cost, related to the social identity of figures repres-ented (below: section 6.2).

In the absence of external evidence, iconographic criteria may be applied for the identification of slaves on stelai. Himmelmann has suggested a framework for the Attic representa-tions of slavery (1971). He has ad-vanced the view that physiognomic, ra-cial characterization, based on the per-ceived traits of “barbarians” (un-groomed hair, uncouth face, wrinkled

forehead etc.), is rare in Classical stelai, because “die heroische oder quasiheroische Thematik... war mit der physiognomischen Sklavendarstel-lung aesthetisch schwer zu vereinen” (ibid.: 21). However, physiognomic in-formation of this kind is often difficult to assess and separate from emotional characterization or attempt at portrait-ure, with only indirect access to the racial stereotypes of ancient Atheni-ans.

Himmelmann has also noted that height differentiation was used in Clas-sical art to distinguish slaves from free people, in analogy to the similar differ-entiation of gods from humans, and humans from animals. Height differen-tiation was, in his view, combined with facial idealization, that resulted in slaves being shown younger than in reality, e.g., paides improbably accom-panying warriors on stelai (Himmel-mann 1971: 26). This view provides a convenient explanation for a large part of the discordance between relative figure size and apparent age, shown by several half-size male figures such as the ‘7-8 years’ old C1036.2 (pl. 29), ‘11-12 years’ old C1060.1, and, espe-cially, C1040.1, accompanying younger, but taller boys. These figures probably represent height-differenti-ated slaves. Although differences are slighter, a similar tendency exists to favour isokephalia of females identi-fied by their costume as slaves with a seated woman.

Besides, iconographic attributes have been suggested by Himmelmann as indices of servile status: crouching, a naive, childish stance unjustified for free children that were able to stand, and connected also with representa-tions of banausoi (Himmelmann 1971: 27-28, 36); the male gesture of the right arm bent across to the left shoulder (ibid.: 33-34). Moreover, that author has connected frontality with deceased or servile status; but his definition of frontality as a trait that “den seelisch oder körperlich Belast-eten characterisieren kann” (Himmel-mann 1971: 33) seems, despite its in-

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genuity, artificial, and the trait cannot be used on its own to identify either status, as shown by the many ex-amples of background, frontal mourn-ers.

A small group of female figures on stelai are identified by inscription as titthai. It is commonly assumed that wet-nurses identified on these reliefs were slaves, enjoying a privileged rela-tionship of love and attachment with an Athenian oikos (Himmelmann 1971: 44). However, of six titthai examined in this study, C130.1 was, according to the epigram, the daughter of an isoteles, a metic given equal taxation status to an Athenian citizen, and C866.1 was from the island of Kythera, which was under Athenian control dur-ing the 390s, thus probably a metic as well. On account of its genital allusion, it has been suggested that Choirine is a common name for hetairai (Thimme 1967: 200); the wet-nurse C333.1, however, need not be one, since the child Choiridion (C842.1) clearly is not. In fact, the only titthe with a figured stele certainly identified as a slave is Pyraichme (above: section 2.3.2), not included in this study. In this light, it is possible that the titthai examined here are metics, or even poor Athenians (Girard 1891: 74), com-memorated either in the funerary plot of the host family (C340.1), or with their own family, when shown in hand-shake with a man (C186.1); the large number of slave wet-nurses were, in all probability, not commemorated by a sculptured stele at all. Standing fe-males holding a baby in swaddling clothes, excluding seated women that probably represent the mother (e.g., C59.1) are probably representations of titthai, shown in a secondary role.

The identification of female figures as chrestai alludes to usefulness in the domestic sphere, as indicated by the form “crhst¾ kaˆ ™rg£tij” encountered in the epigram of C129 (Clairmont 1970: 126, no. 49). Of 12 chreste in-scriptions, two are also titthai. In three cases, their names suggest possible foreign origin: Melita (C45.1) from

Malta or the Illyrian island of Melite (unless it is a misspelling for Melitta), Doris (C122.1) the homonymous re-gion of Greece; Magadis, the mother of Malthake chreste (C155.2), appears to be a non-Greek, eastern name. Their overlap with wet-nurses suggests that these figures were also servants, mostly of foreign origin.

The third group of evidence consists of name inscriptions identifying fig-ures by their proper name and by the mother’s name, instead of the usual patronymic; ten such cases are found, most of them commemorating a female figure. In two cases (C155 and C854) the woman is also designated as chreste, suggesting a link in the social status of the two groups. The mother’s name sometimes alludes to ethnic ori-gin, as Persis (C124.1) and Syro (C189.1), or also to servile status, as Mania (C114; cf. Ehrenberg 1951: 171). The absence of a patronymic suggests that these figures may have been illegitimate children, possibly of hetairai.

The name inscription “DHMHTRIOS QEODO-THS” of C191 has been thought by Clairmont to identify a primary and a secondary deceased male. According to the epigram, the stele was erected by Erxis, “ISON STERXAS OISI TEK[EESI]” for Demetrios; Clairmont reads ster-xasa, and identifies Erxis as Demet-rios’ wife, who “cared for him as much as for her own children” (1970: 120-121). But a wife would be expected to philein her husband, rather than stergein for him, and the analogy between husband and children is not convincing. Moreover, unlike the com-mon Theodotos (several entries in KirchPA), the masculine Theodotes is not, to my knowledge, attested. In this light, the name is best interpreted as a metronymic, identifying Demetrios as the illegitimate son of a Theodote be-fore her marriage to Erxis, the latter name being masculine. A renowned hetaira named Theodote is in fact men-tioned by Xenophon (Mem. 3.11.1-4) as a contemporary of Socrates; her possible identification as Demetrios’

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mother confirms the connection of the metronymic name inscriptions with il-legitimacy.

Chreste inscriptions are signific-antly associated with narrow, low-cost stelai with simple, mostly metopic, frame and painted anthemion crown (fig. 25); other correlations are based on single occurrences, and may there-fore be of minor importance. Similar, albeit statistically not significant cor-relations with small cost are shown by stelai of wet-nurses and illegitimate figures with metronymic name. This, and the considerable overlap between the three special categories appear to confirm that they are all related to low social rank. On the other hand, the small number of these stelai indicates that they are less likely to be the me-morials of the numerous wet-nurses and servants of servile status, or ille-gitimate children of female slaves, than those of very poor metics, and, occasionally, Athenians.

2.4 The identification of the deceased

Figures on Classical Attic stelai are differentiated into those representing the primary deceased for whom the monument was erected, those repres-enting members of the family who died after the erection of the stele, and those representing stereotypes of mourners (above: section 1.1.3). The deceased or mourner status of figures at the original and final use of the stele has been recorded in several cases: of 432 inscribed stelai, 241 are one-figured reliefs, 44 name all figures depicted, 53 identify only one of the figures represented, and 94 include more than one named and at least one nameless figure. This epigraphic evid-ence may be used to determine the ef-fect of deceased/mourner status on stele iconography. On account of their difference in meaning, the original and final status will be examined separ-ately, excluding costume attributes in order to avoid circularity in further

discussion.

The general relation of iconographic traits with the primary deceased or mourners, as identified epigraphically, has been analysed separately for fe-male and male figures (figs. 26-27). Al-though figures in one-figured stelai lacking a name inscription surely rep-resent the primary deceased as well, they were excluded from this analysis, because they would introduce a bias towards this particular type of compos-ition. The presence and number of at-tached attributes, centrality in the composition, holding a bird or being shown in the company of a pet-dog are connected with the representation of the primary deceased of both sexes; besides, the seated stance, the repres-entation of a large bird (duck, goose etc.) and the gesture of the pointed in-dex are characteristic of primary dead females (fig. 26). The attached attrib-utes connected with the primary de-ceased are, notably, also associated with childhood and adolescence (cf. figs. 6, 11); this may be due to the fre-quency of non-adults in one-figured compositions. On the other hand, both female and male mourners are often shown simply gazing at the primary deceased (who is often shown facing frontally, or looking down), a trait con-nected with female childhood and ad-olescence; besides, non-adult female mourners frequently hold a pyxis. In addition, male mourners at the ori-ginal use of the stele are more often shown in the right side of the composi-tion, and vice versa.

It has been argued that stelai “gel-ten in den Regel nur einem Toten, der in der Darstellung durch die Komposi-tion, durch Attribute, Gesten oder Blickrichtung oder durch all diese Mit-tel als Hauptperson characterisiert ist” (Schmaltz 1979: 85); indeed, the icono-graphic similarity of multiply inscribed stelai with those having one name, in-dicates that the “successive” method of inscription has been used in most stelai (Garland 1982: 130). However, the iconographic traits connected with female or male primary deceased

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status, discussed above, are not neces-sarily those discriminating between the primary deceased and mourners in a given composition. Because the primary dead is known by definition in one-figured stelai, the nature of these “idealized visualisations of the dead” may have dictated a different use of iconographic conventions from other stelai, where there is real intercourse between mourners and the deceased (cf. Johansen 1951: 53-55). Moreover, in many stelai, the question is to de-termine the status of figures of both sexes. In this light, separate correla-tion coefficients have been obtained for two compositional types, regard-less of figure sex: (a), two or more standing figures, and (b) a seated and at least one standing figure.

In compositions without a seated figure, the primary deceased have a greater number of attached attributes, often hold a small bird, and are taller than mourners (fig. 28); these are ob-vious iconographic correlations, con-nected with stelai of non-adult males or females shown in the company of a half-size figure, representing either a slave or a free child. Full-size standing figures are, however, not differenti-ated, although the non-significant as-sociations of the foreground plane and centrality with the primary dead, and of the hand brought to the head, cheek or chin with mourners, appear to be common sense. The correlations of the primary deceased with a relief stele, horse or hare, and of mourners with the gesture of lifting the himation at the shoulder, are also non-significant; more evidence is necessary in order to examine the underlying hypothesis that compositions of more than one full-size standing figures may com-memorate males.

In stelai containing a seated figure, the primary deceased tends to be seated, and mourners tend to be shown in the background, and gazing at the primary deceased (fig. 29). The correlation with broad age reflects the fact that the primary dead in such compositions are normally adults; so

are also, however, many of the mourn-ers. The handshake obviously occurs both with the primary deceased and another figure, but further figures are mourners. The tendency of the primary dead to be set on the left side of the composition, facing right in pro-file, reflects the associations of the seated stance (since it was not found among stelai with standing figures), without an independent meaning.

On account of multiple inscriptions, “it is reasonable to regard [stelai] as communal monuments and to consider those whom we see represented as members of the family who died at dif-ferent times” (Kurtz and Boardman 1971: 138); name inscriptions, after re-use, may be used to separate these specific members of the family from stereotypes of mourners. Among fe-males, the strong correlation of the seated stance and handshake with rep-resentations of the dead (fig. 30) is not surprising: stereotyped mourners are never shown seated, or in handshake. The absence of similar correlations for male figures is due to the fact that seated males are rare anyway, and that several standing men in handshake are not identified as deceased at all (fig. 31). The connection of higher apparent age with dead females is related to the non-adult age of most female slaves (below: section 4.3.7); on the other hand, males of small relative height are very rarely identified as one of the deceased, since in most cases they represent slaves (above: section 2.3.2).

Stereotyped mourners in composi-tions of only standing figures are dis-criminated from the dead by the ges-ture of bringing the hand to the cheek or chin, especially females (fig. 32). The weaker correlation of relative fig-ure height with final, compared to ori-ginal status, suggests that, apart from slave mourners, other half-size figures in these compositions represent sec-ondary, rather than the primary dead. Although the strigil and oil-flask are often held by the deceased in one-figured stelai, it is notable that they are associated with slave boys —

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mourners by definition — in composi-tions of two or more standing figures, who often have also their hands clasped together.

In stelai with a seated figure, the handshake is more strongly correlated with figures identified as dead after re-use (fig. 33); indeed, nameless stereo-types of mourners, such as slaves, are as a rule shown in isolation, often in the background, gazing at the de-ceased. Females holding a pyxis are, not surprisingly, identified as stereo-typed mourners, carrying the jewels of a deceased seated woman. Similarly, non-adult figures, the youngest often raising their arms, should be stereo-typed representations of “children of the family”, since they are as a rule nameless. In most cases, however, iconographic traits connected with de-ceased status (both original and final) show tendencies, rather than hard-and-fast rules.

Figures in Classical Attic stelai rep-resent individuals of different inher-ited social position, ethnic affiliation and social class, and deceased or mourner status. Fundamentally, how-ever, they reflect the demographic di-mensions of sex and age, with a bias towards the representation of females, and of non-adults among males (above: section 2.1, fig. 1); the distribution of figures of both sexes according to ap-parent age, smoothed by the method of moving averages (fig. 34; cf. Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970: 71), indicates also that, in contrast to the mostly young adult females, there is a large number of mature old males. However, the fact that the deceased or mourner status of most age-ranked figures is not known from external evidence, and the existence of alternative means of commemoration (e.g., ‘name stelai’ for adult men), indicate that evidence dis-cussed in this chapter is relevant to the perceived nature of social roles in a funerary context, rather than to the demographic and social reality of Clas-sical Athens.

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3. Frequency and social associations of

costume traits

3.1 Procedure and overviewAccording to the methodological dis-

cussion of chapter 1, before the classi-fication of Classical Attic costume and its interpretation, it is necessary to ex-amine single costume attributes and their associations with important so-cial correlates. The following aspects of each costume attribute will be stud-ied: firstly, the effect of the sex of the figure; secondly, the relative frequency of different attribute values for figures of either sex; and, thirdly, the associ-ation of each attribute with age, stele expenditure, and deceased or mourner status of the figure. Standard statist-ical tests (above: section 1.3.9), as-suming a null hypothesis of independ-ence, will be used.

Age is represented by the apparent age rank derived from the anatomical and physiognomic examination of the figures (above: section 2.1); the con-tinuous effect of age on a costume at-tribute (Kruskal-Wallis test), and the association of attribute values with dis-crete age categories (chi-squared test) will be examined. The results of stat-istically significant associations is presented in the form of cumulative frequency plots, giving the age “pro-file” of different costume traits (above: section 1.3.9).

Stele expenditure is not represented by the full stele height, related to the conspicuity of the monument, but by

CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

the squared stele width, which reflects in a more balanced way the effect of material costs, relief depth and num-ber of figures (above: section 2.2); its variance according to the value of each costume attribute is examined by means of F tests, and significant asso-ciations are presented in the form of box-and-whisker plots (above: section 1.3.9). Stele expenditure, of course, may be connected as much to different status accorded to different ages, as to social and economic rank; since this is-sue involves a view on the probable function of specific costume configura-tions, it will be resolved in later dis-cussion, taking into account the mul-tivariate effect of social variables on costume. The fact that the distribu-tions observed in the box-and-whisker plots are frequently skew is related to the vertical, rank aspect of cost differ-entiation: the larger a stele becomes, the fewer the families that can afford it.

Finally, whether a figure represents the deceased or a mourner is estab-lished by the presence or absence of name inscriptions; it is necessary to examine the association of costume at-tributes to the deceased/mourner status of figures (chi-squared tests) as it was determined both in the original and the final use of the stele. The dif-ferentiation in original use is predom-inantly related to the perception of the deceased versus all mourners, includ-ing socially important, free members of the oikos; on the other hand, the differentiation after extensive reuse separates all figures that could repres-ent members of the family, from those representing social stereotypes of mourners, such as slaves.

According to the selection criteria advanced in Chapter 1 (above: section 1.3.4), twenty-three attributes were used to describe the costume of fig-ures on stelai; five pertain to the head and ornaments, six to worn garments, nine to draped garments, and one to footgear. The results of statistical tests on the association of these attributes with sex, and, for figures of either sex,

with apparent age examined both on the nominal and ordinal scale, stele ex-penditure, represented by its squared width (and, additionally, stele height) and deceased or mourner status (ori-ginal and final use) are summarized in fig. 35. It is notable that most costume attributes contribute to the differenti-ation between male and female fig-ures, but that increasingly smaller numbers of such attributes are used to differentiate young from old, high from low stele expenditure, and mourners from the deceased; this fact relates to the degree of redundancy by which each social trait is signified by cos-tume, but not to the strength or cer-tainty of this signification. Since the relation of important social factors and all costume traits will be examined in a systematic way, some, but not all asso-ciations found are predictably unsur-prising; nevertheless, for reasons of completeness, such associations will be briefly noted. It is also worth point-ing out that a specific costume attrib-ute often will not show the same stat-istically significant association for male as for female figures; this demon-strates that the meaning and relative importance of costume traits is af-fected by sex (above: section 1.3.5), and, therefore, that the decision to ex-amine age, expenditure and deceased status separately for male and female figures is a sensible one.

3.2 Analysis and discussion

3.2.1 HairstyleThe highly significant association of

the basic arrangement of the hair with the sex of the figure, found by the ana-lysis, is not surprising (fig. 36): most female figures display a complex hair-style, while males show mostly simple hair. The most common female ar-rangement is the encircling plait, a hairstyle of Peloponnesian origin (Bieber 1928: 25) consisting of a hair plait drawn around the head in the form of a wide band and tied back, so that the ends are not visible (C40.1: pl.

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1). Together with its rarer variant, the forehead encircling plait, where the plait is tied up over the forehead (C290.3: pl. 9), it occurs in 1/3 of fe-males examined. The hair is parted in the middle of the forehead and tied back inwards, probably under an invis-ible band, in such a way as to create a side aspect similar to the encircling plait, rather than a uniform surface, is described as drawn back; it occurs with almost one fifth of females, some of which may in fact have other hair-styles, difficult to identify because of their often frontal view or associated veil (C901.3: pl. 21). The hair in a bun occurs in 1/10 of cases. Other complex hairstyles are less common: the single falling plait — falling on the back of the neck or over the shoulder (C775.1: pl. 17); the “melon” hairstyle, with the hair divided in ra-dial strands running back from the forehead; and, the krobylos, a knot over the nape of the neck with the hair forming free strands (C887.1). Overall, four out of five females show complex hairstyles, with most of the remaining cases being short-haired (C310.2: pl. 10), or, when they display locks falling on but not entirely covering the neck, medium-haired (C840.1: pl. 20).

On the other hand, the vast majority of male figures have simple hair: al-most two out of three are short-haired (C410.4: pl. 15), with a sizeable num-ber of medium-haired (C967.1: pl. 25) and some balding examples (C1013.1: pl. 26); the actual length of male hair is roughly similar to the equivalent fe-male hairstyles. Apart from excep-tional cases, the only recurrent com-plex hairstyle shown with men is the encircling plait, with exceptional oc-currences of the krobylos and the hair in a bun. In sum, apart from the defin-ite association of complex hairstyles with female sex. female hair is more varied than that of males. Variety of hairstyle is thus combined with adorn-ment, and both traits connote feminin-ity.

Female hairstyle is highly signific-antly associated with age; arrange-

ments may be divided in four groups according to their specific age associ-ations (fig. 51). Firstly, medium hair is strongly connected with childhood, oc-curring in four out of five cases with girls younger than ‘8 years’ old; in fact, it only occurs once after ‘12 years’ of age, being thus an almost dia-gnostic trait of childhood. Secondly, two formally related arrangements, the krobylos and the falling plait, belong to adolescence, confirming earlier ar-chaeological opinion (Schmaltz 1979: 24); in our analysis, the falling plait ac-tually occurs with a slightly wider age range, from ‘8 to 19 years’ old. Thirdly, the encircling plait, short hair, “melon” hair and hair in a bun, repres-enting together more than half of cases examined, occur both with adult and non-adult females; short hair is more common not only with females younger than ‘25 years’, but also with old women, an association already noted by Bieber (1928: 24); from the few cases available, it appears that the “melon” hairstyle occurs often with middle-aged women. Fourthly, the par-ted, drawn back hair and the forehead encircling plait become common only in adulthood, especially before ‘25 years’; the occurrence of the encirc-ling plait tied over the forehead (unlike the more common variant tied at the back) is notable only after adoles-cence.

Male hairstyle shows also a highly significant association with age (fig. 52). This is mainly due to the natural association of maturity with balding hair; it sets in from the age of ‘35 years’, but four out of five cases are in fact older than ‘60 years’. More than two fifths of medium-haired males are children younger than ‘twelve years’ old, suggesting an important connec-tion of this hairstyle with male child-hood as well; the encircling plait be-comes common in early adolescence, and the short hair is the only hairstyle found with ‘16-19 years’ old males. The transition from medium to short hair is doubtless connected with the koureion (below: section 6.2); but

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short-haired men are also common throughout adulthood, especially until the age of ‘35 years’, while the encirc-ling plait occurs equally often with middle-aged as with young males, and the medium hair, apart from its noted connection with childhood, is common with mature and old men.

The association of female hairstyle with squared stele width, taken as an index of stele expenditure, is also highly significant, although the distri-butions are largely overlapping (fig. 72). Medium hair is consistently asso-ciated with small stele expenditure, as is also the hair in a bun, the falling plait, and somewhat less the krobylos, with most cases having a squared width smaller than 0.35 squared metres. The small stele cost connected with the medium hair, falling plait and krobylos is probably related to non-adult age. The very common encircling plait and the short hair occur in about 3/4 of cases with stelai almost as small as those connected with the three pre-vious hairstyles; however, many of the remaining 1/4 are shown on consider-ably more costly monuments, shown as individual data points on the box-and-whisker plot (fig. 72), and measur-ing between 0.5-1 squared metre. On account of the fact that the distribu-tion of all squared width values is also skew, reflecting the fact that few famil-ies were capable of sustaining the cost of large monuments, these hairstyles appear to be used right across the so-cial ladder. Finally, the forehead plait, ‘melon’ hairstyle and drawn back hair are consistently related to large monu-ments; the drawn back hair, in particu-lar, is in the majority of cases shown on stelai larger than 0.5 squared metres, probably indicating higher so-cial rank.

A statistically significant association between male hairstyle and squared stele width has also been found (fig. 73). The encircling plait and, excluding some large outliers, medium hair oc-cur mainly on small stelai, in most cases showing a squared width smaller than 0.25 squared metres; it is not

clear how much of this is due to figure age, since neither hairstyle is restric-ted to representing a specific age. On the other hand, balding and short hair show a skew distribution, being shown on both small and large stelai; short-haired men, in particular, are fre-quently shown on stelai of squared width around 1 squared metre, prob-ably representing males of high family rank.

It has been asserted that, in Clas-sical costume in general, short female hair is associated with sorrow and servile status (Bieber 1928: 24). Some indication of this was found in the ana-lysis of name inscriptions: both in the original and final use of the stelai, slightly more short-haired females than expected were found to represent mourners; in addition, the falling plait was more common than expected with females originally designated as de-ceased. Similar weak associations were found among males: short hair with original mourners, medium hair with the original deceased; besides, all males with encircling plait were even-tually designated as deceased. How-ever, all these associations have no statistical support, as they were found to be non-significant even at the 10% level. On this evidence, the question of a universal meaning of specific hair-styles related to deceased or mourner status has to remain open.

3.2.2 Head ornamentThis attribute designates headgear

not covering the hair of figures, with the exception of invisible knots or brooches, such as used to tie a krobylos or hair in a bun; its statistic-ally significant social associations are summarized in fig. 35. Three quarters of females and a slightly smaller pro-portion of males display no head or-nament (fig. 37). But the common narrow headband, often apparent only as a slight circular depression of the hair, occurs relatively more often with male figures (C1035.1), although it remains still the most common headgear for females, mainly by virtue

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of those having parted, drawn back hair. Also more common with men than women is a less frequent, appar-ently metal ornament, with narrow sides becoming broad and pointed over the forehead, known as stephane (C967.1: pl. 25); a rare convex type of female headgear resembling the stephane in form (C339.4) may be a piece of cloth covering an underlying tied-up plait, rather than metal. Fi-nally, a multiple headband radiating two, three or more times around the head from the nape of the neck, pos-sibly to be identified as a strophion (Bieber 1928: 86, pl. 60.2), is confined to a few female figures (C289.1: pl. 8).

The different forms of head orna-ment display similar age associations with figures of both sexes (figs. 53-54). The stephane is a common head orna-ment with children of young age on choes representations (Hoorn 1951: fig. 142, 181, 188 and 313); all in-stances of this ornament on our stelai occur with girls younger than ‘8 years’ old or with boys younger than ‘11 years’ old, suggesting that it is dia-gnostic of childhood regardless of sex. The narrow headband takes on from the age when the stephane disappears, especially among females, where no cases younger than ‘eight years’ old were recorded. The male headband is worn to roughly the same extent throughout adulthood, with a slight de-crease in old age, probably related to the appearance of balding hair. On the other hand, the frequency of female headband is increased between ‘15 and 19 years’ of age; besides, most cases of the more elaborate multiple headband (with the exception of an old woman) occur with young figures between ‘17 and 24 years’. The trans-ition to full womanhood is therefore related to increased adornment of the head.

But stelai showing females wearing a multiple headband appear to be lar-ger than those showing females without head ornament, a difference in headgear that would be appropriate for social rank differentiation, but

which was not statistically confirmed. The stephane, on the other hand, oc-curs in considerably smaller stelai; this connection receives support from the fact that the stephane of males is also restricted to small, unassuming stelai, a statistically significant associ-ation (fig. 74). The small stele ex-penditure connected to the stephane is probably due to the comparatively low status of childhood, of which this orna-ment is a diagnostic trait. On the other hand, the male narrow headband ap-pears to be related to smaller stele ex-penditure than its absence, a surpris-ing fact, echoed by a similar (albeit non-significant) mean cost difference between females with and without a headband.

Although failing the 5% significance level, the association of the form of headgear with deceased or mourner status, especially as intended in ori-ginal stele use, deserves a brief com-ment. The male stephane and the fe-male multiple headband occur only with figures originally designating the deceased, while the female narrow headband is also associated with the dead. While caution is necessary in in-terpreting a non-significant result, this appears to suggest that figures origin-ally designated as dead display in-creased head adornment (with the ex-ception of male headband) in compar-ison to those intended as survivors. It is interesting that there is less statist-ical support for the relation of headgear with the final deceased/mourner status, despite the larger number of observations involved.

3.2.3 Head coverWhile most males have their head

uncovered, more than 1/3 of females display a head cover; in addition, clothing items covering the head of fe-males are entirely different from those worn by males, both facts being unsur-prising (fig. 38). The veil, occurring with more than 1/4 of females, consists of part of the mantle drawn over the head (C901.3: pl. 21), rather than a separate kredemnon (Bieber 1928: 24)

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or a veiling tunic overfall (ibid.: 34, pl. 3.2). Whatever its form, the fact that the veil covers the head and makes the face less visible suggests that it in-trinsically signifies modesty; hence the use of taking off the veil in Greek art to signify the hieros gamos, and mar-riage in general (Karouzos 1966, with list of representations). The remaining female figures, about 1/10 of the total, wear a snood enclosing their hair; snoods were worn by Athenian women at home and during the night, but also by servants (Bieber 1928: 26). The common simple snood covering the greatest part of the hair will be called here a sakkos, while the rare orna-mental snood or net covering part of the hair will be called a kekryphalos. The distinction between the two forms using conventional terms reflects com-mon usage, without prejudging the is-sue of their significance; it should be noted, however, that the sakkos is, by its mere form, more suggestive of modesty than the kekryphalos.

On the other hand, male head cover (representing in total 1/20 of examined cases) consists usually of a helmet, actually worn or held; this is fre-quently of the crested Attic variety (C1005.1), but the Chalcidian form also occurs (C1023.1: pl. 27; cf. Snod-grass 1967: 69-70, fig. 49). A less fre-quent type of protective head cover, probably made of leather, is the conic pilos. It occurs as often as the petasos (C1062.2: pl. 31), a broad-brimmed hat of Thessalian origin worn by travellers and horsemen for protec-tion against sun and rain (Abrahams 1908: 111). While the male helmet, pilos and petasos refer to special so-cial identities, the number of pre-served examples is small to confirm associations with age, stele expendit-ure and deceased or mourner status. The following discussion, therefore, refers only to female head cover.

Female head cover is highly signific-antly associated with both nominal and ordinal age (fig. 55). The kekryphalos appears with both non-adult and young adult figures, a non-conclusive result

based just on three observations. It is certain, however, that the sakkos is connected with late childhood and early adolescence, since more than 3/4 of cases are younger than ‘17 years’; two equally likely age ranges may in fact be distinguished, one consisting of ‘8-12 years’ old girls in sakkos, and the other consisting of ‘15-24 years’ old young women in sakkos. Of the re-maining two arrangements, the un-covered head occurs from early child-hood to old age; by virtue of its fre-quency, it dominates the representa-tions of females younger than ‘17 years’.

In Himmelmann’s view, “die Tracht des schleierartig über den Kopf gezo-genen Mantels trifft nun fast nur bei reiferen, verheirateten Frauen, ist viel-leicht eine prägnante Bezeichnung für diese” (1956: 25); this view is only in part supported by our analysis. While no veiled females younger than ‘17 years’ have been recorded, compared to the uncovered head, the veil is more common during young adulthood than in old age (fig. 55): roughly equal num-bers of women older than ‘18 years’ of age display an uncovered head and a veil, but almost 3/4 of the veiled wo-men are younger than ‘25 years’ old, compared to less than 3/5 of adult wo-men lacking a veil. Taking into account the confinement of young Athenian fe-males compared to the relative free-dom of movement of older women, the veil appears to be a sign of modesty, naturally more appropriate to young brides, rather than of seniority connec-ted with matron status.

But female head cover is also highly significantly associated with squared stele width (fig. 75). All forms of head cover are represented on average on larger stelai than the uncovered head. This difference in expenditure is most noticeable with stelai representing veiled women, which include many ex-ceeding a squared width of 1 m2; some females with uncovered head are also represented on large stelai, but their number is negligible compared to un-veiled females on small stelai. Al-

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though stele size of sakkos representa-tions is less varied than that of veil, that type of snood is also connected with higher expenditure than the un-covered head; this may be partly due to the fact that female servants, sev-eral of whom wear a sakkos, are more likely to be represented on larger stelai, acting as status symbols.

The head cover affects the identific-ation of a female figure as deceased or a mourner. The fact that the associ-ation is statistically highly significant only at the final use of the stele (fig. 88) is probably due to the lower num-ber of cases with identified original status. The uncovered head occurs in-discriminately with deceased and mourners, both in original and final use. The connection of the veil with the deceased (Stupperich 1977: 108) is supported by our analysis, since the deceased represent 2/3 of veiled fe-males in original use and 9/10 in final use; but the existence of veiled mourn-ers, argues against Thimme, who be-lieves in a normative symbolic mean-ing of the trait: “Die Darstellung der Verstorbenen im Mantelschleier ihrer Characterisierung als Braut des Todes galt.” (1967: 20). All forms of snood occur both with mourners and the de-ceased; iconographic evidence (below: section 4.3.7) suggests that a large number of unidentified sakkos figures are slave mourners, a fact that is not apparent here, using only external evidence. Despite this servile associ-ation, the configuration of costume traits argues that deceased females in sakkos are in fact free women, and not slaves (below: section 4.3.1).

3.2.4 Earrings and jewelleryOn account of their total absence

with males, the obvious association between earrings or other forms of jewellery and figure sex is highly signi-ficant. Earrings are worn by 1/10 of fe-males. They usually are disc-shaped, supported directly on the lobe of the ear (C157.1: pl. 5), but occasionally it is only a hole on the lobe that indicates the original presence of an inlaid

metal earring of unknown form (C290.3: pl. 9). Other ornaments are very rare, consisting of a simple loop necklace and bracelet worn on the left forearm of Eukoline (C1131.3); a heavier crescent-shaped object (C94.2) and a now lost, perhaps originally painted item (C68.2), held out by standing female figures may also rep-resent jewellery, the former a neck-lace, the latter a ring or earring.

Despite the lack of statistical signi-ficance, it is worth noting that most earrings are worn by young women, between the age of ‘17 and 25 years’. The only figure wearing other orna-ments, however, is non-adult (C1131.3); her wearing earrings as well suggests that they are not restric-ted to adult women. Females wearing earrings or other ornaments occur on stelai of larger dimensions than those without, but the difference is not stat-istically significant. This is also the case with the effect of earrings on the deceased or mourner status. Despite the fact that the few recorded cases (four and seven respectively) were de-ceased, both in primary and secondary use of the stele, some figures wearing earrings are identified by other cos-tume traits as slaves (e.g., C284.1).

3.2.5 BeardThe presence and length of a beard

is an attribute pertinent to males only. While it is recognized that there is an infinite variety of beard length, be-cause of the difficulty of exact meas-urement and the anticipation that it would not yield notably greater inform-ation, beard has been coded as an or-dinal attribute. In addition, beard shape has not been recorded, although it varies from pointed to rounded, since this was considered to be a styl-istic, rather than socially determinable attribute. Beardless males represent more than 2/5 of the total (C929.1: pl. 24); a very small proportion have been coded as unshaved (C1054.1: pl. 30), since they have traces of growing beard that does not alter the shape of the chin; according to beard length,

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the remaining cases have been classi-fied in 1/3 of cases as medium-bearded (C410.4: pl. 15), when they have a beard covering the front of the neck, and short-bearded (C927.1: pl. 23) or slightly more often long-bearded (C1023.1: pl. 27), when the beard length seems to be shorter or longer than average.

The presence and length of beard is strongly correlated with apparent age (Kendall’s tau-b: 0.79); it should be noted, however, that beard is one of several traits taken into account in the identification of apparent age, so that some degree of circularity is involved. Nevertheless, the result appears to suggest that this attribute is consistent with other age-related traits. Apart from the obvious absence of bearded non-adult males, men with fully de-veloped musculature are only rarely shaved, and then they appear to be very young; this confirms the com-monly held view that shaving did not become common until Hellenistic times (Bieber 1928: 25). A thin, un-shaved beard seems to display youths at the transition to full adulthood; it is notable that pubic hair is already standard with considerably younger adolescent males (above: section 2.1.6). Trimming the beard is normal with young men, but becomes rare with age.

Beard is also highly significantly as-sociated with the original deceased or mourner status of the figure (fig. 89). Beardless males are in 2/3 of cases identified as deceased, while bearded males, regardless of beard size, rep-resent more often than not a mourner. Taking into account the strong age as-sociations of beard, it appears that mourners are not often shown as non-adult males, and that the male dead are by a ratio of 4:1 non-adult; note however that non-adult dead have been easier to identify, since they often belong to single-figured stelai. With this caution, this result supports the view that non-adult males tended to be commemorated by the erection of a sculptured stele more often than men.

On the other hand, the lack of signific-ant association between beard and fi-nal deceased or mourner status sug-gests that adult men, apart from ‘name stelai’, were often commemorated by adding a name inscription to an already erected relief (above: section 1.1.3).

3.2.6 Main tunicGreek dress may be categorized as

an endyma, intended to be worn, or as a periblema, draped around the body (cf. Bieber 1928: 2). This section is concerned with the basic description of the former category. Its existence and form is naturally strongly affected by the sex of the figure (fig. 39). In all recorded cases females wear a long tunic; further attributes are used to identify its exact form. On the con-trary, only a minute proportion of males wear a long tunic. More than 9/10 actually have no tunic at all. Most of the remaining cases wear a short chiton, reaching to the height of the knees (C1062.2: pl. 31); this consists sometimes just of a girdled piece of cloth permanently fastened on the shoulders with brooches. A male garment of similar length, rarely en-countered on stelai examined in this study, is the exomis, consisting either of a short chiton having the right shoulder brooch unfastened, or of a tailored garment of similar form (C1033.1).

The possible association of male tu-nic with ordinal age involves a child in exomis, two old men in long tunic, and a mixed number of children and young adults in short chiton. On the other hand, male tunic is not significantly as-sociated with stele expenditure, as shown by squared stele width (fig. 76). Despite the lack of significant associ-ation, however, the small squared width of stelai representing males in long tunic is notable. Short-tunicked males, on the other hand, tend to be represented on considerably taller (but not broader) stelai than other figures; this association is related to the tec-tonic type of these stelai.

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3.2.7 Tunic sleevesOn account of their relation with

main tunic form, sleeves are obviously associated with figure sex (fig. 40). The vast majority of long sleeves be-long to females wearing a long chiton; the sleeves and the sides of the chiton are sewn. A sleeveless tunic occurs with a larger proportion of tunicked males than that of females. But the majority of short-tunicked males, and even more long-tunicked females dis-play short sleeves. Most male ex-amples have been identified as true short sleeves, being tightly sewn around the upper arms; they comprise all long tunics, and the majority of short chitons, in the latter case often displaying a v-shaped cut at the hem. Only a small proportion of females dis-play this variety of short sleeves, most identified cases being loose pseudo-sleeves, formed by the lateral parts of the open upper side of the tunic buttoned on the upper arm by three brooches. The pseudo-sleeves actually identify the most common variety of tunic on stelai, an Ionic chiton, while the absence of sleeves contributes to its identification as the Doric peplos.

Females in a long-sleeved tunic are ‘8 to 17 years’ old (fig. 56); on this ac-count, they are connected with younger age in general than those in either short-sleeved or sleeveless dress. From the few examples avail-able, it appears that sleeveless tunics are used until the age of ‘34 years’, while short-sleeved tunics are uni-formly spread between females of all ages. On the other hand, pseudo-sleeves and true short sleeves of fe-male tunic appear to be connected with larger stele cost than those simply identified as short sleeves; this is a spurious result, due to the fact that the exact sleeve form is more eas-ily determined on large reliefs. How-ever, while sleeveless tunics belong on average to stelai of similar squared width as the combined forms of short-sleeved tunics, the long sleeves are connected with considerably higher stele expenditure, shown by a mean

squared width exceeding 0.5 m2. (fig. 77).

The association of sleeve form with deceased status is not supported by the statistical test, but it is worth not-ing the connection of long sleeves with mourners. A long-sleeved tunic is in fact a sign of servility (Himmelmann 1971: 16), since, because of its East-ern origin, it was worn in Classical times by non-Greek servants. The as-sociated high stele expenditure is ex-plained by the more frequent inclusion of servants, functioning as status sym-bols, on large reliefs. The age connec-tions of long sleeves are similar to those of the sakkos, suggesting that non-Greek slaves were customarily represented in late childhood or ad-olescence.

3.2.8 Additional garmentAs shown in fig. 41, more than 1/2

of females and 3/4 of tunicked males display no additional garment over the tunic (C289.1: pl. 8). In the re-maining cases, females and males wear different forms of an additional garment. The former wear often a sleeveless long tunic, in some cases recognizable as the woollen Doric peplos, over the typically fine short-sleeved Ionic chiton underneath (C79.1: pl. 1). The additional garment differentiates simple from composite forms of the tunic, as defined by Barker (1922); but types of tunic are configurations of more than one tunic attribute, and are best discussed in the context of costume types. A shorter garment with long, short or no sleeves, a chitonion or diploidion, forms occa-sionally an overfall over the main tunic (C79.2: pl. 1; cf. Karouzou 1957: 78-79, pl. 21); it is not certain, however, that this is truly a second garment, since it may well have been sewn to the inner tunic. A rare knee-length long-sleeved coat, identified as the Persian kandys (Kingsley 1974), may suggest that the deceased Myttion (C919.1) was of Eastern ethnic origin. On the other hand, only a small proportion of the few tunicked males wear an additional

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cuirass over their short chiton (C1023.1: pl. 27), identifying them as hoplites (below: section 5.3.4).

The frequency of an additional tunic is not affected by female age. On the other hand, the average squared stele width connected with the double tunic is significantly higher than that con-nected with single tunic (fig. 78). Al-most 1/4 of double tunics occur on stelai larger than 1 m2.; the increased complexity of costume implied by the additional tunic is thus frequently matched by a large stele expenditure. Besides, the single tunic occurs more often than expected with women iden-tified as mourners, and the double tu-nic occurs as a rule with the deceased; this association, based on figure status at the final use of the stele, is statistic-ally significant (fig. 90). The fact that even when the stele was first erected most females in double tunic represen-ted the deceased (14/15) means that the female additional garment is not involved just in separating main from secondary figures, but also in identify-ing the primary dead from the mostly single-tunicked mourners.

The sample size of tunicked males does not permit us to confirm the asso-ciation of a cuirass with specific age ranges, except for its predictable con-nection with adulthood in general. Apart from the association of tunicked males with higher than average stele expenditure, men in cuirass appear, on account of squared stele width, on even larger stelai (fig. 79); in fact, large stelai representing a simple short chiton is of similar size as the smallest stelai with a cuirass repres-entation. This is an important differ-ence, affecting the interpretation of the relevant male costume types (be-low: section 5.3.4).

3.2.9 Tunic girdle and overfallThe presence and form of a girdle is

affected by figure sex (fig. 42). A small proportion of females but more than 1/3 of males display an ungirdled tu-nic (C820.1: pl. 18). The long tunic of

men is the orthostadios chiton of priests, since it is always ungirdled (C920.1: pl. 22; cf. Bieber 1928: 21). But the majority of recorded cases, in-cluding all remaining males, wear a visible girdle over the tunic at waist height (C840.1: pl. 20); it should be noted that the presence of a girdle cannot be verified for a large number of females, whose waist is covered by a mantle. A very small number of cases display a tunic forming a pouch over the girdle, so that the girdle is invisible; the pouch usually just covers the girdle at the waist (C1062.2: pl. 31), but sometimes falls as low as the thighs (C310.2: pl. 10).

While the small sample size does not permit any secure conclusions about the male girdle apart from its non-occurrence with the long tunic, the female girdle is significantly asso-ciated with age (fig. 57). Both the un-girdled tunic and the girdle over the tunic occur from early childhood, but most cases of the former are confined between ‘8-16 years’ of age, while the latter continues to be popular in adult-hood. The girdle over the tunic is therefore the standard form, frequent with females of all ages. The age asso-ciations of ungirdled dress, deriving from the Laconian maiden costume, may be explained by the fact that, physically and symbolically, it does not impede growth connected with adoles-cence (Bieber 1928: 18; eadem 1977: 86). The pouch covering the girdle ap-pears with girls older than ‘13 years’ old, but also with adult women; its popularity with the former is explained by the fact that the pouch is an effect-ive way of adjusting the length of a full-size Doric peplos brooched at the shoulders for use with non-adult fe-males, especially in combination with an overfall.

Slightly less than 1/2 of 49 recorded female figures display a tunic overfall; an unaccountable proportion of the re-maining cases, coded as having no overfall may in fact have an invisible overfall, turned inwards (Bieber 1928: 18, type I.B.b.1). Although there is

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considerable degree of variation, a dis-tinction may be made between three visible overfall forms. A short over-fall, falling to above the waist, or me-dium overfall, falling to slightly below the waist, occurs with 1/8 and 1/12 of the total respectively; the overfall is formed by turning over part of the tu-nic, which is fastened with brooches at the shoulders (C40.1: pl. 1). A long overfall, on the other hand, falling to thigh-height, occurs with more than 1/3 of all recorded females. It is often formed by turning over the upper part of a heavy Doric peplos, and fastening it at the shoulders (C310.2: pl. 10), but sometimes consists of a separate or sewn chitonion worn over a tailored tunic (C410.1: pl. 15; cf. Bieber 1928: 20).

The same difficulties as with the girdle have been encountered in re-cording the presence of a tunic over-fall with females wearing a himation. Since they affect mostly adult women (below: section 3.2.11), the age asso-ciations of tunic overfall indicated in fig. 58 should be treated with caution; there may be a larger number of adult females lacking an overfall (or with a long overfall) than suggested by the recorded data. On the other hand, enough figures of younger females are available to permit the following obser-vations: firstly, that non-adult females up to the age of ‘20 years’ are equally likely to lack an overfall; secondly, that figures with long overfall are popular in childhood and, particularly, between ‘11-14 years’ of age; and thirdly, so far as the small sample is representative, that, while the short overfall occurs with figures of all ages, the medium overfall is associated with late adoles-cence from ‘15-19 years’ old. The fre-quency of tunic overfall with non-adult figures and the decrease of its size from long in early adolescence to me-dium in late adolescence confirms that it is used to regulate the length of a full-length tunic in different stages of bodily growth (Bieber 1977: 85).

3.2.10 Supporting bandsThe tunic of all male and 6/7 of fe-

male figures display no supporting bands. Of the 27 remaining females examined, 19 display shoulder bands, passing under the armpits in front and, presumably, crossing in the back; they probably constitute an anamaschal-ister such as that of the Delphi chari-oteer, their function being to support the habitual short pseudo-sleeves (C1100.1: pl. 33; Barker 1922: 415). The remaining eight females display crossing bands, intersecting at the chest, and tied on the girdle at the sides of the waist and on the brooches normally attached on the shoulders; most of these have a round medallion, similar or somewhat larger than the shoulder brooches, set at the crossing point (C840.1: pl. 20).

On account of its high frequency, a tunic without supporting bands occurs with females of all ages, with a propor-tional increase in use from late adoles-cence (fig. 59); it is possible that some cases of supporting bands, especially the shoulder form, may have been hid-den by the dense folds of a fine tunic, but this should not affect the current discussion, assuming that such a gar-ment would have been spread between different ages. All forms of supporting bands are associated with childhood and early adolescence, but crossing bands are restricted to girls younger than ‘14 years’, while there are also adult women displaying shoulder bands. Girls younger than ‘7 years’ and those between ‘13-14 years’ have often crossing bands with medallion or shoulder bands; the ornamental value of the medallion should be taken into consideration in these age associations (below: section 4.3.8). In this connec-tion, it should also be noted that, des-pite the lack of statistical significance, all girls wearing crossing bands were identified as deceased at the original use of the stele; besides, they are rep-resented on stelai of smaller average size than those showing females without supporting bands, a fact prob-ably related to their age.

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3.2.11 MantleThe statistical significance of the so-

cial associations of a periblema, a draped Greek garment, is summarized in fig. 35. About 1/7 of females and a slightly smaller proportion of males display no mantle (fig. 43); these fe-males are always tunicked, but the males are in most cases nude (C927.1: pl. 23). The standard mantle is the hi-mation, worn by more than 4/5 of fe-males and about 3/4 of males (C322: pl. 11, all figures). It consists of a rect-angular garment, typically a woollen cloth 1.8 by 2.8 metres, drawn from the left shoulder back and around the torso, so that it covers at least the lower body, and possibly also part of the head, arms, shoulders and chest (Bieber 1928: 21; 1977: 118). In most cases it is draped long, but occasion-ally it falls just to knee-height (C384.3: pl. 13). Other generic mantle types are strongly sex-determined. The shoulder-back mantle is a rectangu-lar cloth folded in two and attached on brooches at the shoulders, falling back (Bieber 1977: 104-107). It is predict-ably used mostly with females wearing a heavy long tunic brooched at the shoulders (C896.2), but occurs also rarely with males wearing a similarly arranged short chiton (C158.2). On the other hand, the bunched himation, sometimes also folded in the middle, set in various ways on the shoulders, arms or around the body of the figure without actually covering it, occurs with 1/10 of males (C1035.2: pl. 28) but only exceptionally with females. The size of this garment, except rarely where it is not folded in two (C938.1), suggests that it is indeed a himation rather than a smaller unbrooched cloak. A chlamys, a cloak of Thes-salian origin associated with ephebes, hoplites and horsemen, fastened around the neck on the right shoulder or in front, occurs only with males (C1098.1). It is a rare garment, as is also the folded himation, differenti-ated from the bunched himation in that it is carefully stacked together across the long rather than the short

dimension (C1040.1); unlike the bunched himation, the folded hi-mation, seen on a pillar in C1046, ap-pears to be carried rather than draped.

The occurrence and generic form of mantle has interesting associations with female age (fig. 60). Although a himation occurs with females of all ages, it is common only from the age of ‘10 years’, and becomes almost mandatory after ‘17 years’; in fact, all adult females older than ‘25 years’ wear a himation. On the other hand, a costume lacking a mantle enjoys con-tinuous popularity from early child-hood to late adolescence, becoming rare after ‘17 years’ of age. The two recorded females in bunched himation are younger than ‘8 years’. Most fig-ures in shoulder-back mantle are between ‘8-14 years’; unlike bunched himation, the sample is large enough to suggest a definite association of this mantle form with a transitional period between childhood and adolescence (below: section 4.3.8). Besides, des-pite the lack of overall statistical asso-ciation between mantle and squared stele width, it is worth noting that the shoulder-back mantle and the bunched himation are connected with stelai of smaller size than those showing a fe-male in himation or no mantle, in pro-portion to the younger age of the fig-ures represented; the lack of stele size differentiation between females in no mantle and those in himation must be sought in the attributive status of many examples of the former.

The female mantle is also connected with the deceased or mourner status of the figures, as determined at the fi-nal stage when the stele was used (fig. 91), but not when it was first erected. The lack of differentiation in original use, however, is due to the fact that on many one-figured stelai, the non-adult deceased lacks a mantle; on the con-trary, adult figures, often shown on stelai with two or more figures, do as a rule wear a himation. The connection of final deceased status with himation females, and of the absence of the mantle with secondary figures, is due

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to the adult age of most female sec-ondary deceased. On the other hand, where known, all females in shoulder-back mantle or bunched himation were designated as dead from the time the stele was erected; while the number of recorded cases is too small to confirm a normative relation, it seems that these mantle forms are strongly asso-ciated with the deceased.

The form of male mantle is also largely affected by age (fig. 61). The proper himation occurs with males of all ages, but is less common with boys younger than ‘9 years’ old, and be-comes almost standard after ‘25 years’ of age. Recorded males in chlamys are an adolescent and two adults, also older than ‘25 years’. A male in shoulder-back mantle is adult, and two males carrying a folded himation are children. Like females, males without a mantle are in most cases children or adolescent, especially up to ‘15 years’. The bunched himation is equally re-lated with childhood and adolescence, but is more common either with chil-dren younger than ‘7 years’, or with youths and young men between ‘16 and 24 years’ of age. Older males in a bunched himation or lacking a mantle occur rarely (cf. the exceptional nude mature man in bunched himation, Diepolder 1931: pl. 49.2), but in our sample they always wear a short or long tunic, so that they are not nude.

The squared stele width associated with males in bunched himation or no mantle is, despite their usually young age, somewhat larger than that of other mantle forms, suggesting that nudity may be connected with high stele expenditure; however, because of the lack of statistical confirmation, the meaning of nudity is better discussed in the context of specific costume types, taking into account social cor-relates other than stele cost.

The association of male mantle with deceased or mourner status is statist-ically significant both in final and, par-ticularly, original use of the stele (figs. 92-93). The absence of a mantle has no effect on the probability of a male be-

ing the deceased or a mourner, al-though other iconographic traits may be used to distinguish clearly between the two (below: section 5.3.1). In the light of the few cases available, the fol-ded himation is carried only by male mourners. Most male mourners wear a proper himation, a stronger associ-ation at the time when the stele was first erected; many males in himation are designated as dead, especially in secondary use. On the other hand, the bunched himation, chlamys and shoulder-back mantle are associated with representations of the deceased.

3.2.12 Mantle arrangementThis attribute records the specific

arrangement of the mantle, which is to a great extent (but not entirely) de-termined by its generic type; in the case of the proper himation, it de-scribes the position of the “free end” of the garment, as it is drawn counter-clockwise from the left shoulder around the body. Apart from the sex associations due to the generic mantle type, a more detailed pattern has emerged, especially differentiating between arrangements of the normal himation (fig. 44). The lap himation, drawn from the left shoulder back, around the body, and falling on the lap, is intimately linked with seated figures (C69.2: pl. 2); hence it occurs seven times as often with females as with males, so that about 1/2 of all female figures display this arrangement, while the relevant proportion of males is very small. The relatively rare shoulder himation, drawn around the body, across the chest and over the left shoulder to the back, is also more common with females than with males, albeit not as markedly as the lap hi-mation (C755.1: pl. 17). The forearm himation, of which the free end is drawn over the flexed left forearm, is the most common mantle form among standing females, including the two girls wearing a bunched himation (C840.1: pl. 20); but unlike previous arrangements, there are as many males in forearm himation as there are

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females (C967.1: pl. 25). On the other hand, the armpit himation is the most frequent form of a proper hi-mation worn by standing figures, char-acterized by the free end of the mantle being tucked underneath the left armpit; it occurs twice as often with males as with females (C1132.3: pl. 32). It differs from the rare lower body himation, equally associated with males, in that in the latter the garment leaves both shoulders ex-posed (C384.3: pl. 13). The rare mantle on the back is also associated with females, due to the higher fre-quency of females in shoulder-back mantle (C896.2) than males either in shoulder-back mantle or in a chlamys brooched at the front of the neck, gen-eric mantle forms with which this ar-rangement occurs.

But all arrangements specific to the bunched himation occur only with males: spread on the left side of the figure, so that it covers the shoulder and upper arm (C932.1), an arrange-ment often occurring also with a chlamys; bunched on the left fore-arm, leaving shoulder and upper arm exposed (C1036.1: pl. 29); falling from the left shoulder back to the ground, usually folded in two so that it forms a pouch on the shoulder (C1035.2: pl. 28); its more complex variant, falling from the left shoulder back to the left forearm (C1100.2: pl. 33); falling from the left forearm to a support on which the male is leaning (C1054.1: pl. 30); passed from the left to the right forearm (C1023.1: pl. 27); or, once, falling from the left shoulder across to the right forearm (C700.4). Finally, the folded himation is always carried on the left shoulder, falling symmetrically to front and back (C1040.1).

Female mantle arrangement is asso-ciated with age (fig. 62), and possibly also with stele expenditure (fig. 35); on the other hand, there is no evidence that the arrangement of the mantle is used to distinguish the dead from mourners. The shoulder and forearm himation are connected with younger

females than the lap and armpit hi-mation; it should be recalled, of course, that an important number of non-adult females lack a mantle alto-gether (above: section 3.2.11). In more detail, females under ‘8 years’ wearing a himation always show the forearm variety; however, the forearm himation continues to be common, beside other arrangements, until the age of ‘24 years’. The shoulder himation has very definite age associations, most figures being either ‘8-12’ or ‘15-17 years’ old; it is not certain whether the rarity of girls of intermediate age in shoulder himation is real, or the result of small sample size (below: section 4.3.5). Al-though it occurs in late childhood and adolescence, the armpit himation be-comes popular only from the age of ‘17 years’, being the standard garment of standing women older than ‘25 years’. Besides, the lap himation occurs with seated females from ‘17 years’ of age, but only becomes common with fully adult women, especially ‘20-24 years’ old; this arrangement, therefore, is a diagnostic trait of adulthood.

The selection of female mantle ar-rangement is only possibly signific-antly connected with stele expenditure (fig. 35). However, although all hi-mation arrangements occur frequently on small stelai, unlike the forearm and shoulder himation, two arrangements common with non-adults, a larger pro-portion of both lap and armpit hi-mation cases appear on stelai with high squared width. The differentiation in stele expenditure appears to be commensurate with average age, dis-tinguishing non-adult from adult fe-males; but the connection of the armpit himation with high expenditure cannot be accounted for only by age, and may be due to rank differentiation. In addition, the mantle on the back (a shoulder-back mantle) is connected with a higher average stele cost than himation types related with non-adult females (below: section 4.3.8).

Most male mantle arrangements have strong connections with child-hood and adolescence (as, it should be

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remembered, do males without a mantle), although for some the sample size is too small for certain conclu-sions (fig. 63). The bunched himation on the left forearm, and that falling from the left shoulder back to the left forearm occur generally with children and adolescents, and the mantle on the left side, although more common in childhood, occurs also in young adult-hood, on account of the chlamys. But two arrangements have more specific age associations: mantles falling from the left shoulder back to the ground are worn by boys ‘13-15 years’ old or, less often, older adolescents; and, the bunched himation falling on a support is worn by ‘18-24 years’ old youths and young adults. Unlike other arrange-ments, the bunched himation running from the left to the right forearm is connected with adulthood, since it oc-curs with a cuirass or a long tunic (be-low: section 5.3.4, 5.3.6).

Despite the differences in age distri-bution (above: section 2.4), male hi-mation arrangements have similar age associations to those of females (fig. 63): forearm and shoulder himation are also associated with younger age than armpit and lap himation, although none so much as the bunched himation arrangements mentioned above. The armpit himation occurs occasionally in late adolescence, and becomes very popular in adulthood, especially from the age of ‘25 years’ on; all established cases of very old men display this ar-rangement. A lap himation is restric-ted to the age range of ‘25-69 years’, and is more typical of middle age; as with females, it is a diagnostic trait of adulthood (but cf. seated adolescent Dionysios, Möbius 1966: pl. 77-79). However, unlike females, both adult and non adult males wear a shoulder himation; besides, there are instances of mature men in forearm himation, al-though this is the standard non-adult himation form. Finally, the lower body himation is worn both by very young children and by a larger number of adult men.

Stele expenditure relates to the oc-

currence of specific mantle arrange-ments (fig. 80). Of himation arrange-ments, preserved all in sufficient num-bers to enable a reliable comparison, the forearm himation appears on smal-ler stelai than the shoulder and lap hi-mation, and especially the armpit hi-mation. While all arrangements occur freely with small stelai, larger monu-ments display predominantly males in armpit himation; high expenditure is therefore associated with representa-tions of standing, rather than seated men. Males in bunched himation, on the other hand, are shown on small stelai, especially those with the mantle covering the left side or falling back from the shoulder to the ground. Only few cases of a bunched himation fall-ing on the forearm, from the right to the left forearm, from the left shoulder across to the right forearm, or from the forearm to a support are associ-ated with large stelai; this fact re-stricts the high status connotations only to those specific arrangements, and is taken into account in the discus-sion of the relevant costume type (be-low: section 5.3.2). The folded hi-mation on the left shoulder is also con-nected, for different reasons, with rel-atively high stele expenditure.

The mantle arrangement is also con-nected to the deceased or mourner status of male figures when the stele was first used (fig. 94). Apart from the fact that all bunched himation forms are worn by the deceased, and that a folded himation is always carried by mourners, a more detailed pattern has emerged about specific himation ar-rangements. Most males in forearm, shoulder and lap himation represent the deceased; on the other hand, the majority of males in armpit himation represent mourners. This tendency is maintained, but not reinforced, by sub-sequent deceased identifications. In analogy with what was found about other costume attributes, and since it is known that younger figures rarely represent mourners, it should be noted that the association of forearm and shoulder himation with the deceased,

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and that of armpit himation with mourners, may be age-linked. This, however, is not the case with the lap himation, worn by seated men, which is clearly used to represent deceased adults.

3.2.13 Left shoulder bunchThis attribute is relevant to figures

wearing a proper himation, and refers to the form of the “fixed” end of the hi-mation, brought forward over the left shoulder. A visible left shoulder bunch, falling on the left side of the chest (C676.1: pl. 16) occurs with only 1/4 of figures; these include about half of males but only a very small propor-tion of females (fig. 45). Often the fig-ure displays a flexed left arm, holding the shoulder bunch at chest height. But the standard himation with no shoulder bunch occurs with most fe-males and the remaining males: the fixed end of the himation is tucked in-side the free end wound around the body, or spread out over the left side (C676.2: pl. 16); there are rare excep-tions combining a spread-out fixed end with a partial bunch (C392.3: pl. 14). In sum, the left shoulder bunch is strongly connected with male sex, since more than 4/5 of recorded cases are male.

The left shoulder bunch displays a possibly significant association with fe-male nominal (but not ordinal) age; however, the small proportion of fe-males with left shoulder bunch, and the fact that they are spread over dis-parate age ranges, three being ‘8-12 years’ old, six ‘17-24 years’ old and one representing an old woman ex-ceeding ‘60 years’ of age, makes it im-possible to interpret this weak associ-ation. On the other hand, the mean squared stele width and the frequency of dead or survivors associated with the left shoulder bunch is indistin-guishable from that associated with its absence. It seems, therefore, that the female left shoulder bunch has no part in differentiating female age categor-ies, high from low social rank (as shown by stele expenditure), or the

dead from mourners.

On the other hand, the statistical test suggested that this trait is signific-antly associated with male age, as defined on the nominal scale. Older males tend on the whole to wear more often a himation with left shoulder bunch. More specifically, all children and early adolescent males up to the age of ‘15 years’ lack a shoulder bunch; this suggests that the shoulder bunch is a diagnostic trait of late ad-olescence or adulthood. The highly sig-nificant association between this at-tribute and stele dimensions is re-markable: males lacking a shoulder bunch occur on stelai of significantly lower squared stele width than those representing late adolescent or adult men with a left shoulder bunch, in-cluding several cases exceeding 1 m2. (fig. 81). This association of the left shoulder bunch with high stele ex-penditure cannot be due just to the few non-adult males without a bunch (about 1/5), and may, therefore, be re-lated to rank differentiation. Finally, despite a slightly larger than expected number of male mourners with a left shoulder bunch and vice versa, this weak tendency is not statistically signi-ficant.

3.2.14 Right shoulder exposureThis attribute is also relevant to hi-

mation representations, describing whether the himation covers or not the right shoulder. Its value was found to be related to the sex of the figure (fig. 46). Overall, a larger number of fig-ures have the right shoulder ex-posed by the himation, but these in-clude the majority of males (C676.1: pl. 16). On the other hand, figures with the right shoulder covered include the majority of females (C157.1: pl. 5); in fact, almost 4/5 of figures with covered right shoulder are females. While this is a notable relationship, signifying a greater degree of body ex-posure among males and a corres-ponding greater degree of modesty among females, it should be emphas-ised that it constitutes a statistical

70


trend rather than a hard and fast rule.

While no evidence exists to suggest that the right shoulder exposure is re-lated either to stele expenditure, or to deceased or mourner status of the fig-ures, its association with both female and male age is statistically signific-ant. Girls in himation up to the age of ‘14 years’ have as a rule the right shoulder exposed, while exposed and covered right shoulder occur indis-criminately between ‘15-19 years’ and after ‘25 years’ (fig. 64); as a result, a remarkably large proportion of young women, ‘20-24 years’ old, wear a hi-mation covering the right shoulder. In general, modesty signified by the covered right shoulder is prevalent among representations of young, prob-ably married women, being less appar-ent in adolescence and maturity, and rare in childhood.

The effect of age on male right shoulder exposure is continuous, rather than based on associations with specific age ranges, as with females: more younger figures have the right shoulder exposed than vice versa, from childhood to old age (fig. 65). Like fe-males, the exposed right shoulder pre-dominates among non-adult figures, appearing more frequently with males older than ‘25 years’. But unlike fe-males, it is mature and old, rather than young men, who are more likely to wear a himation covering the right shoulder. A different kind of modesty is therefore prevalent among the sexes: while covering the right shoulder of fe-males is related to sexuality, covering the right shoulder of males is related to the decency of old age; considering the importance of the athletic ideal in Classical Athens, it may be that the body of an old man was not considered an appropriate sight, especially on a permanent memorial.

3.2.15 Exposure of the armsThe exposure of the right and left

arm, relevant to figures wearing all generic mantle types except for the shoulder-back mantle and the chlamys

when fastened with a brooch at the front of the neck, describes the rela-tion of the mantle to the forearms of the figure. This attribute is affected by sex, albeit in slightly different ways for the right and left arm (fig. 47-48). Firstly, while the vast majority of fig-ures have the right arm exposed (C676.1: pl. 16), only 1/3 of figures have the left arm exposed (C410.4: pl. 15). The former occurs comparatively more often with males, but the latter occurs more often with females. Secondly, the arm sling is the major form of covering the right arm: instead of being drawn under the right armpit, the free end of the himation is brought around the right elbow, so that it cov-ers in varying degrees the right fore-arm (C69.1: pl. 2); on the other hand, the left arm sling, formed by drawing the fixed end of the himation around the left elbow and usually tucking it under the left armpit (C676.2: pl. 16), is one of several different arrange-ments of the himation on the left arm. Both, however, are strongly connected with representations of females; a rare variant of the arm sling restricted to women consists in the himation held high, covering the flexed forearm (C79.1: pl. 3). Thirdly, the left arm is in about 1/3 of cases covered by the falling himation, often (but not only) with a forearm himation having a spread-out free end (C1013.2: pl. 26); this is predictably a very rare arrange-ment of the mantle on the right arm, since the himation is normally drawn around the body to the left side of the figure. The covered left arm occurs twice as often with males than with fe-males, being thus strongly sex-linked. Fourthly, the mantle is often wrapped around the left arm of both male and female figures; this appears to be a common way of securing the fixed end of the himation, instead of tucking it below the free end on the chest or un-der the armpit (C901.3: pl. 21).

Only left arm exposure is signific-antly associated with female age (fig. 66). The left arm covered by a falling himation is connected with young age,

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followed by both wrapped and exposed left arm, and finally by the left arm sling. Until ‘15 years’, females in hi-mation have as a rule the left arm covered; this is no doubt related to the frequency of the forearm and shoulder himation types in childhood and early adolescence. The exposed left arm and the himation wrapped around the left arm are common arrangements throughout adulthood, with insignific-ant variations; they both appear occa-sionally with non-adult figures as well. Finally, the left arm sling is restricted to figures older than ‘15 years’ of age, being thus a diagnostic trait of late ad-olescence or adulthood; it is slightly more common with ‘25-34 years’ old women. Although this is a slight tend-ency, it is worth noting that two ar-rangements suggesting modesty, the arm sling and the wrapped left arm, are associated with young adult wo-men; however, this result is not as clear-cut as it would be hoped, and the whole issue of exposure and modesty has to be re-examined in the light of specific costume types.

Male age affects the form of the mantle on both arms (fig. 67-68). Both the right and left exposed arm are as-sociated with younger age than the right and left arm sling respectively; as among females, the covered left arm is associated with young age, while the wrapped arm is connected with adult-hood. The exposed arms occur with males of all ages. But most males up to the age of ‘25 years’ have the right arm exposed; a right arm sling appears in late childhood, and becomes in-creasingly popular in adulthood. Apart from an exposed left arm, non-adult males have often the left arm covered by a falling mantle, common with fore-arm and shoulder himation (cf. the age associations of these mantle arrange-ments), especially until the age of ‘15 years’. Non-adult examples of a wrapped left forearm are mostly rep-resentations of a bunched, rather than a normal himation (C1054.2: pl. 30). The remaining cases of a bunched hi-mation have similar age associations

with the left arm sling, which appears only with adult men, being thus a dia-gnostic trait of adulthood. It is notable that, compared with exposed arms, three traits connected with modesty, namely, the right arm sling, left arm sling and wrapped left arm, are partic-ularly common with old men, exceed-ing ‘60 years’ of age; this fact confirms the association of male old age with modesty.

According to squared stele width, males with the left arm covered by the falling himation belong, with few ex-ceptions, to less costly stelai than those with the left arm exposed, and those that have the left arm in an arm sling or, especially, wrapped (fig. 83). The association of the covered left arm with low stele expenditure should be seen in the light of its connection with non-adult age; the slight infrequency of mourners with covered left arm is also due to this factor. But the differ-entiation between the stele cost con-nected on one hand with the wrapped left arm or the left arm sling, and on the other hand the exposed arm, can-not be explained by age. It seems therefore probable that rank differenti-ation may underlie the connection of these two ways of covering the left arm with higher stele expenditure, suggesting that modesty is a high rank correlate; this trait occurs also among females with apparently larger stelai than those showing an exposed left arm (fig. 82).

3.2.16 Exposure of the handsRegardless of their sex, 98% of fig-

ures wearing a mantle have their right hand exposed. The covered right hand is slightly more common with younger females, mourners and those shown on larger stelai, but this is an uncertain association, so that the meaning of this trait has to remain open. Unlike the right hand, the left hand is frequently covered, occurring with 1/7 of females and almost 1/5 of males; this slight difference, that would appear to sug-gest a connection of male figures with a trait of modesty, is not statistically

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significant.

The left hand exposure was found to be highly significantly associated with female age, younger figures often tending to have their left hand covered (fig. 69). In particular, the left arm of girls between ‘7-10 years’, wearing a himation, is as a rule covered; but it should be recalled that the majority of non-adult females lack a himation alto-gether (above: section 3.2.11), and thus non-adult modesty cannot be ar-gued just from the occurrence of the covered left hand. This trait occurs to some extent between ‘13-17 years’ of age, and is also used with a small pro-portion of adult women. Several fe-males displaying the covered left hand wear a forearm or, especially, shoulder himation, mantle types that are also associated with childhood and adoles-cence; although lacking statistical sig-nificance, the covered left hand of males is also more common in child-hood and adolescence, in connection with the forearm and shoulder hi-mation types. Covered hand is, there-fore, related to the entire costume type, and its interpretation is connec-ted with female, and possibly also male, age.

3.2.17 Himation overfoldAbout 1/8 of females and 1/5 of

males wearing a himation display a visible overfold, formed by a usually triangular part of the mantle turned over in front of the waist (C337.4: pl. 12). The remaining figures have the surplus material of the mantle, as it is drawn in front from the right to the left side, bunched together across the waist; some may, of course, have an overfold turned inwards, but since this could not be ascertained, they were re-corded as instances of no overfold. The association of this trait with sex, suggesting that the overfold is slightly more common among males, has just failed the 0.05 level of statistical signi-ficance (fig. 35); in any case, it sug-gests a tendency rather than a rule.

A possibly significant relationship

also exists between himation overfold and female age. The overfold is relat-ively more common with girls ‘9 years’ old girls, and adolescent females between ‘13-17 years’; the gap between the two ages may be reflect-ing the sample selected, and errors in our age assignment. Despite the lack of statistical significance, adolescent males between ‘13-17 years’ also wear more often than expected a himation with overfold, but so do also young men between ‘20-34 years’ of age. The association of the overfold with adoles-cence suggests that it was indeed used to enable the use of a full-size hi-mation with figures that were not yet fully developed, taking care of the ex-tra height of the garment. But again, this is a not a normative association, a point emphasised by the occurrence of adults with overfold, and in particular by its frequency with young adult males.

Female overfold seems to be inde-pendent of other main social correl-ates but age; although few females with overfold are represented on large stelai, this is probably due to their small number, as is shown by fig. 84. The male overfold, on the other hand, is significantly associated with stele expenditure, as revealed by examining the squared stele width (fig. 85). Al-though 1/2 of males with and without overfold belong to small stelai below a squared width of 0.25 m2., the remain-ing males with overfold occur on aver-age with larger stelai than those without. The greater variety of large stele sizes connected with the overfold is reflected on their much wider in-terquartile range, and is responsible for the considerably larger mean squared width value than that associ-ated with males in himation lacking an overfold. In sum, while the female overfold is mainly linked with adoles-cence, male overfold is connected with high stele expenditure, with secondary age associations.

3.2.18 Supporting staffAll females and 4/5 of males ex-

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CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

amined have no supporting staff; the staff is thus a diagnostic trait of male sex. An armpit staff, supported on part of the mantle collected under the left armpit, occurs with 1/9 of males; on account of its occurrence on the Parthenon frieze, this arrangement is conventionally known on stelai as the Phylenheroen type (C1013.1: pl. 26; Stupperich 1977: 97). A few, mostly standing males are shown holding a staff, with their arm simply flexed (C1132.2: pl. 32), and slightly more, mostly seated males, display a raised staff (C709.2; fig. 49).

The unsurprising association of staff with old age is confirmed by the highly significant results of tests, both on the ordinal and nominal level (fig. 70). Males holding the staff in any of the three ways listed above are always adult, and on the whole considerably older than those without a staff; the type lacking a staff, by virtue of its fre-quency, occurs with males of all ages, including some old men. Simply hold-ing a staff occurs from young adult-hood to extremely old age; the young-est men with a raised or armpit staff are ‘25-34 years’ old. But while hold-ing a simple or raised staff seems to be used with constant frequency through-out middle and old age (’35-70 years’), the armpit staff is increasingly popular after ‘60 years’. On these grounds, it is legitimate to assert that, while the age differentiation is mainly effected by the presence or absence of the staff, the armpit staff has even stronger as-sociations with old age than other ar-rangements.

Discussing the armpit staff Stup-perich has concluded “dass er seltener den Toten selbst, als vielmehr das Ge-genüber des Toten bezeichnet” (1977: 100). This view has been supported by assumptions on the status of the fig-ures based on iconography. However, the relationship between supporting staff and the identification of the figure as deceased or a mourner by inscrip-tion, both in original and final use of the stele, was not supported by our analysis. A slightly larger number of

men in armpit staff were originally designated as mourners, as against those with a raised staff, but this tend-ency could easily have resulted by chance. On these grounds, apart from its manifest age associations, we can-not postulate a general meaning of the staff at this stage; the problem is re-ex-amined in the light of costume typo-logy (below: sections 5.3.10, 5.3.13 and 5.3.14).

3.2.19 FootgearThis attribute, recording the pres-

ence and general form of footgear, is strongly correlated with sex (fig. 50). More than 1/2 of males, but only a negligible number of females are barefoot (C1054.2: pl. 30); this attrib-ute value is recorded when the toes or the ankle bone is visible, but no sole can be seen. Most remaining males and 3/5 of females wear slippers, re-cognized by the usually thin sole and the fact that the toes are hidden (C157.2: pl. 5). Finally, 2/5 of females and a very small proportion of males wear sandals, recognized by the pres-ence of both anatomical details and a usually thicker sole (C157.1). In most cases, the sandal straps were origin-ally indicated in paint. This creates complicating possibilities for cases re-cognized as barefoot or wearing slip-pers, since either might have repres-ented sandals by means of painted de-tail; because of this, the following dis-cussion should be taken with some caution.

Female age, taken as an ordinal at-tribute, is highly significantly associ-ated with footgear (fig. 71). The main distinction is between slippers and sandals, since there are too few bare-foot females (most adolescent or young adult) for secure conclusions: slippers are associated with younger females than sandals. Slippers domin-ate childhood and adolescence, up to the age of ‘17 years’, but they appear also with young and mature adult wo-men. Although there are girls as young as ‘9 years’ old wearing sandals, they become common only after ‘17 years’

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of age, and are particularly popular, in comparison to slippers, with ‘25-35 years’ old women. The association of sandals with adult women may be re-lated to their adornment value; al-though, in the light of their frequency, it is clear that footgear is unrelated to female modesty in young adulthood, it is interesting that they become relat-ively more common after ‘25 years’ of age, when the social pressure concern-ing modesty would have not been as great as when women were newly-mar-ried. On the other hand, the fact that non-adult males tend to be barefoot (lacking statistical significance) is re-lated to the frequency of nude non-adult males with bunched himation or no mantle.

Both female and male footgear is as-sociated with stele expenditure. The regular slippers and the two barefoot cases recorded among females (fig. 86) belong to small stelai; in fact, almost 3/4 of females in slippers are represen-ted on stelai of squared width smaller than 0.5 m2. On the other hand, more than 1/2 of females in sandals occur on stelai larger than 0.7 m2. The differ-ence in means and medians suggest that sandals are strongly connected with increased stele expenditure, in comparison with slippers; this is nat-ural, since the larger stele size allowed the sandals, which involved more sculptural work than the plain slip-pers, to be shown to best advantage. On account of the age associations of footgear, however, it is not possible to determine if this differentiation is due to social rank.

Among males, those barefoot are shown on stelai of significantly smaller squared width than those wearing either type of footgear, who range from medium-sized to very large stelai (fig. 87). Although there are some large stelai showing barefoot males, these are usually nude, since most males in himation shown on large monuments wear slippers; but, consid-ering that bare feet tend to be more common with non-adult males and vice versa, the connection of slippers with

high expenditure may be due just to age. In comparison to females, it is notable that the few sandals found are not connected with higher stele cost than slippers. This fact suggests that it is the meaning of sandals, apart from their technical difficulty, which associ-ates them with high stele expenditure among females.

While the connotation of adornment provides a reason for the association of female sandals with both adulthood and increased stele expenditure, Thimme, discussing the stele of Hegeso, goes so far as to suggest a much more specific association, in the following manner: “so könnte auf un-serer Stele Hegeso durch die her-vorgehobenen Sandalen als Braut des Hades geschmückt gedacht sein” (1964: 21-22). However, the existence of females in sandals not representing the primary deceased argues against a strict, symbolic interpretation such as Thimme’s. Besides, the deceased or mourner status of many females in sandals is unknown, and those avail-able are not significantly connected with either status; in this light, it is not possible to argue even the weaker pro-position that sandals are associated with female deceased status. Similar, statistically non-significant results have been found in connection with male footgear.

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4. Typology of female costume

4.1 Classification and type identification

An average linkage cluster analysis of female costume on Classical Attic stelai was performed on 200 figures of which at least 75% of relevant cos-tume attributes were preserved. The dendrogram summarizing the results of the analysis (fig. 95) suggests a clear-cut division of females into two broad clusters, both formed approxim-ately at the 0.55 linkage level, but dis-playing only 0.3 mean similarity to each other. But there is no similar, “natural” division to a higher number of groups, which can be altered at will by selecting different cut-off levels.

Three singleton and eleven proper clusters were defined by partitioning the dendrogram at the 0.7 linkage level. They are referred in further dis-cussion as female costume types, marked by the symbols F1 through F14, in the order in which they were provided by the analysis. Smaller groups, formed at the 0.8 level, are used to determine finer pattern; they are called subtypes, and denoted by a small letter appended to the type code (i.e., F1a). The relative importance, taxonomic structure and characteristic traits of types defined at the 0.7 level are summarized by a combined fre-quency bar chart, dendrogram and ex-ample sketch representation (fig. 101).

Although this partition at the 0.7 linkage level is not the only one pos-

sible, it is satisfactory for our purpose. Firstly, the number of figures of most types is sufficient for statistical study, and the number of types seems large enough for enabling differentiation of at least major female social categories. Secondly, their internal cohesion and external isolation, both desirable prop-erties of a classification, is shown by the between- and within-groups simil-arity indices: although they were defined at the 0.7 linkage level, types very often show within-group similar-ity higher than 0.8; with the exception of F1 and F5, this measure is at least 0.10 higher than the types’ highest between-groups similarity (fig. 96).

A further number of female figures, with at least 25% of relevant costume attributes present, was assigned to av-erage linkage types by means of a simple identification procedure (above: section 1.3.6), so that the costume type of 424 females in total was de-termined. Most other cases remained unassigned, except for 22 females that were found to be dissimilar from all costume types F1-F14; although not taken into account for statistical pur-poses, some of these figures are linked with costume types and commented upon, when opportunity arises. It should be noted that, since the identi-fication method does not take into ac-count prior probabilities of group membership, the proportions of fig-ures assigned to costume types differ from those of figures classified by av-erage linkage. In particular, fewer fe-males are assigned to types F5 and F8, and more to smaller groups, mostly without affecting the composition of the type, with the exception of the singleton F12, which is joined by 24 partially preserved figures on the basis of very few shared attributes (below: section 4.3.7).

Female costume types may be defined by a combination of character-istic costume traits. An analysis of re-siduals based on the contingency tables of costume type with each cos-tume attribute is used to examine which attribute values are “signific-

CONSTANTINOS DALLAS

antly” rarer or more frequent than ex-pected within specific types (above: section 1.3.9); the results of this ana-lysis are used further on to provide a definition of each costume type. To de-termine the structure of the classifica-tion, however, it is useful to examine here which costume traits are specific to each type, and which are shared between taxonomically contiguous types. Attribute values positively asso-ciated with a female costume type, and shown by at least 50% of its members (excluding undefined cases) are thus mapped on the dendrogram produced by average linkage cluster analysis; the traits uniquely associated at this level with a costume type appear on the respective final branch of the tree, while those shared by taxonomically related types appear on intermediate nodes (fig. 99).

This graphic representation is self-explanatory, but some comment on the results is necessary. Although interme-diate partitions are often based on a single attribute value, the types defined at the 0.7 level are truly poly-thetic, suggesting that classification methods that are by definition monothetic were rightly avoided. At the most general level, females in F1-F10 are characterized by a himation, while the remaining types display poly-thetic sets of costume traits. It is not-able that F11-F14 do not share any costume traits on higher nodes of the tree, appearing to be connected more by their difference with F1-F10 than by their similarity to each other, a fact shown also by the low between-groups similarity indices of classified cases (fig. 96). On the other hand, the major partition between F1-F4, F5-F7 and F8-F10 is based solely upon himation attributes: forming a veil, covering the right shoulder and arm with an arm sling, or leaving it exposed. Although F3-F4 females are linked by a himation drawn over the left forearm, F8-F9 by a himation falling on the lap, and F6-F7 by a mantle covering the left hand, the polythetic attribute set defining each costume type in particular con-

cerns not only the form of himation, but also the hairstyle, tunic and foot-gear.

While, except for the crossing bands of F13 and F14, types lacking a hi-mation show distinctive, non-overlap-ping polythetic attribute sets, the same traits are often shared in different combinations by himation costume types belonging to different parts of the classification: F3 and F6 are char-acterized by no head cover and a hi-mation wrapping the left arm, F4 and F7 by a himation covering the left arm and hand; F1 and F5, displaying no head cover or bands supporting the tu-nic, short sleeves and a short or me-dium tunic overfall, an encircling hair plait, and a himation leaving the left hand exposed, are in fact linked by a high between-groups similarity index (fig. 96). But these pairs of types are always separated by a combination of important costume traits: for example, F3 shows a narrow headband, and a forearm himation covering the right shoulder and forming a right arm sling, while F6 is characterised by an encircling hair plait, a lap himation leaving the right shoulder exposed but covering the left hand, and sandals. All in all, the taxonomic structure sugges-ted by average linkage cluster ana-lysis, based on figures with relatively complete costume description, fits well with the variability in costume attrib-utes, resulting after the identification of the type of less well-preserved, addi-tional figures.

4.2 Geometric representation of costume variability

In order to examine whether female costume types defined by the average linkage method are indeed distinct, a principal coordinate analysis was ap-plied to the same data set. The vari-ance plot (fig. 97) shows the relative importance of successive principal co-ordinates in representing overall cos-tume variability: an “elbow” is appar-ent at the second principal coordinate

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(PC), suggesting that the first three should be taken into consideration; since they represent about 50% of the total variance, and each of the remain-ing coordinates accounts for less than 7%, a low-dimensional geometric rep-resentation of female figures may be taken to depict faithfully the broad taxonomic structure of female cos-tume.

The plot of female figures according to the first three principal coordinates (fig. 98) confirms the major taxonomic structure found by average linkage cluster analysis. The first PC is re-sponsible for the sharp division between females in himation (F1-F10), and types consisting of females without a mantle (F11) or wearing a shoulder-bunch mantle (F14); F12 and F13 females are set in the intermedi-ate space between these two large formations of figures, but since the analysis has used only one and two fig-ures respectively, their internal cohe-sion is not certain. F14 is a distinct group, differentiated from F11 by higher 2nd PC and, especially, much lower 3rd PC scores; F11 females wearing a long-sleeved tunic (F11a) are set in a group with higher 3rd PC scores than those of remaining F11 figures. Females in F8-F10, character-ized by a veil, are clearly separated from other figures in himation by the second PC; while most veiled females (F8a-F8c, and the singleton F10) have very small 1st PC scores, those with exposed right shoulder (F8e and F9) are set closer to females lacking a veil, the former forming a distinct group. Finer distinctions are possible, but not entirely certain from the representa-tion.

On the other hand, although most females with covered right shoulder and right arm sling (F1, F2 and F3) have consistently smaller second PC scores than two types with exposed right shoulder and uncovered head (F5 and F7), these groups are not clearly separated, and finer partitions are dif-ferent from those indicated by average linkage. Several females of various

costume types, displaying short or drawn back hair and right arm sling, form a slightly separate group with small 2nd PC scores; women with a sakkos or kekryphalos (F2, a few F1) have even smaller 2nd PC scores. Al-though the singleton F2 is situated to-wards veiled women, and F6 and F4 figures are dispersed (the latter with lower 1st PC scores), the geometric representation of females lacking a veil corresponds to the broad structure suggested by average linkage. How-ever, the overlap between F5 and F7 on the one hand, and F1-F4 on the other, suggests that several types defined at the 0.7 linkage level are best regarded as mere analytical devices, whose significance ultimately rests upon their possible social associ-ations.

These results are confirmed by ex-amining the within- and between-groups similarity indices (fig. 96). F14, with the highest within-group similar-ity (0.86) and low between-groups sim-ilarities, is both coherent and distinct in the geometric representation. F8 and F11 are relatively well-isolated, as suggested by their low between-groups similarity indices; however, their within-group similarity is rather low (0.79 and 0.78 respectively), showing that they may be appropriately sub-divided to internally cohesive sub-types. On the other hand, the popular F1 and F5 have high within-group sim-ilarity indices (0.82 and 0.80 respect-ively), but are very similar with other types and, as noted above, with each other; this fact accounts for their spa-tial contiguity. Types and subtypes dis-playing both external isolation and in-ternal cohesion are shown as nodes of the dendrogram in fig. 100; regardless of their possible social associations, these morphological entities are useful summaries of female costume variabil-ity.

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4.3 Female costume types

4.3.1 Types F1 and F2: veilless fe-males in himation with covered right shoulder and right arm sling

Thirty females are classified to type F1 by average linkage cluster analysis, and 31 less well-preserved figures are also assigned to it on the basis of mean similarity. There is no single cos-tume trait that differentiates F1 fig-ures from all other females. The defini-tion of the type is thus provided by a polythetic set of costume traits, with which it is “significantly” associated according to an analysis of residuals: the vast majority of F1 females lack head cover or ornament, wear a short-sleeved tunic without supporting bands and a himation without overfold, covering the right shoulder but leaving the left hand exposed. More than 2/3 also display an encircling hair plait, exposed left forearm and slippers, and 1/2 have a right arm sling. Apart from the obvious complementary negative associations, it is notable that no un-girt tunic, and relatively few forearm himation cases occur within F1.

The himation of F1 females often hides important details of the tunic. In some cases, neither upper arm is vis-ible, so that the presence of sleeves can only be surmised by analogy. When the sleeves are clearly visible, they often belong to the buttoned, pseudo-sleeved variety. The folds of both the single, and the thick outer garment of the double tunic suggest that it was girdled. In most cases, it is not clear if the sleeveless overgarment of the double tunic formed a girdled overfall, since the lower body is en-tirely covered by the himation; the only F1 figure whose himation leaves the lower body exposed (C803.1) shows an overfall of medium length over a girdle forming a pouch.

Females classified to type F1 by av-erage linkage are distinguished into five subtypes (fig. 102). F1a consists of seated females, wearing a lap himation without left shoulder bunch, leaving

the left forearm exposed. It is the most common F1 subtype, occurring in 1/2 of cases. A typical example of an F1 fe-male in lap himation is C384.1 (pl. 13), which, however, lacks the right arm sling and information about the expos-ure of the left arm and hand; she wears double tunic, shown by the now faint traces of fine short sleeves, and slippers. On the other hand, C322.1 (pl. 11) displaying the himation traits typical of this subtype, shows a single tunic, sandals, earrings, and, unusu-ally, has the hair parted and drawn back by a narrow headband, perhaps forming an invisible bun.

Subtypes F1b and F1d include the standing counterparts of F1a females, usually wearing an armpit himation. The former is characterized by an en-circling hair plait, a right arm sling, and the rare left shoulder himation bunch (C821.1: pl. 19; C69.1: pl. 2) or a left arm sling (fig. 102). The latter consists of females with exposed right forearm, slippers, and drawn back hair (C410.3: pl. 15); other hairstyles, such as an encircling plait tied over the forehead, hair in a bun, or the rare “melon” hairstyle (C392.2: pl. 14) also occur. The traits of subtype F1c, con-sisting just of C103.1, are identical to those of F1d, except for the snood par-tially covering the head; this is cat-egorized here with other ornamental snoods and nets (kekryphalos), but is probably identifiable as an opis-thosphendone (Bieber 1928: 87, pl. LXI 3-4), on account of its greater width at the back. Finally, the seated C157.1 (pl. 5), classified as subtype F1e, is separated from other F1 fe-males by a simple sakkos over the hair; a similar standing female as-signed to F1 is C1132.1 (pl. 32). On ac-count of this very distinctive trait, both figures are best discussed in associ-ation with F2 females in sakkos.

F1 figures are adult, with the excep-tion of two standing figures, the ‘11-12 years’ old C821.1 (pl. 19), holding a large bird, and the ‘15-17 years’ old C891.1, holding out a little bird to-wards a little boy, like other adolescent

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girls (e.g., C887.1). Several, like C69.1 (pl. 2), are young, but, in comparison to other female costume types, F1 be-comes proportionally more important after ‘25 years’ of age, and includes the definitely old C42.1 (fig. 110). The association of F1 with adulthood ac-counts for the fact that only 1/6 of fig-ures show any attached attributes: a spindle and wool basket (C38.1), a pet dog under the seat (C384.1: pl. 13), and a probably funerary stele (C803.1) are worth mentioning. Being adult, the majority of F1 women are seated, a fact accounting for their usually profile position, and are shown in handshake; but subtype F1d consists of several adult females standing frontally in the background, lacking the handshake. Compositional types associated with F1 are the two-figured, ‘seated and a standing figure’ type, its three-figured variant with a central background fig-ure, and similar group compositions. According to name inscriptions, F1 is used to represent either mourners or the deceased; apart from the back-ground, compositionally secondary fe-males of subtype F1d, who in all likeli-hood are mourners despite the lack of epigraphic evidence, both standing and seated F1 females may be identi-fied as the primary deceased.

The “speaking” gesture, the left hand brought to the head, and, partic-ularly, lifting the himation at the left shoulder occur often with F1 females. The last gesture is common in adult-hood, but its special popularity with this type is related to the right orienta-tion of most (51/56) F1 women, and their setting on the left of the image. The frequency of the right orientation may be due to the ease of recording if the right shoulder is covered by the hi-mation, a constitutive trait of type F1; but other associations of the type show that it is not a mere artifice of the re-cording conditions.

Two F1 figures are simply identified as wet-nurses, and two further F1 wo-men are characterized as chrestai by the epigram; of the latter, C122.1 is called Doris, a possible indication of

non-Athenian origin (above: section 2.3.1). In all certainly attested cases, however, F1 females belong to Athenian families. Despite this fact, the cost of stelai representing F1 fe-males, as shown by their squared stele width (above: section 2.2), is relatively low (fig. 111); this is surprising, con-sidering that adult females are usually shown on larger monuments. In fact, the squared width of stelai represent-ing F1 females either as deceased or mourners is consistently smaller than that of other stelai commemorating figures of the same sex and age (fig. 112). Since the effect of the age of the deceased on stele expenditure has been removed, this result may be ex-plained, among other possible factors, by the fact that type F1 was used to represent free adult females belonging to families of relatively low social rank, a view supported by the wet-nurse and chreste inscriptions re-ferred to above. The association of the type with low relief depth, metopic stele type (especially with seated F1 females) and a simple, relief or painted pediment crown without free-standing akroteria, reinforces this view.

The singleton figure classified to F2, C78.1, wears a himation similar to that of F1b, but is differentiated from most F1 females by a sakkos, covering the entire hair which is apparently tied back; the stele is very weather-worn, so that it is not possible to determine if the tunic is short-sleeved or sleeve-less, but it appears to be single and ungirt. Seven further cases have been assigned to type F2, but only two dis-play the distinctive sakkos; since the remaining share very few common at-tributes with C78.1, it is preferable to discuss here only females in sakkos and himation, bearing in mind the strong association of the sakkos with female servants lacking a mantle.

The two standing examples, C825.1 and C1132.1 (pl. 32) show young wo-men, ‘15-17’ and ‘18-19’ years old re-spectively. On account of the name in-scriptions, both stelai commemorate Athenians. The former figure is repres-

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ented alone, like other adolescent girls holding a bird, and must thus be the deceased. The latter, accompanying two men shaking hands, is no doubt the Timariste of the name inscription, probably the wife of one of the men (since she has different patronymic and demotic names); the view that she might represent a female servant, by analogy with F11a figures in sakkos (below: section 4.3.7) cannot be sup-ported, since the mandatory female mistress is here missing.

Seated females in sakkos, similar to C78.1, wear a lap himation either cov-ering the right shoulder (C157.1: pl. 5), or leaving the right (C453.3) or both shoulders exposed (C245.2). They are repeatedly shown shaking hands with a standing male, and, in most stelai where a name inscription is available, they are identified as the primary deceased. C43.1, and possibly the ‘35-59 years’ old chreste C453.3, are figures of wet-nurses, unless the latter was a non-servile housemaid; the former is shown alone, the latter shaking hands with a standing man, probably her husband, like C192.1. But C78.1, shown with a background F11 type slave, is, on account of stele di-mensions, an Athenian woman of higher status; the ‘20-24 years’ old C157.1, wearing earrings, double tunic and sandals apart from sakkos and lap himation, and holding a mirror that connotes adornment, is also unlikely to represent a wet-nurse. With the excep-tion of C1132 (pl. 32) and C78, stelai showing a woman in sakkos and hi-mation should, on the basis of their squared width, have been less costly than other stelai commemorating fig-ures of corresponding sex and age; this is confirmed by the frequency of metopic or pseudo-naiskos examples, having a plain semicircular or triangu-lar crown. In sum, females in sakkos and himation are connected by stele cost with similarly low social rank as F1 women with uncovered head and a himation covering the right shoulder.

4.3.2 Types F3 and F4: females with forearm himation, covered right shoulder, and narrow headband or overfold

Costume type F3 consists of five fe-males classified by average linkage cluster analysis, and seven further fig-ures assigned according to mean simil-arity. It is defined by a combination of a narrow headband, a girdled tunic and a himation covering the right shoulder, forming a right arm sling, but leaving both hands exposed (fig. 103); the himation is usually wrapped around the left forearm, and, with the exception of a barefoot figure (C306.1), apparently suggesting indoor setting, the footgear consists always of slippers. Various hairstyles, including an encircling plait, hair drawn back or forming a bun over the back of the neck (C692.1), melon hairstyle, and of-ten short hair, occur with F3 females; a female with a falling hair plait and shoulder himation (C1097.1), although assigned here, is better considered with other figures of type F7, display-ing these traits. Apart from the seated, short-haired C50.1, displaying earrings and a lap himation (subtype F3a), fig-ures of this type are standing, wearing a forearm, or occasionally, armpit hi-mation (subtype 3b; C290.1: pl. 9).

Type F3 consists of young adult fig-ures; the seated C50.1 is ‘18-19 years’ old, while three standing, forearm hi-mation examples are ‘20-24 years’ old. They are represented on stelai of relat-ively high cost, as shown by their squared stele width (fig. 111). In fact, a F3 female may be represented either on small stelai, often with a relief pedi-ment without fully-sculptured ak-roteria, or, more often, a larger, high relief naiskos stele or even full naiskos (e.g., C306); this differentiation in two groups is related to the mourner or de-ceased status of the figure. Due to the latter category, even after taking into account the sex and broad or apparent age of the deceased, F3 females are on average associated with stele expendit-ure suggesting high family rank (fig. 112).

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The four females classified to type F4 by average linkage were joined by subsequent assignment with ten less well-preserved figures. Like F3, they show a girdled tunic and mostly a fore-arm or, occasionally, armpit himation covering the right shoulder and form-ing a right arm sling; but they may lack the narrow headband, and, more notably, they show a himation overfold (C901.2: pl. 21). Two equally common subtypes may be distinguished. In F4a, the left forearm is wrapped in the hi-mation, resembling type F3, and nor-mally leaving the left hand exposed. In F4b, the left forearm and hand are both covered by the falling himation (C1083.2, fig. 103); C925.1, discussed in connection with F2 because of her sakkos, belongs to F4b. Females of both subtypes display often an encirc-ling plait, but also short hair, hair in a bun, or drawn back; the tunic is often double, showing the buttoned pseudo-sleeves of the inner garment.

The age of F4 females is on average younger than that of F3, including two ‘15-17 years’ old, one of them holding a small bird and a ‘18-19 years’ old (fig. 110). The connection of the hi-mation overfold with F4 is not surpris-ing, considering that it represents the overturned, extra fabric of a full-size himation, worn by figures that are not yet fully adult. The stele cost associ-ated with F4 females is considerably smaller than that of F3 (fig. 111); half of the stelai representing a type F4 fe-male are metopic, the remaining half being frameless, pseudo-naiskos or naiskos stelai rather than full naiskoi. Although adolescent females are asso-ciated with smaller stele dimensions than adults, age alone cannot account for this difference in stele expenditure; unlike those connected with F3, stelai representing F4 females tend to be of more or less similar cost to other stelai commemorating figures of the same sex and age (fig. 112). It appears, therefore, that stelai representing F4 females belonged to families of lower social rank than those showing F3 wo-men.

Compared to other adult figures, F3 and F4 females do not show a hand-shake often, and, with the exception of C901.2, lack entirely the gesture of lifting the himation at the shoulder, al-though in the majority of cases they face right, especially F4. Instead, they exhibit in most cases visual contact or a speaking gesture towards a seated figure, or raise the hand to the cheek; these traits often characterise mourn-ers. Despite their adult age, F3 figures hold attached attributes as often as the younger F4: frequently a pyxis (C290.1: pl. 9), a necklace (C90.2) or a baby in swaddling clothes (C274.1: pl. 7). In all these examples, the attached attribute is presented by the subsidi-ary F3-F4 female to a seated woman, the main figure of the composition, whose identity is mainly responsible for the high stele cost (below: section 4.3.6).

Name inscriptions identify several F3 and F4 females as the deceased. The former consist of the atypical seated C50.1, represented alone, and the other is C692.1, whose clenched fist suggests that she may have held an object, possibly a mirror; this, with its strong connotation of adornment, would identify the F3 woman rather than the accompanying standing male as the primary deceased. The latter ap-parently include subtype F4b cases (with the left arm and hand covered by the himation) often shown alone, in handshake or merely in the company of a male rather than female figure (e.g., C668.2, C1083.2). All these cases no doubt represent free women, al-though, in the absence of demotic or ethnic names from the preserved in-scriptions, it is not possible to determ-ine their Athenian or other origin. It is notable that deceased F3 and F4 fe-males are connected with smaller, un-assuming stelai, compared to mourn-ers of the same costume types. This points out that their personal status is significantly lower than that of the seated female, whom they often ac-company.

However, the iconographic evidence

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presented above indicates clearly that most F3 and F4a females (himation wrapped around the left forearm) rep-resent young female mourners, rather than the deceased. On account of their subsidiary role in the composition, those holding a baby obviously cannot be the mothers themselves; they may therefore represent wet-nurses. The stark differentiation of their costume from that of other servants is related to their higher status, since they are the only certain category of servants to be commemorated by sculptured stelai. Deceased females identified as wet-nurses are shown seated, wearing a himation, without any iconographic references to their occupation; stelai showing standing females holding a baby lack a discriminating name in-scription, so that the identity of the de-ceased is unknown. Although it is tempting to identify the standing C274.1 (pl. 7) as the Phoenician de-ceased, the compositional evidence for the identification of standing wet-nurses as mourners is overwhelming: they always accompany a seated fe-male, they are often in the background (e.g., C306.2 and C406.2), C281.3 dis-plays a speaking gesture towards the seated woman, and C277.1 holds out the baby towards her. With the excep-tion of a few figures without a mantle (e.g., C275.1), standing females hold-ing a baby, some of which are only fragmentary and thus unassigned, could be connected with costume types F3-F4 on account of the hi-mation covering the right shoulder, forming, as a rule, a right arm sling, and sometimes covering the left fore-arm (e.g., C276-278). Since these fig-ures belong to large, high relief monu-ments, and, excluding very fragment-ary cases, lack the mantle overfold, they may be assigned to type F3 of young women, rather than F4 which includes also females in their late ad-olescence.

The pyxis, on the other hand, is a trait associated with F11 slaves, of the same compositional role as F3 and F4 females. On this account, figures in hi-

mation holding a pyxis (e.g., C70.1), many of which display the covered right shoulder and arm sling typical of F3 and F4, have in the past been iden-tified as slaves (Dohrn 1957: 69, but cf. 89; Stupperich 1977: 106). However, the very distinctive costume of F11a makes it unlikely for a parallel type, such as F3-F4, to be used to represent indiscriminately both free Athenian or metic women, and female slaves in a subsidiary position. Unlike F11a fe-males holding a pyxis, servants in hi-mation never show racial physiognomic characterisation traits, or height differentiation that could be explained by servile status (above: sec-tion 2.3.2). These facts support Dohrn’s conviction that slaves were al-ways shown on stelai without a hi-mation (1957: 89, 167).

Despite its frequency with F11a slaves, the pyxis was therefore just a trinket box, occasionally held by Athenian women themselves (e.g., C74, C76, C306), rather than a definite servile status symbol. But of standing females in himation holding a pyxis, only the veiled C1131.2 has a name in-scription identifying her as a sub-sequently deceased member of the family (the lettering is smaller than that of the primary deceased C1131.3, but all names lack a patronymic and demotic). The rarity of standing named females with himation and pyxis, and the analogy of wet-nurses of the same costume types, holding a baby, suggest that they are more likely to represent poor free women working as house-maids, than relatives. Their own death would not be commemorated on the same monument as those of their em-ployers but on separate stelai, possibly those designating the deceased seated woman as chreste, but not as a wet-nurse (above: section 2.3.2).

4.3.3 Type F5: veilless females in himation with exposed right shoulder and arm

Type F5 consists of 59 figures clas-sified by average linkage cluster ana-

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lysis, and 17 less well-preserved fig-ures, assigned at a later stage. Figures belonging to F5 lack a head cover, and wear a short-sleeved tunic without supporting bands, a himation mostly leaving the right shoulder and arm and the left hand exposed, and often san-dals (e.g., C216.2: pl. 6). Although the left forearm is occasionally wrapped in the himation, the body and limbs of the figure are consistently more ex-posed than those of types discussed so far; in fact, type F5 consists of the less “modest” costume combinations of a himation leaving the right shoulder ex-posed, excluding females with wrapped left forearm and hand (type F6) or with shoulder himation covering the left forearm and, often, hand (type F7).

Although the majority of F5 females are adult, this is the only himation type used regularly to represent non-adult females of all ages (fig. 110). This partly explains the predominance of the left orientation (45/65), shown also by non-adult females of other types. But adult F5 females are also of-ten shown facing left, and, unlike F1, they only rarely display the gesture of lifting the himation at the shoulder. Despite their mixed age, they are shown in handshake proportionally more often than the predominantly adult F1 (37/63); this is due to the fact that type F5 represents one of the main figures in the composition, shown on the foreground plane (20/22). However, according to the name inscriptions, type F5 in not signi-ficantly connected with the primary deceased. The relatively high propor-tion of attached attributes (0.33 per figure) is not only due to non-adult cases, accounting for the frequency of a small bird or pet-dog, but also to the secondary status of a few standing F5 women, occasionally holding a pyxis (C317.1) or raising the hand to the cheek (C1099.2).

Stelai representing F5 figures dis-play on average similar squared width, and thus cost, to those representing F1 females (fig. 111); almost half are

metopic (29/66), sculptured in low re-lief, often displaying a semicircular crown with a painted anthemion. A major factor for the low stele cost as-sociated with F5, however, is that sev-eral are primary deceased non-adults, that would be expected to be accorded lower stele expenditure. The rank in-dex, with the sex and age of the de-ceased removed from the squared stele width measurements, suggests that, unlike the low rank F1, this type is associated with more or less aver-age non-age related rank (fig. 112).

The partition of type F5 at the 0.8 linkage level provides six subtypes (fig. 104), divided into two groups with dif-ferent social associations. The first three (F5a-F5c) include mostly seated adult females in profile, showing the gesture of lifting the himation at the shoulder, albeit less often than their F1 counterparts with a covered right shoulder. Subtype F5a consists of three seated women with an encircling hair plait, a sleeveless tunic, lap hi-mation leaving the arms and hands ex-posed, and slippers. The tunic of the ‘20-24 years’ old C40.1, representing the deceased, displays a short overfall over a girdle forming a pouch (pl. 1); the other two F5a figures, showing a simple girdled tunic, are mourners. Subtype F5b is defined by the combin-ation of hair in a bun, a narrow head-band, a lap himation and slippers; it occurs on small, low-relief frameless or metopic stelai, mostly with a semi-circular anthemion crown, identified with adult women, from the young C1089.1 to the ‘35-59 years’ old C434.2.

F5c is the most common subtype, occurring in about 1/2 of type F5 cases. It consists of females with an encircling plait or short hair, a short-sleeved, often double tunic, and a lap or sometimes armpit himation, often forming a left arm sling; the majority wear sandals. These figures are also strongly associated with left orienta-tion; in fact, all seated F5c females are set on the right of the composition, fa-cing left. In accordance with the gen-

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eral association of sandals with higher stele expenditure (above: section 3.2.19), F5c figures are often shown on naiskos or metopic stelai, sculp-tured in high relief, more costly than those showing F5b figures. The age of F5a-F5c females is related to their stance: seated figures are always adult, ranging from ‘20-24 years’ (C239.2) to ‘35-59 years’ of age (C73.2), while the few standing figures vary from ‘9 years’ of age (C697.1) to young adulthood (C805.1), with sev-eral adolescent examples.

Most veilless standing females with a himation leaving the right shoulder and arm exposed, with the exception of those in shoulder himation (type F7), are classified to subtypes F5d-F5f. F5d figures wear a forearm himation, spread over the left forearm and some-times also the hand (C1111.3: fig. 104); the relief depth is usually low, and the commonly frameless or pseudo-naiskos stele is of unassuming dimensions. C887.1, of subtype F5e (fig. 104) has the hair caught back in a krobylos, the himation partly covering the right shoulder, and belongs to a large frameless stele, but is otherwise very similar to F5d females. Finally, F5f consists of short-haired females wearing a forearm or armpit himation with overfold (C115.2: pl. 4).

On account of these costume traits, F5d-F5f figures are formally similar to F4 females with covered right shoulder, right arm sling and overfold; F5d figures, in particular, correspond to F4b females with covered left fore-arm and hand. Their age varies from older children to several adult women such as the ‘20-24 years’ old C1131.1; the non-adult figures often wear a single tunic, supported by shoulder bands (e.g., C893.1). However, unlike F4 women, F5d-F5f females do not hold a pyxis or a baby that would point to a secondary status. Those non-adult are often shown alone, thus identified as the primary deceased; their at-tached attributes are those of child-hood and adolescence, such as a small bird (C115.2: pl. 4, traces under the

left hand), or a larger bird and a chous (’7 years’ old C811.1). Adult F5d-F5f females, on the other hand, are always one of the main figures in the composi-tion, shown as a rule in handshake with a standing man or seated figure, and frequently identified as one of the deceased.

4.3.4 Type F6: veilless females in lap himation, wrapped around the left arm and hand, and sandals

The seven females classified to F6, and 10 females subsequently assigned to the type display a combination of an encircling hair plait, a girdled tunic, and a himation usually falling on the lap and leaving the right shoulder ex-posed; their distinctive trait, however, is that the left forearm and hand is wrapped within the part of the hi-mation falling over the left shoulder. Examples of the two subtypes distin-guished by average linkage cluster analysis are presented in fig. 104. Sub-type F6a is the most common of the two, consisting mostly of seated fe-males, with the wrapped left forearm leaning on the lap, and characterised by sandals; when the figure lifts the hi-mation at the right shoulder, the left hand is hidden under the flexed right elbow (C69.2: pl. 2), but in other cases the left hand is clearly covered by the part of the himation wrapped around the left forearm.

Among the less well-preserved fe-males assigned to F6, there are two standing exceptions (C123.2, C714.3), wearing an armpit himation wrapping the left arm, which is extended down-wards, and whose footgear is unidenti-fied. The second subtype, F6b, also consists just of two atypical pieces: C327.1 displays hair in a bun, and probably slippers; the wrapped left arm and hand appears here to be a mannerism, applied to the background male C327.2, and almost to the fore-ground veiled female C327.3 as well. C339.4 wears a sakkos, possibly some other hair attachment, slippers, and a himation forming a left arm sling, with

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the left hand is covered under the bunched himation brought around the right side of the body to the lap.

All F6 figures are adult, and associ-ated with mature age (fig. 110). This connection is based on only six figures used in apparent age ranking: two young adults, one ‘25-34 years’ old (C454.3), and three ‘35-59 years’ old women (e.g., C348.2); F6 figures, how-ever, lack any attached attributes, a fact reinforcing their association with maturity.

Besides, in all cases where positive evidence exists, F6 females represent one of the deceased figures; their com-positional importance is shown by the fact that, in all 5 cases where there is plane differentiation, they are shown in the foreground, and in 12/16 cases they show a handshake; the frequency of the profile position is related to their seated stance. Although gestures are predictably rare, the fact that only the generic lifting of the himation oc-curs, rather than the “speaking” ges-ture or the hand to the cheek connec-ted with survivors, is worth noting. The name inscriptions of the two standing F6 women suggest that they were the secondary, rather than primary deceased, but seated F6 wo-men, may rather be the primary de-ceased, considering the associations of the seated stance with females. If Lys-istrate was the original inscription of C454, on account of its wider spacing than the cramped lateral names, then it is more plausible to identify the seated F6 woman as the primary de-ceased than the background female raising the right arm to the cheek, who is now connected with the name.

Type F6 females belong to equal numbers of metopic and naiskos stelai, occupying a continuous range of stele dimensions, mostly representing two- or three- figured compositions. The squared stele width distribution sug-gests that their cost was similar to that of stelai representing other veilless seated females, e.g., of types F1 and F5 (fig. 111); however, after taking into account the effect of the sex and

age of the deceased, known from epi-graphic evidence, on stele expendit-ure, it appears than F6 females are connected with slightly smaller social rank than average (fig. 112). Assum-ing, when external evidence is miss-ing, that adult F6 females are the de-ceased, produces a similar result; al-though there are several naiskos stelai of relatively high cost, such as C69, small metopic stelai with F6 females (e.g., 327.1: fig. 104), have on average lower squared width than those rep-resenting other female costume types.

4.3.5 Type F7: females with falling hair plait, and shoulder himation, covering the left arm and hand

Six originally classified and nine subsequently assigned figures belong to type F7, characterised by a shoulder himation, leaving the right shoulder and arm exposed but covering the left arm and often the hand, a normally single tunic with short buttoned pseudo-sleeves, and hair tied by a nar-row headband, in more than 1/2 of the cases falling back in a plait; with the exception of C322.3 (pl. 11) they wear slippers. Considering the overall rarity of either trait, the falling plait hairstyle is in this type strongly associated with the shoulder himation arrangement; the combination also occurs in a few similar figures not assigned to this type, either because of lack of evid-ence or because of other costume as-sociations (e.g., C821.1 of F1b, pl. 19, on account of the covered right shoulder, right arm sling and left shoulder bunch); overall, an important part of females in shoulder himation show also the falling plait, and vice versa (fig. 105).

The hairstyle and the presence of supporting shoulder bands separate most F7 females from C1084.2 (sub-type F7b, fig. 104), who has the hair drawn tightly to an invisible knot at the top of the head. The front part of their hair is mostly tied with a narrow headband, and the back part consists usually of a woven plait, falling to the

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back or on the shoulder (e.g., C880.2). Variations include the combination of a thick plait tied around the head with a thin plait falling back, almost to waist-height (C755.1: pl. 17); a shorter, broad, carefully woven plait falling back from the entire head width, sim-ilar to the central braid of the Caryat-ids (C856.1; cf. Bieber 1928: 87, pl. LXI, 1); free long hair, falling in locks to the back (C67.1; cf. C863.1); and, a simple encircling plait or hair in a bun, supported by a narrow headband (C322.3: pl. 11). Regardless of the ac-tual arrangement, the hair of F7 and similar females in shoulder himation is naturally long. The combination of the shoulder himation with a shorter krobylos, suggested by Schmaltz as an alternative to the falling plait (1979: 24), is not, to my knowledge, attested on Classical Attic stelai.

In 1/3 of the cases, the himation is drawn diagonally over the left shoulder, forming an often visible bunch behind the back of the figure (C755.1: pl. 17); however, only in C124.2 is the left arm of the figure ex-posed, since it is mostly covered by the other side of the garment. More fre-quently, the himation is spread over the left shoulder and flexed left arm, so that it often covers the left hand as well; a rare alternative is that of the akimbo left arm, having the hand covered by the himation (C480.2). Most figures with a spread-out shoulder himation face left, and dis-play a falling hair plait.

On account of its formal distinct-ness, this type has been extensively commented upon in the past from a stylistic viewpoint. The free falling hair of C1178.1, lacking a mantle, has been associated with the Eleusinian relief (Diepolder 1931: 9); the falling plait has been used to date C888.2 in mid-fourth century BC (Dohrn 1957: 180); a few specific stelai displaying a shoulder himation spread over the left arm and hand were repeatedly presen-ted as a stylistic group (Diepolder 1931: 43; Dohrn 1957: 180) although the mantle arrangement has been re-

cognised throughout the Classical period, including the fifth century BC (Diepolder 1931: 13; Stupperich 1977: 106, 111; Schmaltz 1979: 24-26).

Type F7, however, has distinct so-cial associations, which indicate that it cannot be a simple artifice of style. Since it almost monopolises its con-stituent traits, especially the falling plait and shoulder himation, the type naturally reflects their associations with late childhood and adolescence; in parallel with the stylistic arguments, F7 has in fact been recognised in the past as a “Typus des Mädchens” (Dohrn 1957: 180; Schmaltz 1979: 24). The connection with non-adulthood is indicated by the occurrence of a small bird (e.g., C888.2) or, frequently, a doll (C814.1, C817.1, C880.2), and the ab-sence of the seated stance and of ges-tures connected with adulthood, such as lifting the himation at the shoulder. The handshake, occurring with C322.3 (pl. 11), is also relatively rare, com-pared to simple visual contact, or to isolation in an one-figured composi-tion.

F7 appears to be more important between ‘8-10’ and ‘15-19 years’ of age (fig. 110), a fact that led Stup-perich to treat the two groups of fig-ures separately, suggesting that the former was connected with a late fifth century BC workshop at Piraeus (1977: 111, 107); an early chronolo-gical association or local idiom would explain the differences in relative height and iconography, and cannot therefore be excluded. But, the two age ranges are not consistently differ-entiated in hairstyle, mantle arrange-ment, left arm and hand exposure or any other costume traits, although the relative height of younger figures is around 0.6, significantly smaller than expected for their apparent age of ‘8-10 years’; moreover, they are bridged by C755.1 (pl. 17) and C1021.2, two figures of intermediate age and relat-ive size that could be assigned to F7, despite the fact that they were not in-cluded to it by automatic identifica-tion. The small frequency of the ‘10-14

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years’ old F7 girls may be due to the small size of the sample not reflecting a real dichotomy in the age associ-ations of the type, but evidence on this matter is inconclusive.

Type F7 occurs with stelai of vary-ing cost, ranging from a large true naiskos (C1084) to modest frameless stelai (C1020, C856). The mean squared width of stelai representing F7 figures suggests that the type is re-lated with higher than average stele cost (fig. 111); this result is main-tained after the effect of the sex and age of the deceased is removed, point-ing to a connection with high rank, un-related with the broad age of the fig-ure (fig. 112). However, the variability in the rank index of these figures, shown by its wide interquartile range, suggest that they are not entirely re-stricted to the better-off families, a fact confirmed by the occurrence of a chreste and metronymic name inscrip-tion (C856).

The significantly smaller relative size of F7 children is related to their tendency to represent compositionally secondary figures, sometimes shown gesturing with raised arms towards an adult figure (C1061a.2). The icono-graphy of F7 figures between ‘10-15 years’ of age indicates that they also do not represent the primary de-ceased: C67.1 is in the background and holds a pyxis, C480.2 is behind the central seated woman, in a position of-ten occupied by servants. Epigraphic evidence, where available (C340; C696; C755: pl. 17), confirms the con-nection of younger F7 girls with rep-resentations of mourners. Those between ‘15-19 years’, on the other hand, are often shown on their own, accompanied by a small child, or in handshake. In the first two cases, in-cluding younger figures such as the ‘11-12 years’ old C814.1, they doubt-less represent the primary deceased. When shown in handshake, they may, on epigraphic grounds, be either the primary (C1097.1) or secondary de-ceased (C1110.3). Besides, adolescent F7 females rarely accompany seated

figures; the composition of C322 (pl. 11), where the F7 female is gazed at by both remaining figures, suggests that she may have been the primary dead as well. In sum, in contrast to younger F7 girls, who often represent mourners, older adolescent F7 females are often identified as the primary de-ceased.

4.3.6 Types F8, F9 and F10: females wearing a tunic, and lap or armpit himation forming a veil

Forty eight females were classified by average linkage to type F8. To-gether with 22 subsequently assigned figures, they represent the major type of veiled females; the short sleeves of the tunic differentiate them from type F9, and exposed left hand from F10. They are more often than expected seated, thus wearing a lap himation. It is notable, however, that they very of-ten display hair parted in the middle and drawn back, a double tunic, and sandals; the simple encircling plait, despite being the most common female hairstyle, is represented only in 1/10 of F8. Standing veiled females usually wear a himation drawn under the left armpit, a fact complemented by the ab-sence of the shoulder and rarity of forearm himation arrangements.

Eight F8 subtypes are defined at the 0.8 linkage level (fig. 106). Except for F8e, occurring in almost 1/4 of cases and including many seated (lap hi-mation) and some standing (armpit hi-mation) females, the himation is al-ways shown covering the right shoulder of the figure. F8a-F8c consist entirely of seated females, having the hair parted in the middle and drawn back, possibly to an invisible bun; F8b is characterised by exposed left fore-arm (C310.1: pl. 10), F8c shows con-sistently a combination of double tunic (C337.2: pl. 12) or one supported by shoulder bands (C410.2: pl. 15), a hi-mation forming a left arm sling, and sandals, while the singleton F8a (C39.1) resembles both these sub-types. F5d consists of mostly standing

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figures in single tunic, typically armpit himation covering the right shoulder, sometimes forming a right arm sling, and slippers (C755.2: pl. 17). Subtypes F8e-F8h show seated or standing fig-ures, often with a mass of hair tied high over the forehead (C79.1: pl. 3), a simple plait around the head, or short hair; the two figures of F8f (C411.1; C901.3: pl. 21) display, in addition, earrings.

As indicated by their short “moat” in the dendrogram, subtypes within F8 are not taxonomically separated in a clear-cut way; apart from the attribute combination defining F8, some less common costume traits run across subtypes: the multiple headband, con-sisting of two or more encircling turns of a narrow headband from behind the ears to the top of the head, is often linked with earrings, a very fine, single, apparently ungirt tunic with loose buttoned pseudo-sleeves, dis-playing a low neck and clinging tightly on the breasts, and sandals (C68.2, C310.1: pl. 10, C74.1, C103.2); in C289.1 (pl. 8), the multiple headband is replaced by a fine, woven plait of hair. This F8 variant occurs in most cases in all-female compositions, set in the gynaikonitis. Except for C429.2, the tunic of females shown in the com-pany of males is heavier, often consist-ing of a sleeveless, heavy girdled tunic with long overfall over a finer short-sleeved undergarment; the fastening brooches at the shoulders are hidden under a double thickness of the gar-ment, indicating the existence of a long, overgirt overfall.

F8 veiled females are always adult, ranging from the ‘18-19 years’ old C755.2 (pl. 17) to the ‘35-59 years’ old C337.2 (pl. 12), with approximately 2/5 of young and middle-aged women be-longing to this type (fig. 110); this re-flects the generic association of the veil with adulthood, excluding old wo-men (above: section 3.2.3). Apart from the predominance of the seated stance, more than 1/2 of cases exhibit a handshake or lift the himation at the shoulder, both gestures connected

with adulthood. The relative frequency of tactile contact within F8 is due either to an accompanying child (C284, C895, C289: pl. 8), or to an em-brace between adult females, familiar from the “farewell stele” (C320, C150); the latter, occurring with standing F8 females, is really an extension of the amplified handshake, common with seated F8 women (C398.1, C411.1, C337.2: pl. 12).

Attached attributes are predictably rare (0.14 per figure), and are connec-ted with female adornment: a pyxis, occurring as often with seated as with standing F8 females (C75.1, C80.1), a chest (C74.1), a mirror (C310.1: pl. 10) or a jewel (C68.2). The stark facial frontality of some seated (C79.1: pl. 3, C109.2) or standing (C755.2: pl. 17) F8 females is also related to the theme of adornment. The association with the foreground plane (31/40 cases), setting on the left of the composition and right orientation (39/64), and seated stance, in combination with the iconography of adornment, suggest that this type is used to represent the deceased. In fact, seated F8 females are always identified by a name inscription as one of the deceased. The stele commemor-ates F8 figures, always when they are shown alone, or with standing females or children frequently shown in the background (e.g., C79: pl. 3, C297, C284), and often when they are shown in handshake with a foreground or background standing male (C242, C411); according to name inscriptions, only C241.1 is the secondary, rather than primary deceased, since her name, set underneath the rosettes un-like that of the accompanying male, appears to have been an afterthought. This is an important association of this type, in relation to F1 and F5 veilless seated females. On the other hand, standing veiled females, mostly be-longing to subtype F8d, may represent either the deceased (C1087.1; C894.1) or, especially when shown in the back-ground, mourners (C755.2: pl. 17; C409.2).

Stelai representing F8 females are

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typically larger than those showing other costume types; this is shown not only by a comparison of squared stele widths (fig. 111), but also by the fre-quency of naiskoi and naiskos stelai, full pediment crowns, and multi-figured, high relief representations. The high stele expenditure is not due just to the fact that stelai showing the type commemorate as a rule adult fe-males, the sex/age combination accor-ded on average the highest stele ex-penditure: such monuments are also considerably larger than those lacking the F8 figure, after the effect of the sex and broad age of the deceased is removed (fig. 112). Thus, veiled F8 wo-men may be associated with higher family rank than their F1 and F5 veil-less equivalent.

Subtypes within F8 are, however, associated with different levels of stele expenditure, connected with differ-ences in apparent age. F8c females in double tunic, left arm sling and san-dals, F8e women in a himation leaving the right shoulder exposed and F8f-F8h females with a forehead plait or “melon” hairstyle are often shown on large, multi-figured naiskoi, unlike F8d standing and F8a-F8b seated females, often wearing a single tunic or slip-pers. Moreover, the former consist of-ten of mature adult females, ‘35-59 years’ old, while the latter represent in most cases young adult women, ‘18-24 years’ old. Subtypes F8c and F8f-h, showing mostly a double tunic, sandals and a lap himation covering the right shoulder, are still connected with higher stele expenditure, and thus so-cial rank, than equivalent veilless cos-tume types; it is important to note that the eight name inscriptions preserving information about provenience identify these females as Athenian. Other F8 subtypes, on the other hand, are shown on stelai of similar squared width to those of F1-F5 veilless fe-males; the two name inscriptions of F8a-F8b females available identify them as metics, a possible explanation for the smaller size of these stelai. On this account, it appears that the veil

does not have high social rank con-notations of its own, unrelated to tunic form and footgear.

Type F9 is distinguished from F10 by the presence of a single, sleeveless tunic (C115.1: pl. 4); excluding several misclassifications, nine figures without tunic sleeves belong to the type, cor-responding to the seated veilless ex-amples of subtype F5a. The exposed right shoulder and frequent left orient-ation may be due to the ease in record-ing the absence of sleeves in these cases; the association of the two traits may, therefore, be spurious. F9 fe-males are adult, shown mostly in pro-file, in the foreground plane, shaking hands; C71.2 reaches out to a pyxis, held by the accompanying standing fe-male. There is no epigraphic evidence on their deceased or mourner identity, but, considering their iconographic similarities with F8, they may also rep-resent often the primary deceased; C115.1 (pl. 4), however, may be the mother of the standing deceased, since her name is mentioned in the epigram. If it is intended for the non-adult C115.2, this is a larger-than-average monument; in other cases, the type is connected with small, low relief met-opic stelai, with relief pediment crown. The small number of these figures, combined with the fact that, apart from the tunic sleeves, they share all other F8 costume traits, suggests that they are better seen as a variation of F8 than as a separate type.

The singleton C274.2 (pl. 7), dis-playing a veil, and lap himation cover-ing the right shoulder and wrapped around the left arm and hand, was classified as type F10, and joined by 11 less-well preserved, seated and stand-ing figures; the wrapped left arm and hand, the only distinctive traits of this type in relation to F8, occur in 6 and 2 cases respectively. These figures are the veiled counterparts of type F6; un-like those, however, there is little to separate F10 females from the much more frequent F8, except for the fact that they are often set on the right of the composition, facing left. The few

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figures with wrapped left arm included to F10 are young (C97.2), often lifting the himation at the shoulder, and rep-resented on high relief, costly naiskos stelai, and on a fragmentary naiskos (C574.1). Their age and stele cost as-sociations link them correctly with F8, and not with F6, with which they share the wrapped left arm; their small num-ber, however, does not allow any fur-ther comments on their interpretation.

4.3.7 Types F11, F12 and F13: fig-ures wearing a single tunic, slippers and a bunched himation or no mantle

The 34 figures classified by average linkage cluster analysis to type F11, and the 51 less well-preserved figures subsequently assigned to the type, are sharply distinguished from types dis-cussed so far, because they lack a hi-mation; more than 9/10 of F11 females wear slippers, and approximately 4/5 wear a single, rather than double tu-nic. However, despite their dissimilar-ity to other figures, F11 females are very diverse, both in actual costume (fig. 107) and in iconographic and so-cial associations; several costume traits connected with F11, such as long sleeves, sakkos, a girdleless tu-nic, shoulder bands, medium hair or stephane, characterise in fact only spe-cific partitions of the type. The two dis-tinct formations of F11 females ob-served in the three-dimensional prin-cipal co-ordinate representation (fig. 98; above: section 4.2) are differenti-ated by the presence or absence of long sleeves, and, on account of their different form and function, will be ex-amined separately in the following pages.

Subtype F11a consists of about 1/3 of F11 figures (e.g., C79.12: pl. 3). They display exceptionally a krobylos (C71.1), sometimes plain short hair without any head ornament (e.g., C419.4), or, four times as often, a sakkos enclosing long hair; alternative hairstyles underneath the sakkos, in-dicated by the shape of the head, are

hair in a bun (C284.1), and volume-less, apparently short or medium hair with the front of the sakkos turned over (C901.1: pl. 21). Their long-sleeved tunic is of heavy material, probably wool. Two main variants ex-ist, apparent in the dendrogram of fig. 107. Firstly, a single tunic without overfall, occasionally supported by shoulder bands (C79.2: pl. 3); the single tunic is ungirt (C901.1: pl. 21) or, more often, girdled (C875.1). Very frequently, the position of the arms in front of the waist of the figure does not allow the identification of a girdle; the tightness of the woollen tunic, rather than a girdle, may be the reason why the garment follows the contours of the hips (C300.3). The short-haired C819.1, the only F11a female on a one-figured stele (therefore the primary deceased), wears a long-sleeved coat over the single, ungirt tunic; this has been identified as the Persian kandys, that was supposedly introduced to Classical Athens as a product of fash-ion (Barker 1922: 414; Bieber 1928: 20, 46), but it is here a probable sign of the girl’s origin. Secondly, a double tunic is worn, albeit different than that of females in himation, mentioned in connection with F1-F10: it is either a short, long-sleeved chitonion worn over a long tunic (C410.1: pl. 15), a similar short tunic worn under a long tunic (C71.1), or a sleeveless short garment, with brooches on the shoulders, worn over a long, long-sleeved undergarment (C79.2: pl. 3); in the first and last case, the second gar-ment looks as if it were the long over-fall of the tunic.

Two distinct apparent age ranges are connected with F11a: ‘8-12 years’ old children (C875.1, C877.1) and, slightly less often, ‘15-17 years’ old ad-olescent girls (C68.1); the only figure of intermediate age is C462.3. With one exception, F11a females are shown always in the company of an-other female: ‘8-12 years’ old children are often half-size, displaced to the edge of the representation by a stand-ing adolescent girl, and ‘15-17 years’

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old are set, often frontally, in the back-ground of a composition including at least a seated foreground female. Moreover, in stelai with two or more figures, a name inscription never iden-tifies a F11a female as one of the de-ceased. Both epigraphic and composi-tional evidence therefore suggest that this subtype is used to represent sec-ondary figures of mourners.

Two alternative interpretations of the social identity of F11a females have been suggested. According to the first, the non-Greek origin of the long sleeves, the household associations of the sakkos, and the short hair are signs of servility (Stupperich 1977: 108-109). According to the second, the oriental origin of the costume points to mythological connections with the Eleusinian religion, while the sakkos, short hair and long sleeves are seen as signs of modesty connected with mourning, and the long-sleeved tunic as a possible dress of free females, known to have been dedicated to the sanctuary of Artemis in Brauron (Thimme 1967: 204-5).

Regardless of age, most F11a fig-ures are shown holding a pyxis. It has been suggested that this contained tomb offerings, such as funerary rib-bons often carried to the tomb in lar-ger baskets on white lekythoi (Thimme 1964: 19-20); on stelai, however, it ap-pears to be similar to the trinket box occurring in gynaikonitis scenes in contemporary vase-painting. C901.1 (pl. 21) is shown fastening the laces of the sandals of a standing, veiled fe-male, and the background C881.2 ar-ranging the cushion on the chest shown behind a foreground maiden. Analogy with these two adornment mo-tifs favours the trinket box, rather than funerary offering interpretation of the pyxis, and thus the identification of F11a females as servants.

The small relative size of several F11a figures can be interpreted either as the result of social differentiation (Dohrn 1957: 90-91), or, equally well as of differentiation between deceased and mourners (Thimme 1964: 23-24, n.

44 and 45); with the exception of the diminutive, short-haired C878.1, who is clearly an afterthought carved out of the anta, the size differentiation is never as strong as to suggest a real analogy with the Archaic “heroisation” reliefs, as Thimme presupposes. In fact, size differentiation affects mostly the ‘9-12 years’ old F11a females, ac-companying standing females on smal-ler compositions, rather than the large naiskos stelai representing adolescent F11a females. In addition, the facial traits of F11a females of both age ranges, consisting typically of broad cheeks and thin lips, are repeatedly differentiated from the Attic “ideal” characterising other costume types (C882.1; C410.1: pl. 15); the case for possible racial characterisation of non-Greeks in Classical art has been ar-gued by Himmelmann (1971), and other iconographic evidence here leaves no doubt that the physiognomic details of these girls are indeed meant to denote race. If these are figures of slaves, holding a pyxis, then all other similarly dressed F11a females are likely to be slaves too, even if they are not racially characterised as such.

Except for the small stele commem-orating C819.1, a slave by analogy with other F11a girls, the stele ex-penditure connected with representa-tions of F11a figures is larger than that of other monuments; this is shown both by the consistently high squared stele width (with a mean of 0.41 squared metres), and the frequency of F11a females on high relief naiskos stelai and multi-figured compositions. This connection with high stele cost becomes even more apparent if com-pensation is made for the age of the usually adolescent or adult female de-ceased. It indicates that F11a figures, being slaves, are considerably more of-ten used as symbols of social position by families of high rank, than by the less well-off.

In contrast to F11a, subtypes F11b-F11e display a single tunic with short or no sleeves. F11b, consisting of ten figures classified by average linkage, is

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characterised by a combination of short, uncovered hair, short-sleeved or sleeveless tunic, a girdle sometimes forming a pouch, an overfall, and in most cases no bands; the five F11c fe-males display a tunic with overfall and supporting bands; F11d consists of four figures with medium hair, stephane and a girdled tunic, three of which also display a long overfall, which was apparently turned over and sewn at the shoulders; finally, F11e in-cludes three figures wearing a sleeve-less tunic without overfall.

The majority of F11b females and a F11c girl (C95.2: fig. 107), all appar-ently adolescent, are compositionally similar to F11a servants, shown with a seated female on relatively large, sometimes multi-figured stelai. On compositional and iconographic grounds, some clearly represent mourners: C429.3 and C320.1 are in the background and bring the hand to the cheek, the former also displaying a “speaking” gesture, and C95.2, wear-ing a sakkos, holds the drum of the seated C95.1, identified as a priestess of Kybele. Of three short-haired figures wearing a girdled tunic with a pouch and overfall, the barefoot C74.2 holds pyxis and mirror, while C280.1 and C310.2 (pl. 10), wearing a sleeveless thick tunic that can be identified as a peplos, fastened at the shoulders, hold a baby. Although these adolescent girls are secondary, C310.2 is named as one of the deceased; on this evidence, and because of the peplos, these figures may in fact represent younger mem-bers of the family, rather than ser-vants. The ‘6 years’ old C696.3 (fig. 107) is also a secondary figure, gestur-ing with raised arms towards a seated man, who embraces her; but since the main figure is male, and because of her young apparent age, C696.3 prob-ably represents a free girl rather than a slave, in analogy with the older C696.2 classified in type F7. On sim-ilar grounds, the secondary C338.2 must also represent a free child.

Excluding these figures of second-ary compositional role, the remaining

F11b-F11c and all F11d-F11e females are shown on one-figured low relief representations, with two exceptions: of these, C878.2 was originally the only figure in the composition, since C878.1 is an obvious afterthought; the ‘7 years’ old C1100.1 (pl. 33), a mourner, is very peculiar, since she is shown in a handshake with a little boy as if they were both adult, and, in addi-tion, lifts the tunic overfall at thigh-height as if it were a shoulder-back mantle, a unique motif in the stelai ex-amined.

All remaining F11c-F11e figures be-long to one-figured compositions, and are thus the deceased. With the excep-tion of the ‘13-14 years’ old C824.1, who has her hair collected in a krobylos, a hairstyle connected with adolescence (e.g., C71.1, C887.2), all F11c-F11e figures are children, ‘3-10 years’ old. Regardless of exact cos-tume, the majority hold a little bird in the right hand (C820.1: pl. 18), and are often accompanied by a pet dog; three ‘6-7 years’ old girls (C815.1: fig. 107) display a doll, and even younger girls hold repeatedly a ball (e.g., C827.1) or a rattle; one of the peculiar objects on the background of C814 may be an oversized astragal bag, the other pos-sibly a rattle. The sleeveless tunic of F11e appears to be associated with the slightly higher age of ‘7-10 years’, compared to ‘3-7 years’ of F11c and, especially, F11d; the distinctive com-bination of medium hair, stephane and long girdled overfall or shoulder bands is, therefore, associated with young childhood.

Unlike F11a servants and secondary F11b-F11c adolescent females, girls lacking a mantle and representing the deceased are as a rule shown on small metopic or pseudo-naiskos stelai, with a relief or painted pediment crown. The average squared width of these stelai (0.16 m^2) indicates low stele expenditure; this fact, however, is not related to the family rank of these fig-ures, but to the low stele expenditure connected with childhood in general. This is not surprising, considering that

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subtypes F11c-F11e represent the great majority of young and a consid-erable proportion of older deceased children. The small cost accorded to these figures corresponds to the sim-plicity of their single tunic and slip-pers; the dimensions of stelai repres-enting F11d girls in stephane are sim-ilar to those of other subtypes. The low age-related status of female children, as far as stele expenditure was con-cerned, explains the similarity of their main costume type to that of servants.

Type F11 is linked to two further types, both rather exceptional in their definition. Type F12, as defined in the average linkage cluster analysis by a combination of medium hair and nar-row headband, a tunic with a girdle forming a pouch and a short overfall, and no mantle, occurs only in C151.1 (fig. 108). This is one of very few adult females showing the simple medium hair usually connected with childhood, rather than one of the more elaborate hairstyles. Many less well-preserved figures were in fact wrongly assigned to F12, since they all display a hi-mation; to correct this anomaly, these figures have been incorporated, where appropriate, into other figure types, especially F1 and F5. In this light, it is worth emphasising that the himation for seated females is almost universal.

Two females, similar to F11 girls in having medium hair and a short-sleeved tunic with a long overfall, are classified in type F13; their identifying trait, not found among the three frag-mentary figures subsequently assigned to the type, is a bunched himation, brought from the left shoulder back, around the right side of the body, and over the flexed left forearm, as if it were a proper himation (fig. 108). In the case of C831.1, comparable to F11d figures, it is combined with me-dium hair and stephane, and its end is entirely wrapped around the left fore-arm (unless this lack of a falling end is just an accident of relief preparation), while in C840.1 (pl. 20) it is combined with a double tunic, displaying the crossing bands with medallion typical

of F14.

Both figures have been identified as deceased children, ‘7’ and ‘3-5 years’ old respectively; they are shown alone, facing entirely frontally, the former with a little bird and pet dog, the latter with a large bird. The metopic C831 and the small naiskos stele C840 are of average size in comparison with stelai commemorating F11 girls; type F13, therefore, seems to be used very occa-sionally, for the representation of de-ceased children of the same age as F11c-d figures. Considering the strong association of proper himation with adulthood and adolescence, it is clear from these examples that the age-re-lated significance of the himation resides in its arrangement, rather than its material. Besides, it should be noted that the youngest female in a proper himation, the ‘7 years’ old C811.1 of subtype F4d, also shows the forearm himation arrangement, and displays similar compositional traits.

4.3.8 Type F14: females wearing a double tunic with long girdled over-fall, crossing bands and a shoulder-back mantle

Six female figures are classified to F14 by average linkage, six sub-sequently assigned by mean similarity, and two further figures may be associ-ated with the type on the basis of its distinctive costume trait, the presence of a shoulder-back mantle fastened by brooches on the shoulders. Apart from the shoulder-back mantle, F14 figures wear in most cases a double tunic with long overgirt overfall, crossing bands with medallion or, alternatively, shoulder bands, and in 1/2 of cases a falling hair plait (e.g., C332.3), a hair-style shared with F7. With two excep-tions (C87.2, C136.2), apart from the thick, sleeveless overgarment fastened at the shoulders with large brooches, the tunic consists of a fine, short-sleeved undergarment. Except for C1131.3, which has sewn, v-cut short sleeves (as does also C1131.1, sug-gesting that this is a stylistic trait), all

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other F14 figures have buttoned pseudo-sleeves. All figures examined lift the shoulder-back mantle at thigh-height, with the left and sometimes also the right hand, so that it forms sweeping decorative folds.

Variants of type F14 are presented in fig. 109. Most figures (subtype F14a) are divided into those with crossing bands, fastened at the girdle and at the shoulder brooches and dis-playing a large medallion at the chest (C875.2), and those wearing shoulder bands (C896.2) or no bands at all (C906.3); in the cases examined, the former variant has sandals, while the latter has slippers; the two variants, of which the former is twice as common as the latter, seem thus to differ in de-gree of adornment. Moreover, C1131.3 is separated from other F14 females by the very ornate combination of a “melon” hairstyle with a finely woven plait encircling the head, earrings and a bracelet (subtype F14b).

Except for the ‘15-17 years’ old C881.1 and the ‘8-10 years’ old C1131.3, all F14 females are ‘11-14 years’ old adolescents. Only two fig-ures display the combination of a small bird and pet dog popular with younger children (C832.2, C1131.3), and one is shown with a large bird on the ground (C851.1). Despite their standing stance, F14 figures are as a rule the primary deceased, as is shown by name inscription or, more often, icono-graphic evidence. Apart from one-figured compositions (4/10), they are regularly shown in the company of a small, subsidiary servant holding a pyxis (e.g., C875.2), or, in C881, set in the background. The displacement of the inscribed name from the centre of the architrave identifies C896.2 as the primary dead. Besides, C1131.3 is identified as the primary deceased by occupying the centre of a group rep-resentation where a seated woman would be normally expected, by the comparatively wide spacing of the in-scribed name corresponding to her, and by the leaping pet dog. On the other hand, when the F14 figure is

shown in handshake with a seated wo-man (e.g., C332.3), the identity of the primary dead is unknown.

The iconography of F14 females of-ten connotes to adornment. Apart from the intrinsic ornamental value of the crossing bands and the medallion, the sweeping folds, the gesture of lifting the shoulder-back mantle, and the fre-quent representation of a servant with pyxis, most figures are shown either frontal, or slightly turned to the left; the left orientation may be due to the active right hand, since it predomin-ates even within one-figured composi-tions. The large chest on which the background C881.2 places a cushion may be a reference to the girl’s dowry, and thus to adornment and marriage. Finally, in C896, C906 and, possibly, C898 (where only heads, one with fall-ing plait, are preserved), an adult fe-male in himation is shown apparently checking the appearance of an F14 girl, an unmistakable theme of adorn-ment.

The mean squared width of stelai representing figures of this type is not particularly large (fig. 111); only C881.1 is shown on a true naiskos, and the bulk of F14 girls appears in naiskos stelai of average size; the rel-ative frequency of an akroteria cornice crown (C875) and of a siren finial (C875) is notable. However, the fact that these stelai in most cases com-memorate non-adult figures, that are bound to be accorded smaller stele ex-penditure, should be considered before concluding on the rank associations of the type. If the effect of the age and sex of the deceased is removed from squared stele width, it is apparent that F14 females are shown on much larger stelai than other comparable figures, such as those in subtypes F11c-e and F13 (fig. 112). This result may indicate high family rank, or, on the grounds of the strong age association, a special social identity of high status, connec-ted with the transition from childhood to adolescence. This question is tackled in chapter 6, where the effect of Athenian age categorisation on fe-

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male and male costume is examined.

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5. Typology of male costume

5.1 Classification and type identification

A classification of male costume on Classical Attic stelai was obtained by means of average linkage cluster ana-lysis; the analysis, whose raw results are summarised in fig. 126, was based on 187 males, with more than 75% of their costume attributes preserved. They are separated into two clearly distinct groups of different size, show-ing a between-groups similarity index of only 0.36. Both are subdivided into two wide groups each, the larger at the 0.52 linkage level, the smaller at the slightly higher 0.57. The “moat” of these four groups exceeds 0.10, sug-gesting that they are both internally cohesive and externally isolated; this is not surprising, since, as is discussed further on, they consist of nude non-adults, males wearing a tunic, beard-less, and bearded figures in himation respectively.

Since this partition is too wide to al-low the identification of specific social identities through costume, fifteen types (M1-M15), of which three were singletons, were defined at the 0.75 linkage level. The within-groups simil-arity indices of these types are, with the exception of M12 and, especially, M10, at least 0.1 higher than their highest respective similarity index to other types (fig. 127); this fact indic-ates that they exhibit the desirable properties of internal cohesion and ex-

ternal isolation. To allow more detailed study, male costume types were sub-divided at the 0.85 linkage level to 41 subtypes; moreover, especially in spe-cific discussion of non-adult male types, it has been necessary also to distinguish between variants of these subtypes. The structure of the classi-fication, number of figures classified into each type, and representative ex-amples are presented in fig. 132. As with female costume, a further number of males were assigned to costume types after the classification, on ac-count of their mean similarity with classified type members. A refinement of type definition and repeated realloc-ation was needed only in M3-M7, prob-ably because of the idiosyncratic nature and small number of figures on which these types were originally formed. Overall, however, the assign-ment of less well-preserved figures was satisfactory, allowing the use of 409 males of known type for further analysis.

The taxonomic structure of costume traits that occurred more often than expected according to an analysis of residuals in the majority of type mem-bers are presented in the dendrogram of fig. 130. The most general bisection of the population is between figures in himation and no tunic (with the excep-tion of the singleton M9), and those in other costumes, without a proper hi-mation. Apart from the fact that M1 and M2 consist of beardless and bare-foot males without a supporting staff, it should be stressed that the body of figures in both types is essentially nude. Their linkage with M3-M7 males in tunic appears to be more the product of their mutual dissimilarity with the remaining figures in himation, than that of real affinity. Himation fig-ures, on the other hand, are mostly differentiated at broader levels of the classification firstly by the presence of a beard, and secondly by himation traits or the presence of a supporting staff (M14-M15). M10 and M11 are joined by the fact that their left fore-arm is rarely exposed; this is a negat-


ive trait, since the actual himation ar-rangement differs between the two types. In general, it is remarkable how few costume traits appear in interme-diate nodes of the tree (fig. 130), al-though the costume types themselves display a wide-ranging combination of characteristic costume traits. This fact indicates that, apart from the obvious general divisions based on the pres-ence of a tunic or proper himation, the nature of male costume is essentially polythetic.

The occurrence of between-groups similarity values higher than 0.75, the linkage level of type definition, indic-ates that in these cases the hierarch-ical structure distorts the true rela-tionship between types. In fact, spe-cific costume traits run across types: mostly medium beard and slippers between M12 and M14, medium beard and the absence of a supporting staff between M10 and M12; both these vi-olations of the hierarchy are connec-ted with M12, the largest group in the classification. Moreover, nude males (M1 and M2), those in exomis (M5), and a large proportion of figures in forearm or shoulder himation (M8) are as a rule beardless, despite their taxo-nomic separation. Similarly, types M8 and M10 share important himation traits, such as the forearm himation which lacks a left shoulder bunch and covers the left forearm; M11 and M13 males display a himation wrapped around the left forearm, and are sup-ported by a staff. Further pairs of cos-tume types, that will not be listed here to exhaustion, may be joined in the light of their specific himation traits, as presented in fig. 130. These depar-tures from the hierarchical structure serve to underline the complexity of male himation, rather than suggest that the typology is entirely meaning-less: firstly, each type is defined by a fairly comprehensive number of cos-tume traits; secondly, the presence of the beard, the supporting staff and the himation arrangement, connecting types within the tree structure are all important traits of costume variability.

5.2 Geometric representation of costume variability

In order to control the results of av-erage linkage cluster analysis of male costume, male figures were subjected to a principal co-ordinate analysis. Ex-cluding the sharp decrease after the first and second principal co-ordinate, the absence of further “elbows” in the plot of the amount of variance ex-plained by each PC (fig. 128) indicates that there is no natural division between clearly important and clearly unimportant principal co-ordinates. However, the first PC accounts for more than one third, and the first three co-ordinates represent together more than half of the total variation; the remaining co-ordinates, especially after the sixth PC, contribute gradually less to the costume variability, falling below 1% after the eighteenth PC. In this light, it is possible to represent the major aspects of costume variabil-ity, and examine the distinctness of types derived by average linkage, on the basis of only the first few co-ordin-ates.

A three-dimensional representation of figures according to the first three principal co-ordinates, accounting to-gether for 56% of the costume variabil-ity (fig. 129), represents well the broad structure revealed by average linkage. The first PC in is bimodal, presenting two large groups of figures separated by a wide gap; as in average linkage clustering, males in himation but without a tunic, classified to M8-M15, are here separated from other figures, classified to M1-M7, with a mean between-groups similarity of only 0.37.

The second PC scores reflect well the divisions between non-himation costume types. M5 beardless figures in short tunic or exomis are separated both from nude males, and from bearded tunicked figures. M2 males with a bunched himation also occupy a distinct space from type M1 nude fig-ures. The peculiar C935.1 (M1b), with a brooched chlamys on the left shoulder and arm, is set in an interme-

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diate space between M1 and M2. M1a2 figures with folded himation, as well as variants of M2 according to the exact arrangement of the bunched himation, are not distinguished by the principal co-ordinate representation. The only figures situated at some distance from the centroids of both types are C1054.3 (pl. 30, M2c), growing a beard, and especially the short-bearded C927.1 (pl. 23, M1c). The lat-ter is situated in the three-dimensional space near bearded tunicked figures: of these, only bearded males with a cuirass or a bunched himation (M7) are taxonomically distinct, while those in M3, M4 and M6 are not clearly sep-arated; considering the small number of these figures, no conclusions can be drawn about their overlap.

Secondly, two formations of hi-mation males can be distinguished on the basis of the first two principal co-ordinates (fig. 129). The smaller, with negative 2nd PC scores, and small pos-itive 1st PC scores, consists of M8 beardless males in himation; the me-dium-haired boys in forearm or shoulder himation (M8a) form a tight group with strongly negative 2nd PC scores, while short-haired boys and youths, sometimes with an overfold, a right arm sling or a narrow headband (M8b-M8c) form a looser group. The larger, an oblong space of varying density characterised by positive 2nd PC and large positive 1st PC scores, includes all remaining, bearded hi-mation males, classified to types M10-M15. Between the two formations lie a few transitional figures: M8d-M8e males in armpit or lap himation, espe-cially those with a growing beard (C356.2, C384.3: pl. 13, and C676.1: pl. 16), and short-bearded M10 men in forearm himation (C1088.2 and C161.2).

Not all internal divisions between bearded himation types suggested by average linkage clustering are appar-ent in the three-dimensional PCA rep-resentation. But careful examination of the plot suggests that about 1/2 of M10 males, mostly short-haired,

bearded men in forearm himation (M10a) with negative 2nd PC scores, form a small tight group. In addition, subtype M13b figures (with covered right shoulder, right arm sling and staff) form a distinct group with very high 2nd PC and very low 3rd PC scores. On the other hand, about 2/3 of M12 men, wearing an armpit himation often with an overfold, but without an arm sling (M12a, M12b and M12d), populate a distinct oblong space with high 3rd PC scores. A very dense sub-group within this oblong space is char-acterised by positive 2nd PC scores, and consists of most M12d males (long-bearded, or balding) and of the medium-bearded figures within sub-type M12a.

The remaining types of bearded males in himation are not clearly dis-tinguished by means of the first three principal co-ordinates. The taxonomic representation according to the fourth, fifth and sixth principal co-ordinates has also failed to distinguish between these costume types. This suggests that only some of the costume forms of bearded males in himation suggested by average linkage represent “real”, clear-cut types. It appears that the re-maining clusters, namely M14, M15 and some subdivisions of M10-M13, represent the best possible dissection of the data, and, like the specific ar-rangements of bunched himation (M2 variants) have only analytical value; their validity as analytical tools thus depends on their associations with the social traits of the figures represented, rather than on their formal distinct-ness.

In general, examination of the res-ults of PC analysis of male figures con-firms that the broad structure sugges-ted by average linkage corresponds to, and is not forced upon, male costume typology, with the four wide average linkage groups of nude, tunicked, beardless and bearded himation males clearly separated in the three-dimen-sional space. The intermediate position of M10 between other bearded males (M11-M15) and beardless figures in

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forearm himation (M8) is also pointed out by its between-groups similarity in-dices (fig. 127). M8 is set closer to the nude M1 and M2 than other himation types, since it also consists mainly of beardless figures. The tight group of M13b males (fig. 129) belongs to a wider formation characterised by raised or armpit staff, including also most M11 and M15 figures; this rela-tionship, not reflected in the average linkage dendrogram, is apparent in the between-groups similarity indices. The low within-group similarity index of M12 is explained by the wide overlap, especially of subtypes M12c and M12e, with other bearded himation types; however, the distinctness of the majority of M12 males in the three-di-mensional representation indicates that the type was correctly defined by average linkage clustering. The cos-tume traits of types and subtypes dis-tinguished by means of the first three principal co-ordinates (fig. 131) sum-marise the structure of costume vari-ability that was found by both PC and cluster analysis.

5.3 Male costume types

5.3.1 Type M1: short-haired, bare-foot males lacking a mantle, or car-rying a folded himation

Average linkage cluster analysis has classified 23 males to type M1, charac-terised, according to an analysis of re-siduals, by short hair, and lacking a beard, a mantle, supporting staff and footgear; the majority of M1 males are entirely nude (e.g., C1062.1: pl. 31), but some carry a himation, folded across the short side and placed, usu-ally symmetricallly, over the left shoulder. Most M1 males are classi-fied, at the 0.85 linkage level, into sub-type M1a, divided in two variants ac-cording to the presence or absence of a folded himation (fig. 133). Singleton subtype M1c consists of the only bearded nude male found in our cor-pus (C927.1: pl. 23). On the other

hand, C935.1, classified into M1b, shows a rare arrangement of a brooched chlamys set simply on his left shoulder, in a similar way to a bunched himation; since he shows sim-ilarity indices exceeding 0.8 with sev-eral males classified in other types (e.g., C932.1, C939.1), he is probably a misclassification. Further, less well-preserved males were assigned to this type on the basis of mean similarity, bringing the total count to 28 entirely nude males, and 11 carrying a folded himation.

Type M1 figures occur with stelai of all tectonic types, from fully-fledged naiskoi (C1023: pl. 27) to frameless and small pseudo-naiskos stelai (C1044, C1046); C1022 and C1062 (pl. 31) are ‘vase stelai’. Many of these monuments are sculptured in high re-lief. A rectangular crown, frequently decorated with akroteria cornice, and a siren finial (e.g., C1035: pl. 28) oc-curs often with M1 males. Because of the wide variation in stele dimensions and tectonic form, the mean squared width of stelai representing M1 males (0.33 m2.; fig. 139) suggests that, in comparison with other male costume types, M1 is connected with roughly average stele expenditure. The rank index associated with the type points out, however, that if the frequently male sex and non-adult age of the de-ceased is taken into account, M1 males are shown on average on more costly stelai than would be expected under a hypothesis of independence (fig. 140).

Two out of three nude figures are shown in two-figured compositions, most remaining cases representing three or more figures. There are no seated nude males, most figures being standing, but the type includes a high proportion of other stances, such as crouching (C1055.1), kneeling (C887.2), and three males in motion (C927.1, C1046.2 and C1062.1), in representations associated with sport. It has been suggested that the short-bearded C927.1 represents a wrestler (Karouzou 1967: 84) or ball player

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(Clairmont 1970: 86 n. 55), but his posture, similar to that encountered on the late Archaic Poulopoulos base, in-dicates that he may be a jumper; the jumping weights are missing, but may have been originally indicated in paint. Type M1 is associated with the full-size compositions of one and of two standing figures, although examples with a seated figure also exist. Since the role of the nude M1 male changes only in part with costume details, but interacts to a great extent with the presence of iconographic motifs and the interpretation of the type, composi-tional and thematic variants will be dealt with separately.

About 3/10 of M1 males apparently represent adolescents in scenes con-nected with sport. The ‘13-15 years’ old nude C1062.1, running with a hoop on the side lekythos of a ‘vase stele’, probably represents the same youth as the short-tunicked C1062.2. The ad-olescent C1046.2 also depicts athletic activity, with the nude main figure bal-ancing a ball on the raised right knee, supported only on the slightly bent left leg; the fact that he has the arms tied behind his back suggests that this may be an exhibition of skill, or even allude to a competition. A little, also nude boy on the left holds oil-flask and strigil (C1046.1), while the garment bunched and folded on the palaistra stone on the right (Stupperich 1977: 116) is without doubt a himation.

In several one- or two-figured com-positions, a standing M1a1 (entirely nude) male, usually ‘13-15 years’ old, except for the older C929.1 (pl. 24), is shown scraping himself with a strigil. It is worth noting that in two-figured cases the entirely nude male figure has a considerable height difference with the M1a2 smaller boy accompany-ing him, who is shown with a himation folded on the left shoulder. In addition to the half-size M1a2 slave, C1060.3 is also accompanied by his old, bearded father, identified by inscription. In-stead of scraping himself with the stri-gil, the ‘17-18 years’ old youth holds a small bird in his raised right hand, and

is accompanied by a hound. This icon-ographic complexity, absent from other type M1 representations, finds paral-lels in type M2 youths, wearing a bunched himation, and shown also in the company of a seated old man (C700) or a hound (C1006).

In sum, a total of eleven entirely nude figures belong to this thematic variant. When not shown on their own, they are accompanied by smaller boys, strongly differentiated in height; in stelai with plane differentiation, they are always in the foreground, and they are often identified by name inscrip-tions. This evidence suggests that these figures are representations of deceased, ‘13-17 years’ old youths. Ex-cept for C1060.3, the setting of the composition is the palaistra. The fol-ded himation often carried by the ac-cessory figure should be the garment of the M1a1 adolescent; his complete nudity may thus be understood as a convenience associated with sport, merely identifying him as an athlete (Stupperich 1977: 117). The apparent age of these athlete figures corres-ponds closely with the actual age at which they could be expected to fre-quent the palaistra, before the begin-ning of the ephebeia at the age of eighteen.

Height differentiation not account-able by apparent age allows the identi-fication of more than 1/2 of M1 males as slaves (above: section 2.3.2), includ-ing all cases of a folded himation. En-tirely nude, M1a1 half-size standing males typically occur in two-figured compositions as complements to males, who, except for C1046.2 (where the himation is folded on the palaistra stone) wear either a normal or a bunched himation. Conversely, M1a2 slaves carrying a himation folded on the left shoulder accompany M1a1, en-tirely nude non-adult males. Both those with and without the folded hi-mation often carry strigil and oil flask, probably also belonging to the accom-panying athlete. Their position at the left of the image, facing right, appears

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to be complementary to that of the main figure.

Iconographic criteria also identify half-size M1 boys as slaves: two are crouching and compositionally isolated (e.g., C1055.1), and several, some-times having their legs crossed, show the right arm flexed across to the left shoulder; although the latter gesture occurs in other contexts (Silen, Him-melmann 1971: 33-34), with M1a2 boys it has the function of supporting the folded himation, a fact suggesting a possible origin for the servile con-nections on the motif. The clasped hands appear repeatedly with M1 slaves, sometimes in connection with crossed legs, in compositions without seated figures (above: section 2.4); but the gesture does not have an universal meaning independent of composition, as shown by Ktesileos (Diepolder 1931: pl. 22). None of these M1 males are identified by name inscription; in C1036 (pl. 29) and C1060, the position of the inscription points out that they are mourners, a fact that confirms that they represent slaves.

The frontal, isolated boy of the Sala-mis stele (C1032.1) deserves a brief comment. Unlike other half-size type M1 males, he has medium length hair; this has been used by Stupperich to support his identification as the brother of C1032.2, based on the little bird held by the latter (1977: 110). However, the medium hair of C1032.1 is certainly shorter that that of con-firmed Athenian boys, such as C977.1; besides, one need not look further than C1060 to see that it is possible for a youth to hold a small bird, even in the company of a slave boy. The in-terpretation of C1032.1 as a slave is supported by the fact that his relative height is only about 0.59, despite his apparent age of ‘11-12 years’.

Nude slave boys, belonging to M1, are ‘7-12 years’ old. A few are shown in the company of hunters (C1031: sword sheath or lagobolon; C1034: dead hare), or even hoplites (C1023: pl. 27). However, it is unlikely that children of such a young age would ac-

company their masters to hunt or battle, if only because they would not be able to keep up with them. Thus, a degree of age idealisation may be in-volved here, although it is possible that the scenes of warriors or hunters are set in the domestic context, where the presence of a young pais would be feasible; in either case, the preference for representing slaves as non-adult is notable. In most cases, however, slaves with folded himation (M1a2) or en-tirely nude (M1a1) accompany an ath-lete, and appear to represent faithfully the real age of a palaistra pais.

Apart from adolescent athletes, and half-size slaves, a number of M1 chil-dren, who are shown accompanying figures of women; in contrast to slaves, the relative height of these boys is in accord with their age, and they are all shown in actual or, rarely, intended tactile contact with the fe-male figures, sometimes linked by the motif of the held-out bird. In several cases, they lean against the knees of a seated woman, and are sometimes set for this purpose in the background (e.g., C290.2: pl. 9). Two M1 boys are shown in the company of a standing fe-male; one of them is kneeling with raised arms (C887.2), the other is em-braced by the standing woman; the lat-ter, like C58.2 leaning against the knees of a seated woman, has the shoulders covered by the female’s hi-mation.

Although the M1 boys are primary deceased only in the exceptional case of C887.1, they are often named by in-scription, a fact suggesting that they represent free children, and differenti-ating them from M1 slaves. Besides, while nude adolescent athletes and slaves have identical costume, being distinguished by other iconographic means, nude free children often show medium-length hair or an encircling plait (C290.2: pl. 9), sometimes a stephane (C462.2), a narrow headband and even slippers (C894.2). The differ-ent hairstyle conforms with the younger age of these boys, who are typically ‘3-12 years’ old. The intimacy

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with the accompanying female indic-ates that she is the mother, especially where seated, or the sister (e.g., C887.1). M1 boys are almost never the primary deceased. Since the composi-tion cannot surely have been chosen in advance to accommodate in reuse their death in childhood, these boys could have been included in the image to show that the primary deceased was the mother of a young child; their name inscription, however, makes this explanation undesirable. An alternat-ive explanation, maintaining the use of name inscriptions only for the identi-fication of the deceased (“successive” method of inscription), is that, when the M1 male is also named, mother and child died at the same occasion or in short succession; on account of the relatively small number of these com-positions compared to other stelai commemorating (seated) women or (standing, one-figured) boys, this is a plausible explanation.

5.3.2 Type M2: Males in bunched hi-mation

All 21 males with ‘unit relevance’ higher than 0.75 wearing only a bunched himation on the shoulders or arms, are classified by average linkage cluster analysis to type M2. A further 26 less well-preserved figures were also subsequently assigned to the type. The mantle is usually bunched across the long side, and possibly also folded in half, before being put on the shoulder or arm; its dimensions vary, to some extent according to specific arrangement. Apart from the bunched himation, typical M2 figures, accord-ing to an analysis of residuals, are beardless, barefoot, and lack a tunic or a supporting staff; these males are practically nude, since the only gar-ment they wear is the bunched hi-mation, leaving the body exposed.

Three M2 subtypes were defined by the analysis at the 0.85 linkage level (fig. 133). Both M2b and M2c display a bunched himation brought over the right or left forearm and then collected back on a support (e.g., C1054.2), on

which the figure is leaning; M2c is dis-tinguished by a growing beard, but the two subtypes show important similarit-ies. On the other hand, most M2 males, which lack the support, are classified to M2a. Unlike the always short-haired M2b-c males, these fig-ures show often medium hair, and sometimes a stephane (C978.1), un-usual wide headband (C977.1), or en-circling hair plait (C983.1); apart from a headband or stephane, C1050.1 has, surprisingly for a male figure, part of his hair collected behind in a bun. In order to distinguish between specific bunched himation arrangements, some of which have notable age associations (above: section 3.2.12), M2a was sub-divided at the 0.9 linkage level; four M2a variants were thus distinguished, which reflect the combination of the most common bunched himation ar-rangements with hairstyle (fig. 133).

In 1/4 of all M2 cases, the bunched himation falls on the forearm (M2a1), leaving the entire body exposed, and mostly combined with short hair. Al-though its dimensions cannot be al-ways determined, the bunched hi-mation often falls just to knee length, a fact suggesting that, even if it falls along the width, it may represent a considerably smaller garment than the normal himation. The ‘13-15 years’ old C1036.1 (pl. 29) has one end of the mantle wrapped around the left fore-arm. In most cases, however, the mantle simply falls over the left fore-arm, sometimes being spread also over part of the upper arm as well; most fig-ures showing this arrangement are ‘3-7 years’ old children (e.g., C1044.2). But C1006.2, and also C932.1 who is classified in M2a1 on account of his short hair despite his bunched hi-mation falling on the side, are ‘18-19 years’ old youths. The latter also re-sembles closely C935.1, misclassified to M1, who wears a unique brooched chlamys not worn around the neck, but falling on the left shoulder and upper arm; the possibility that C935 was re-worked in modern times (Conze) may explain the peculiarity in costume.

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The variant of males in bunched hi-mation on the left side who are not short-haired (M2a4) occurs with 1/10 of M2 figures. The himation here is not strictly bunched, since part of it is spread out over the left shoulder and upper arm, (C976.1) and sometimes also the forearm (C980.1), depending on the exact position of the left arm. The mantle is spread out evenly, ex-cept for C976.1, where its greater part is amassed on the forearm of the fig-ure. Apart from C891.2, where its length could not be established, it falls down to the ground; its dimensions could, therefore, be those of a normal himation. Although all certain M2a4 boys face left, their iconographic simil-arity with C1050.1, facing right in pro-file, indicates that the latter figure’s partly visible garment is also a bunched himation of this form, rather than the folded himation of M1a2 slaves. With the exception of ‘9-10 years’ old C976.1, all medium-haired figures wearing a bunched himation on the left side are ‘3-7 years’ old chil-dren.

The most common M2 variant con-sists of the bunched himation falling back from the left shoulder to the ground (M2a2), combined with short hair, and representing almost 1/3 of the type (C1035.2: pl. 28). The mantle is typically looped forward over the left shoulder to form a pouch, and reaches the ground, having the dimensions of a normal himation; the falling mantle of C938.1 is not pouched and falls to knee-height, but it is difficult to be sure if this was a smaller garment, since an unknown mass of surplus ma-terial is pressed against the unusual tree trunk on which the figure is lean-ing. Apart from C947.1, who is prob-ably younger, members of this variant are ‘13-19 years’ old adolescents.

A bunched himation falling back from the left shoulder to the fore-arm (M2a3) is worn by 1/5 of M2 short- or medium-haired figures (e.g., C1100.2: pl. 33). Its difference from the last arrangement is that the mantle, falling behind the left

shoulder, is brought from the outer side inwards over the left forearm; C700.4 is a variation, with the mantle falling back from the left shoulder across to the right forearm. Except for C939.1, the bunched himation of M2a3 males is also pouched, and of appar-ently variable length, reaching, for ex-ample, behind the knees of C977.1, but only as far as the middle of the thighs of C978.1. In contrast to the barefoot boys of other M2 variants, some younger M2a3 figures wear slippers. Overall, this arrangement of the bunched himation occurs with males ranging from young children to ‘20-24 years’ old young, fully-developed adults (C1033.2). The youngest is, ac-cording to bodily form, only ‘3-5 years’ old (C1044.2), despite the palaistra re-quisites and grossly under-sized slave, who is probably an afterthought; C1100.2 is also a child, ‘7-8 years’ old, despite being shown in a handshake with a standing girl, as if they both were adult.

Subtype M2a males represent, re-gardless of actual mantle arrange-ment, the primary deceased: apart from the fact that they are frequently named by inscription, that occasionally also identifies them as Athenians (C1044.2) or metic (C1035.2: pl. 28), they are in 3/4 of cases either shown alone, or accompanied by a half-size, M1 slave. In other compositions, C64.2 may have been the primary deceased on account of the fact that his pat-ronymic name is given, apparently un-like that of the accompanying seated woman. Two M2a males on stelai showing plane differentiation are set in the background (C630.2, C700.4); the former lacks an inscription, but the latter was probably the primary de-ceased, since one of the accompanying figures (C700.3) is, uniquely in stelai examined, named as his mother (meter de Platonos), and, according to Conze (1893/1900: I, 148-9), his name may have been inscribed first.

Although there are instances of pro-file position, and visual (C1036.1) or tactile (C1044.2) contact with other

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figures, M2a males are often shown in facial frontality and isolation, even when a half-size figure is present (e.g., C1040), a fact reinforcing their identi-fication as the deceased. Moreover, they regularly have at least one at-tached attribute, related to their age of childhood or adolescence; a small bird or a wheel toy occur more often than expected with M2a boys, while palais-tra attributes or a leaping pet dog are found often, but not more than with other costumes of children. The fre-quent left orientation of M2a figures that are not entirely frontal (25:10 cases) is connected with the right hand holding a little bird towards a leaping pet dog at the left of the image (e.g., C978.1); the lack of special asso-ciation with the pet dog is due to the fact that is frequently replaced by an M1 slave, occupying the same slot in the composition (C1035.1: pl. 28).

M2 males are often shown on naiskos stelai (11/21 cases), several of them shown in relatively high relief (e.g., C986). Compositions are, how-ever, simple, and stele dimensions on average small: the mean squared width for the type (0.33 m2.) indicates that stele expenditure was smaller than that connected with other male costume types, but the rank index, re-moving the effect of the sex and broad age of the deceased, suggests that M2 is associated with high social rank al-most as much as M1 (figs. 139-140); it is notable, however, that almost 3/4 of M1a figures have negative rank in-dices, and that the positive result is the effect of only a few large stelai, such as C630, where the identity of the primary deceased is not certain, and C950, a large metopic stele showing an M1a1 boy with a unique representa-tion of a calf, emerging from the back-ground. In this light, the social rank of the typical M2 figure is between that for M1, and the lower M8, the other two non-adult costume types.

The social associations of M2b-c, with a mantle falling back to a sup-port, are different from those of the common bunched himation types. The

four M2b-c males in our sample have a bunched himation on the right or left forearm, differentiated from M2a1 in that it is drawn back to cushion a kioniskos (C1033), stele (C1054, C1055) or loutrophoros amphora (C928), on which the figures are sup-ported; on account of its dimensions, the mantle is probably a normal hi-mation. They are barefoot, short-haired and lack headgear. Unlike M2a males, they represent ‘18-24 years’ old youths, with developed musculature and, in the case of M2c (C1054: pl. 30), a thin, growing beard, indicating transition to adulthood. The loutro-phoros shown on the one-figured C928, no doubt identifiable as the youth’s grave marker, suggests that he may have died unmarried.

Despite the gesture of raising the hand to the head (3/4 cases), connec-ted in general with representations of mourners (above: section 2.4), all four F2b-c males probably are the primary deceased. On the one hand, apart from the one-figured C928, C1033.2 is ac-companied just by a half-size slave boy; on the other, the visual isolation of the remaining two M2b-c males who are gazed at by older men, and their attached attributes of hunt and sport (hound, lagobolon, pais, palaistra re-quisites), suggest that they are also the primary dead. Unlike M2a figures, the tectonic form (3 naiskoi) and large dimensions of stelai representing youths in a bunched himation falling back on a support indicate that M2b-c are connected with high stele ex-penditure; their connection with high, not broad-age-related status is strengthened if the effect of their age and sex is removed. Although high family rank cannot be excluded, the strong iconographic affinity (attached attributes of hunt) and consistent age of these figures, in the transition between adolescence and adulthood, suggest, however, an alternative inter-pretation for the high stele expendit-ure (below: section 6.2).

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5.3.3 Tunicked males: problems of classification

Thirteen figures have been classi-fied by average linkage to a cluster characterised by the presence of a tu-nic, and connected with other males only at the 0.57 linkage level (fig. 134). According to tunic form, mantle type and headgear, it is divided at the 0.75 linkage level into five types, character-ised by the following sets of costume traits: a pilos, short beard, short tunic and shoulder-back mantle (M3: 1 fig-ure); a petasos, medium beard, short tunic and a chlamys falling on the side (M4: 1 figure); no beard, and either a chlamys over a short-sleeved tunic, combined twice with a petasos (M5a: 3 figures), or no headgear, no mantle and, once, an exomis (M5b: 2 figures); a long, ungirt tunic (M6: 2 figures); and, a bunched himation, combined twice with a helmet and short tunic, twice with short tunic and cuirass, and once with a long tunic (M7: 5 figures).

Except for the obvious misclassifica-tion of the long-tunicked C922.1 in M7, these types seem to consist of meaningful costume trait combina-tions. However, the small number of the original type members, combined with the equal treatment of all attrib-utes, subjects automatic assignment to the danger of mistaking individual, free variation for essential type prop-erties. Moreover, unlike other costume attributes (e.g., himation details), some of the traits used to differentiate between M3-M7 have an obvious meaning (e.g., a cuirass), regardless of their combination with other traits. In the light of prior knowledge on the meaning of such traits, automatic as-signment of less well-preserved figures was successful in identifying M7 hoplites in cuirass (except for two fig-ures left unassigned, and the beardless C418.1, classified in M5), and the dis-tinctive long-tunicked priests (below: section 5.3.6), but did less well in sep-arating tunicked males without a cuir-ass into types M3-M5.

In order to resolve this problem,

several figures were reallocated, so that all type members would show the combinations of head cover, the pres-ence of a beard, basic tunic and mantle form which the analysis itself indicated as important, at the expense of other attributes. Since the relation-ship between the social identities rep-resented by the iconography of F3-F5a and F7 (hoplites, warriors without a cuirass, hunters, cavalrymen, ephebes) is somewhat unclear, it seems appro-priate, after presenting the main de-scriptive traits of these costume types, to discuss their significance in paral-lel. However, it should be noted at this point that, while warriors represent a very small proportion of all figures on stelai, they are often represented on funerary vases and, obviously, on battle-scenes; the discussion that fol-lows refers just to the social associ-ations of the few warriors represented on quiet stele compositions, and does not purport to be a general discussion of the funerary iconography of war (cf. Stupperich 1977: 139-182).

5.3.4 Types M3-M5a and M7: males in short tunic, with beard, cuirass or a chlamys

Type M3: warriors without a cuirass. This type is represented in the classi-fication by C158.2, displaying the full combination of the three traits noted above. His short chiton is sleeveless, girdled and forms a pouch covering the girdle. A shoulder-back mantle, similar to that worn by F14 females, is fastened on the shoulders, falling back; besides, C158.2 has a petasos hung behind the neck. Two additional, less well-preserved figures are similar to C158.2: C1009.1, and the man on the left of C1139, both displaying a pilos, short tunic and shoulder-back mantle. Despite having been assigned to M4, C1005.2 and C1097.2 have a similar costume to M3 men, consisting of the combination of a crested helmet with a short chiton, but lacking a mantle; C1097.2 is the only occur-rence of a tunic with two girdles, one

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over and one under the tunic pouch. All M3 figures carry an Argive shield; C158.2 has also a sword, the hand guard of which is visible under the left arm, and C1009.1 a spear, held diagon-ally in the left hand; other figures may also have had an invisible sword worn under the left arm (cf. Snodgrass 1967: 97).

Although it is known that a change towards lighter defensive gear took place in early fourth century, it cannot account for the fact that M3 males do not wear a cuirass at all: firstly, the breast-plate of the cuirass, still in use after the change, is here missing; secondly, the shield appears to be of the large, Argive type rather than the smaller, oval variety introduced in the fourth century; thirdly, these stelai are mostly dated, on grounds of style, to the end of the fifth century (Stup-perich 1977: 166). The large shield suggests that these figures may rep-resent warriors, belong to the infantry. They are all bearded, and thus fully adult: C158.2 is ‘25-34 years’ old, and C1009.1 has a very short beard, sim-ilar to that of ninth rank figures (20-25 years); thus, this type represents adult males of conscription age, although no confirmed examples of mature men have been found.

The total absence of a cuirass is im-portant, since M3 males are not ac-companied by slaves, who could carry their gear (e.g., C742). On the other hand, the idealisation probably ac-counting for the absence of defensive armour in battle scenes, associated with the ideal of heroic death, is ab-sent from type M3 figures: these men are as a rule shown in handshake, and the depiction of helmet and shield con-firms that no attempt is made at exag-gerating their bravery. When not in the battlefield, however, hoplites as well as auxiliary troops may not have worn all their defensive arms; this is the pic-ture of parading warriors, lacking a cuirass, given by Xenophon in the Ana-basis, albeit in an obviously non-Attic context (Snodgrass 1967: 108-109). The existence, with F7, of two types of

warrior costume, deserves, however, further investigation.

Types M4-M5a: hunters and horsemen. C1111.1, a bearded man in short, short-sleeved chiton, a chlamys fastened on his right shoulder and cov-ering most of his body, including his left arm and hand, and a petasos, the Thessalian horseman’s hat, is classi-fied in M4. A part of his chlamys is col-lected by the left hand, so that it forms horizontal ends, and does not display the corners of the garment in front and back (Bieber 1928: 23, fig. 24b). Besides, the three males constituting subtype M5a (fig. 134) are similar to C1111.1, but are either beardless, or have a growing beard: C1062.2 wears a sleeveless short-chiton, with a sub-stantial pouch over the girdle, and a petasos on the head; C468.2 wears a tighter chiton, a petasos and a chlamys falling back; finally,C1099) has a brooched chlamys covering the left shoulder and arm, in the unusual man-ner of C935.1 (M1). Five less well-pre-served figures are also assigned to M4 or M5a.

On account of beard, M4 males are ‘25-34 years’ old adults, while M5a fig-ures are adolescents. The former are often shown in handshake with a standing female, probably their wife, taking into account the name inscrip-tion (e.g., C1098.1, C1099.1). The lat-ter (M5a) are shown in 3/5 cases on loutrophoros stelai (which are, how-ever, common also with bearded M4 men), in the company of a seated wo-man (C468.2) or a standing old man (C1062.2: pl. 31), probably represent-ing their parents. In 3/4 of cases, their name inscription consists of the proper and demotic name, unlike the simple ‘name only’ inscription of younger boys, and the full inscription (includ-ing the patronymic name) of adults; M5a males are probably older than ‘16 years’, when they would have been re-gistered in the phratry, but certainly younger than ‘20 years’, when they would have been released from milit-ary service (above: section 2.1.6). In

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addition, beardless M5a youths are connected with sport attributes: an M1 boy, running with a hoop (C1062) and a similar nude youth using the strigil (C468) are shown on secondary re-gisters of ‘vase stelai’; besides, a pais carrying a folded himation is shown on C1031. However, since all three fig-ures carry a weapon, the last being also accompanied by a hound, it is ob-vious that sport is a complementary, rather than the main association of this costume type.

Type M4-M5a is in the majority of cases, including all bearded examples, associated with the representation of a horse, following the short chiton male, and in C1111 led by an exomis slave boy. Although a hoplite in cuirass is shown leading a horse on a grave-lekythos (Conze 1896: no. 1024, pl. 203), horses are not found with other male costume types on stelai examined in this study. However, other attached attributes also occur with M4-M5a: of-ten a long, vertically-held spear, occa-sionally also a shorter javelin and sword suspended behind the left armpit (C1062.2: pl. 31). Cavalrymen of the Classical period, often wearing a petasos instead of a helmet, may have carried either a long spear or two javelins (Snodgrass 1967: 97, 104). But the combination of spear and javelin is also the standard gear of hunters (Hull 1964: 5-6); hounds are shown repeatedly with M4-M5a fig-ures, and C383.3 holds a curved lago-bolon, similar to that of the Munich hunter’s relief (Dohrn 1957: pl. VIIc). Although hare hunt was done on foot, resembling beagling, and not on horse-back (Hull 1964: 71, 87), the combina-tion of horse and hounds on C1111 in-dicates that the identities of horseman and hunter were not incompatible: horses, obvious symbols of social rank, may have been used for transport to the hunting site. In sum, the beardless M5a males are probably shown as hunters, a fact connecting them with the mythological allusions of the eph-ebeia (above: section 2.1.6), but, on the evidence discussed so far, bearded

M4 males may equally represent cav-alrymen.

Type M7: hoplites. Type M7 is defined by the polythetic combination of a hel-met, a cuirass and a bunched hi-mation. Apart from the two males clas-sified in M7 by average linkage cluster analysis (C718.3; C1023.1: pl. 27), seven further figures display a cuirass (including C463.1, who may belong to a north Ionic, rather than Attic stele; Blümel 1966: 19-20, no. 8). It is worn over a short, short-sleeved chiton, probably ungirdled; although it cannot be seen, the back plate of the corselet must have been worn as well as the visible chest plate, since all examples examined have epomides. C718.3 and C1023.1 (pl. 27) represent a ‘muscle’ corselet; the flatter material of C1058.3, with the larger shoulder-pieces, may represent leather, belong-ing to a composite corselet (Snodgrass 1967: 90-92). Representations of both types show the rows of leather flaps meant to protect the groins. C463.1 wears a helmet, but C1023.1 holds his, apparently ‘Chalcidian’ helmet (cf. ibid.: 69-70, fig. 49), with his left hand. A large Argive shield is held upright, leaning on the ground, by several M7 figures (e.g., C1023.1). C373.2 has a diagonal spear, and C718.3 holds a sword sheath with his left hand. Greaves are worn only by the possibly non-Attic C463.1, a fact supporting the view that they were only an optional addition to the warrior’s standard gear.

The arrangement of the bunched hi-mation wrapped around both arms, drawn behind the figure’s back, is con-fined to type M7. Most males wearing this mantle variant (C1023.1: pl. 27; C718.3) are warriors; the mantle of the C718.3 is drawn around the waist, and then over the arms. Other bunched hi-mation arrangements occur: on the forearm (C399.3), and falling from the left shoulder back to the left forearm (C917.1). Three F7 figures lacking a cuirass, but wearing an Attic helmet with crest (F7b2), have also a bunched

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himation, that of C1005.1 falling back from the left shoulder across to the right forearm. However, unlike nude, type M2 figures showing these mantle arrangements, M7 males in bunched himation are in all cases examined bearded; in fact, the only beardless male in cuirass (C418.1) lacks a mantle altogether.

Beard length affects the age associ-ations of M7. The short-bearded C718.3 is ‘20-24 years’ old, while C1023.1 (pl. 27) is ‘35-59 years’ old; most other M7 males are also adult on account of the beard. On account of the cuirass and shield, they are identi-fiable as hoplites, ranging from ‘20-59 years’, the actual age of the Athenian military service in the phalanx; the old age of the long-tunicked C922.1 (cf. fig. 138) is explained by the fact that he is misclassified to F7. Name in-scriptions identify C718.3 and C1005.1 as Athenian; although no M7 hoplites are identified as metics, this may be due to the small size of the sample, since it is known that well-to-do metics were entitled to serve as hoplites in a rough proportion of one metic to five Athenians (Gomme 1933: 5). Excluding misclassifications (cf. fig. 142), in all cases where name inscriptions exist, M7 males are one of the deceased, of-ten shown in handshake with a seated figure; besides, several M7 males are the only full-size figures of their re-spective stelai, shown in near-frontal-ity (e.g., C1023.1: pl. 27), and there-fore represent the primary deceased. These monuments, unlike stelai with battle scenes such as Dexileos’ (Jo-hansen 1951: 48-50), need not have been the cenotaphs of warriors killed in action: the role of the hoplite is closely linked to the rights and obliga-tions of Athenian citizenship (above: section 2.1.6), so that the costume of type M7 may have functioned as a mere sign of andreia, of civic and mil-itary excellence.

Cost and status. In three cases (four with the inclusion of the possibly non-Attic C463), M7 hoplites belong to very

high relief representations on large naiskoi; of these, the fully-preserved C718 is, including the base, 264 cm high and 157 cm wide. The fragment-ary naiskos stele C339 is wider than 60 cm (squared width: 0.36 m2.), and sculptured in high relief. Other M7 hoplites are, however, shown on smal-ler monuments, such as the tall loutro-phoros stele C1005 and the frameless C917, with rosettes over the image. The mean squared width of stelai with an M7 male (0.63 m2.) is considerably larger than average; assuming that all F7 men are the primary deceased, this is the male costume type associated with the highest stele cost (fig. 139).

It should be noted, however, that only males in cuirass are connected with high stele expenditure; despite their helmet, bunched himation and shield, M7b2 males are shown often on tall, but narrow ‘vase stelai’, sculp-tured in low relief, and pointing to con-siderably smaller stele expenditure. M3 warriors, M5a youths with attrib-utes of hunt and sport, and M4 horse-men are also shown on low-cost monu-ments (except for C1062.2), very often oblong ‘vase stelai’, rarely exceeding a squared width of 0.15 m2. The stark differentiation to M7 hoplites indicates that M3 men probably represent warri-ors of lower social rank, and that M4 men probably represent hunters, rather than high-status cavalrymen.

5.3.5 Subtype M5b: beardless males in short, tunic or exomis, without a mantle

The short-haired, beardless C1033.1, classified in M5b, wears an exomis sewn on the sides, leaving the right shoulder exposed; five further figures wearing an exomis have been found. Their exomis seems to be girdled, even if the girdle is indicated only by a slight depression of the gar-ment around the waist. The crouching, short-haired C1054.3 (pl. 30), assigned also to M5b, wears a short, ungirdled tunic of which the short left sleeve is visible; the right shoulder is hidden, so

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that the possibility of an exomis cannot be excluded, but it appears that he wears a chiton; a similar ungirdled tu-nic is worn by 1045.1. Because of the frequent right orientation of M5b males, it is not certain if their exomis has the short left sleeve connected with the tight, sewn variety of the gar-ment (Bieber 1928: 21). With the ex-ception of the medium-haired C1054.1 (recalling the frontal C1032.1), M5b males are short-haired.

Age-ranked M5b males are ‘5-8 years’ old children. However, they are never shown on their own, and, when a name inscription is provided, they are always identified as mourners. Their height differentiation from the main figures in the representation is exaggerated (e.g., C1054.3: pl. 30), and cannot be accounted only by their young age, a fact suggesting that the type represents slaves (above: section 2.3.2). This is reinforced by icono-graphic evidence: the crouching pos-ture of C1054.3, despite the fact that he is not an infant (cf. above: section 2.3.2); the combination of crossed legs and right arm flexed across to the left shoulder (C1045.1), occurring often with M1 slave boys (above: section 5.3.1); the direct associations of the tight exomis and the sewn sleeves of the short tunic with representations of slaves and banausoi (Bieber 1928: 21; Ehrenberg 1957: 184).

M5b males are repeatedly shown holding palaistra attributes (e.g., C1054.3: pl. 20). However, in most of these cases, they accompany adoles-cent males of higher age than type M1 slaves, showing sometimes attributes of hunt; despite holding an oil-flask, C1074.3, like other M5b figures, wears a crested helmet, a fact suggesting that sport is a secondary association of this costume type. In fact, most M5b boys accompany warriors: C742.1 car-ries a bag hung on a pole over the left shoulder, probably containing the ar-mour of the accompanying man in pilos, and C1111.1 leads a horse to the right by an apparently painted bridle; in several cases, M5b boys are shown

holding a shield, or wearing a helmet. In this light, subtype M5b is used, es-pecially on ‘vase-stelai’, to represent the squires of warriors, notably of the costume type lacking a cuirass, and as-sociated with the pilos (M3); on other stelai, it may also be connected with the joint themes of hunt and sport.

5.3.6 Type M6: bearded males in long, ungirt tunic

C920.1 and C921.1 were classified by average linkage cluster analysis, on account of their long, ungirdled, short-sleeved tunic, to type M6; C922.1, mis-classified to M7 on account of his bunched himation, wears a long tunic and belongs with M6 males. Together with similar, partially preserved cases, whose ungirt tunic should also have been long, five males in all belong to this costume type. Of these, C923.1 has medium length hair, supported by a headband; C920.1 and C922.1 are medium-bearded, and balding; C921.1 is short-bearded. Despite these differ-ences, in all cases the tunic appears to be single, in contrast to that of the priest Sosias, who apparently wears a long ungirdled tunic over a short, short-sleeved chiton similar to that worn by warriors (Bieber 1928: 51, pl. 19.1).

C920.1 and C922.1 are ‘60-69 years’ old, a fact accounting for the old age associations of the type (fig. 138), but other M6 males may have been slightly younger. All M6 figures included to this study belong to one-figured com-positions (but. cf. Sosias), and thus represent the primary deceased. The knife held by C920.1 and C921.1 has been identified as a sacrificial knife, and the long tunic as the orthostadios chiton, worn by Athena’s priest in the East Parthenon frieze; the gesture of the raised right hand of C921 is inter-preted by Blümel as a gesture of prayer (1966: 24). Type M6 thus rep-resents priests, identified by name in-scription (often missing the pat-ronymic name) as Athenian.

It has been noted that Python

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(C923.1) belonged to a family of the liturgical class preserved (above: sec-tion 2.2). Apart from the name of Py-thon, known to have been a councillor in 403/2 BC, the name of his son, Py-thodoros, is also inscribed on the stele, suggesting that he took up his father’s priesthood after his death. Thus, when the stele was reused, the figure in long tunic represented Pythodoros; the as-sociation of this costume type with old age is confirmed by the fact that Py-thodoros had died after the age of sixty, since he is known to have acted as arbitrator. The religious involve-ment of this oikos, suggested by the costume type of C923.1, is confirmed by the involvement of other members of the family in building the fourth century temple of Apollo at Delphi (Davies 1971: 485-486).

On account of squared stele width, C923 should have been slightly more costly than other stelai of priests; al-though C922 and C924 are not much narrower, the relief of C923 is consid-erably larger than those of all other stelai; social rank may be involved in this difference in stele expenditure. However, seen in the context of other male costume types, representations of priests are not connected with higher stele expenditure (figs. 139-140); even the slightly larger C923 ap-pears to be very small when compared to stelai commemorating other special social categories, such as hoplites. The fact that old men tend to be commem-orated on smaller monuments (above: section 2.2, fig. 23) may, however, be involved in the low stele expenditure connected with M6 priests.

5.3.7 Type M8: beardless males in forearm or shoulder himation without shoulder bunch

Thirty-five males were classified by average linkage analysis to type M8, and 43 less well-preserved figures were assigned to the type on grounds of mean similarity. This very distinct type consists, according to an analysis of residuals, of beardless males

without a tunic, wearing in the major-ity of cases a forearm or shoulder hi-mation without left shoulder bunch, which leaves the right shoulder ex-posed but covers the left arm; the type also includes unusual males wearing a stephane or having a growing beard.

M8 has been divided, at the 0.85 linkage level, to three subtypes (fig. 135). Of these, M8a is the most com-mon, occurring in 3/5 of M8 figures; it is characterised by a himation lacking an overfold, and drawn over the left shoulder or forearm, covering the left arm. According to the combination of himation and hairstyle details, it is subdivided to three variants. M8a1 consists of short-haired males with a forearm himation leaving the left hand exposed (C959.1); M8a1 males are mostly ‘13-19 years’ old, and their at-tributes are often the strigil and oil-flask associated with the palaistra. M8a2 consists of ‘9-10 years’ or slightly older boys, characterised by a shoulder himation and uncut hair, usu-ally medium-length (C962.1), but ex-ceptionally falling back in a plait in C957.1. M8a3 boys show a forearm hi-mation often covering the left arm and hand, and in most cases associated with medium hair (C967.1: pl. 25); most are ‘7-10 years’ old, but C963.1, showing an encircling plait, is an ad-olescent, and C961.1, having a wheel toy, is a younger child. The gesture of the pointed index is common with all three variants of M8a; moreover, the majority of M8a males whose origin is identified by name inscription are met-ics. Apart from M8a, about 1/7 of M8 males show a himation covering the right shoulder, or forming an overfold (M8b; C157.2: pl. 5); in most cases they are ‘13-20 years’ old adolescents. M8c, another rare subtype, consists of slightly younger, ‘9-15 years’ old boys, characterised by the combination of a forearm himation covering the right shoulder and forming a right arm sling, and a narrow headband (C969.1).

Subtype M8d comprises 1/7 of fig-ures assigned to type M8; unlike cos-

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tumes mentioned above, it is charac-terised by an armpit, rather than a forearm or shoulder himation, and by a left shoulder bunch often leaving the left arm entirely exposed (C1032.2); some of the figures in this group have a growing beard (C676.1: pl. 16). On this account, M8d males are ‘16-24 years’ old, frequently having full name inscriptions that include patronymic and demotic name; they often share with many other adult males in armpit himation the gesture of holding the shoulder bunch with the left hand at chest-height. Finally, subtype M8e con-sists of males in a himation leaving the left shoulder exposed: this broad defin-ition encompasses several standing ad-olescent or young adult males (e.g., C384.3: pl. 13; C937.1), and a few crouching infants, having in fact only the lower body covered by a himation (C1052).

On account of the different age as-sociations of specific subtypes and variants, M8 is frequent with non-adults, but occurs also with young men, up to ‘24 years’ of age (fig. 138). In fact, M8a-M8c males in forearm or shoulder himation are as a rule chil-dren or adolescents, while those in armpit himation (M8c) are mostly young adults. Except for the M8e in-fants, the younger M8 figures are shown in one-figured compositions, turned slightly to the left, and extend-ing in all preserved cases the right hand, holding a little bird, towards a leaping pet dog on the left; sometimes, the pet dog is substituted by a half-size slave (C1043.1).

The very common left orientation of these figures (fig. 143) is related to the motif of holding a bird in the extended right hand. Besides, M8 males account for about 2/3 of all attributes attached to male figures, mostly pet dogs and little birds shown with M8a-c boys; a few palaistra requisites are spread among all M8 subtypes, but balls, a wheel toy (C961) and an astragal bag (C956) are restricted to either M8e crouching infants, or M8a-c boys in forearm or shoulder himation. With all

type M8 subtypes, either the one-figured composition, or a name in-scription identified the M8 male as the primary deceased (fig. 141); excep-tions are half-size boys shown with seated women, who may be mourners (C63.2) or secondary dead (C62.2).

M8 males shown in handshake wear either a forearm himation with over-fold (M8b), or an armpit himation (M8d). The relief loutrophoros am-phora of C1136.2 and C167.2 suggests that they were unmarried; C384.3 (pl. 13) is probably shown with his par-ents, and thus should have died un-married too. However, the mirror of C157.1 and her young apparent age makes it unlikely that she was the mother of the standing M8b youth; his young age seems to argue for be-trothal, rather than marriage, as the possible reason for nuptial allusions of the representation.

Type M8 is associated with smaller than average stele expenditure, as shown by a squared stele width of only 0.19 m2. (fig. 139). But the association with low stele cost, implied by this fact, is confined to M8a-M8c males in forearm and shoulder himation; as shown both by complete and fragment-ary cases, the armpit himation males (M8d) belong to considerably larger stelai. The age associations of M8a-c and M8d males explain the difference in stele expenditure: the former are children and young adolescents, con-nected with low stele cost, while the latter belong to the transitional period between adolescence and adulthood, that was found to have high status as-sociations (above: section 2.2, fig. 23). The low rank associations of M8a-c boys is complemented by their simpli-city of costume: several boys wear slip-pers, as if to emphasise the modesty associated here with the age between nine and fifteen years, and shown also by the common motif of the covered left arm and hand. This is also shown by the fact that their inscription is in 16/19 cases of the simple ‘name only’ form: the civic identity of these fig-ures, most of which would not yet have

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been registered in the phratry, was therefore not fully recognised. On the other hand, M8d males in armpit hi-mation, and standing M8e males with the left shoulder exposed were in most cases designated by demotic name, in agreement with their higher age. Be-sides, the hound, dead hare and palais-tra attributes of C1034.2 indicate a connection with the transitional years of the ephebeia (above: section 2.1.6).

5.3.8 Type M9: short-tunicked males in himation

The costume of Erginos (C1009.3), a singleton figure classified as type M9, consists of short hair, no beard, and a shoulder himation worn over a short-sleeved tunic, leaving the right shoulder and arm exposed, and cover-ing the left arm and hand. The combin-ation is so unusual, that C1009.3 is very dissimilar to most male costume types, except for M8 (fig. 127). The ba-sic combination of tunic and himation occurs also in C958.1 and C1037.1, and possibly in the weathered C915.1.

The preserved lower part of C1037.1 suggests that the tunic worn by the figure is short, since it is not visible under the himation reaching just below the knees; although his head is missing, C1037.1 should be male, because he wears an armpit hi-mation with left shoulder bunch, com-mon with males (above: section 3.2.12), holds a strigil, and is accom-panied by a type M1 nude pais holding an oil-flask. The pouch visible over the flexed right elbow may be just a misap-prehension of the form of the garment. The left hand of C1009.3 is akimbo, and he shakes hands with a gesturing female, followed by a half-size girl with her hair in a bun. C958.1 is beardless, represented on his own in a tunic and shoulder himation covering the left arm, holding out what appears to be a training stick over a seated hound on the left. The sex of C915.1 is identified by the name inscription giving also his patronymic; he looks like a non-adult, has the hands clasped together, and appears to be wearing both an endyma

and a periblema, the former visible on the chest, the latter both around the hips and arms, and possibly falling back.

Costume type M9 is used for the representation of the deceased. Ex-amples of most tectonic types of stelai occur, but the mean squared stele width is considerably higher than that of M8. C1109.1 has been ranked as ‘16-17 years’, but the fact that he is identified by a demotic and is shown in handshake with a woman suggests that he may be slightly older. The icon-ography of hunt and sport depicted in C958 and C1037 is compatible with the transitional age category from ad-olescence to adulthood. Consequently, the tunic of C958.1 and C1109.3 should be identified with the short tu-nic of the young horsemen and hunters of subtype M5a, rather than the long tunic of type M6 priests, or that of an improbable charioteer or musician. The social identity of M9 fig-ures is thus similar to that of beard-less, type M5a young hunters (above: section 5.3.4) and type M2b-c males leaning on a support (above: section 5.3.2).

5.3.9 Type M10: bearded males with headband and forearm hi-mation

Eighteen males were classified to type M10 by average linkage type ana-lysis, and an equal number of less well-preserved figures were sub-sequently assigned to the type. They all wear a himation without a left shoulder bunch, covering the left fore-arm, and lack a supporting staff. M10 is also characterised in the majority of cases by a higher than expected occur-rence of a headband and the forearm arrangement of the himation. Although the majority of M10 males are me-dium-bearded and short-haired, there is a large number of short-bearded, or medium-haired (sometimes in lap hi-mation) examples. This is the least uni-form male himation type, with a within-group similarity index only just

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exceeding 0.8; on the other hand, its between-groups similarity indices (fig. 127) show that it is well-isolated from other types, mainly because of the forearm himation, uncommon with other bearded males, and the generally rare headband.

According to himation arrangement, type M10 men classified by average linkage may be divided to six subtypes (fig. 136). The most common subtype, M10a, includes 1/2 of the type mem-bers, and consists of a combination of short hair, medium or short beard, and a forearm himation covering the left arm; a typical example is C161.2 (cf. C1013.2: pl. 26); M10a also contains two figures in armpit himation (C413.5; C1012.2), since they also dis-play short hair, medium beard and covered left arm. The less common M10b and M10c subtypes are charac-terised by medium hair and headband; the former lacks an overfold and may wear a shoulder himation (C1089.2), while the latter is characterised by an armpit himation with overfold (C1082.2). Males belonging to M10a-M10c are in the majority of cases young adult, between ‘25-34 years’ of age. The background C1054.1 (pl. 30), classified as a distinct subtype (M10e) because he combines a short beard and armpit himation with a covered right shoulder, and left arm and hand enclosed within an arm sling, is also ‘25-34 years’ old. The young age of M10a-M10c is surely due to the age associations of the forearm himation arrangement, discussed in chapter 3 (above: section 3.2.12, fig. 63), which run through the costume typology, as shown also by its frequency among M8 boys and youths.

Apart from these standing figures, almost 1/6 of M10 consists of seated men with long or medium beard, head-band, and himation covering the right shoulder and forming a right arm sling (C755.5: pl. 17); with the exception of the singleton C700.2 who wears the hi-mation only around his lower body (M10e; fig. 136), lifting it with the right hand over the backrest, the re-

maining figures are classified to M10d. Both subtypes are associated with older age, typically ‘35-69 years’, than those in forearm, armpit or shoulder himation leaving the right shoulder and arm exposed. They are, however, not older than other seated men, and their age seems to reflect just the gen-eric association of the lap himation with male maturity (above: section 3.2.12, fig. 63).

Although there are examples of all tectonic types of stelai containing type M10 men, metopic stelai are more common than expected, occurring in almost half the attested cases. Mean stele dimensions are relatively small in comparison to most other adult hi-mation types (100x49 cm), but there seems to be no association with either low or high relief, and this type occurs more often than expected in multi-figured compositions. The squared width of stelai containing M10 males, representing stele expenditure in a balanced way, is similar to the average for all male costume types (fig. 139). The rank index of M10 figure, how-ever, taking into account the age and sex of the deceased, suggests that M10 figures are represented on smaller stelai than other types, and are thus related to low family rank (fig. 140).

Although in C161 and C755 (and, possibly, in the original phase of C1131) a simple proper name identi-fies the deceased, 3/4 of name inscrip-tions show a combination of proper, patronymic and ethnic or demotic name. Seven stelai are monuments of Athenian oikoi, and two, including the probable C327, of metic families; the deviation from the population ratio between the two groups is not signific-ant, and type M10 appears to have been used regardless of citizen or metic status. On the other hand, the seated woman accompanying C168.2 is identified as chreste. This is a single incidence, but it conforms with the low family rank associations of M10, indic-ated by stele expenditure.

The frequency of each mantle ar-rangement within this type is related

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with composition: most forearm hi-mation men (M10a) are shown in handshake with a seated figure, while type M10 men in other himation ar-rangements either lack the handshake, or shake hands with a standing figure. The most common compositions are two full-size standing figures, or a standing and a seated figure. When the plane is differentiated, the type M10 males tend to be represented in the foreground rather than the back-ground; they are also often shaking hands (thirteen cases, and an ampli-fied handshake in C641), being thus in a relatively high degree of contact with other figures. On this evidence, type M10 probably represents one of the main figures in the composition. In-deed, in the majority of cases, the M10 male is identified as one of the de-ceased, especially in compositions of standing figures (e.g., C1082.2).

However, it is significant that type M10 rarely represents the primary de-ceased, at the original use of the stele (fig. 141). M10 men in handshake with a seated figure in particular, are often mourners (C168, C413) or secondary deceased (C370.3), on account of the fuller epigraphic identification of the seated woman. The name inscription of Kritodemos within the metope of the fragmentary C170 suggests that he is also the secondary, rather than primary deceased. Seated, mature men of subtypes M10d-M10e are also mourners or secondary dead: in C755, only the standing Lysarete is named as the deceased; in C700, the unusual identification of Demostrate as Pla-ton’s mother suggests that he, and not the seated Epichares, is the primary deceased; in C641, it is more likely that the preserved “]WN” on the ar-chitrave is the common ending of the name of the standing figure, rather than of a conjectural demotic ek Kedon or ek Kerameon.

Background M10 males, such as C327.3 and C1131.4 were also origin-ally meant to represent mourners: no masculine name occurs on the ar-chitrave of C1131, the name of Onesi-

mos in the pediment field being a later addition, and Delphis (C327) may have been the ethnic of seated Timagora rather than a masculine proper name. In both stelai, the mourner status of the M10 man at the original use of the stele is shown by the gesture of the hand raised to the cheek. Besides, 4/5 of type 10 men are shown facing left, set on the right side of the composition (fig. 143). The left orientation is con-nected with the forearm himation ar-rangement, as shown also in the pre-dominantly left orientation of M8 boys and youths. However, the left orienta-tion of M10 men is also related to their setting on the right of a two- or more-figured composition, and right position in images showing a seated figure, such as those discussed here, is con-nected with the representation of ori-ginal mourners (above: section 2.4).

On the whole, M10 is used for the representation of adult males; the few seated examples are of mature age, but the typical standing males in fore-arm himation, lacking a left shoulder bunch and having the left forearm covered by the himation, are in most cases ‘25-34 years’ old. Their young age is not surprising, considering that they are more often than expected short-bearded. Although they repres-ent free men, either Athenian or metic, who sometimes are named in sub-sequent reuse of the stele, they were not originally meant to represent the primary deceased. Besides, allowing for differences due to the sex and age of the primary deceased, M10 men are connected with low stele expenditure, and therefore social rank. The forearm and shoulder himation arrangements characteristic of his type are essen-tially non-adult costume traits; this fact may be involved in the association of M10 both with the representation of original mourners, and with low social rank.

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5.3.10 Type M11: medium- or long-bearded males in himation with wrapped left arm and hand, and an armpit staff

Twelve standing figures were classi-fied by average linkage cluster ana-lysis to type M11, displaying a fair de-gree of internal cohesion and external isolation (fig. 127); 28 less well-pre-served figures were subsequently as-signed to the type on the basis of mean similarity. M11 is defined by a combin-ation of medium or, in 2/5 of cases, long beard, a himation without left shoulder bunch, wrapped around the left arm and hand or, alternatively, forming a left arm sling, and a staff supported under the left armpit. Type M11 males, with the exception of C1012.1 (M11d) included here be-cause of his headband, are differenti-ated from men with an armpit staff classified to type M13, by the absence of a right arm sling.

Since the automatic identification does not take account of prior probab-ilities of group membership, and the right arm of men with armpit staff is more often exposed than enclosed in an arm sling (24:7), all ambiguous cases such as C708.3 and C1062.3 are classified to M11, rather than to M13. Except for C245.1 and C348.3, whose himation is drawn back from the left upper arm around the body, leaving the left shoulder exposed (M11c), 2/3 of M11 males wear an armpit hi-mation, and the remaining cases show a forearm himation. As an alternative to the frequently wrapped left forearm, sometimes the himation forms a left arm sling leaving the hand exposed (C322.2: pl. 11), or is spread over the left forearm and hand (C1077.1). But, in contrast to M13b (below: section 5.3.12), the right shoulder and arm are rarely enclosed in the himation, and type M11 men are shown barefoot sig-nificantly more often (3/4 of cases) than men of other himation types. Thus, the left side of type M11 men tends to be enclosed in the himation, but their right, active side and feet are very often exposed.

With the exception of M13, this is the himation type with the strongest old age associations (fig. 138), 3/4 of figures being ‘35-69 years’ old. Al-though most lean forward because of the staff under the left armpit, C708.3 and C1062.3 appear to be stooping be-cause of age. Apart from the balding C708.3, C242.1 and C247.1, the five men with medium hair are on average older than the common short-haired variety. Only costume type M15 has proportionally more long-bearded fig-ures than M11; this, and the absence of short-bearded M11 figures confirm the association of this costume type with old age.

Name inscriptions identify five M11 men as definite mourners, and eleven as one of the deceased. But only C909.1 was certainly the primary dead, since he is represented alone; thus, the ratio of mourners to primary deceased is 5:1 (fig. 141). Using icono-graphic criteria, further cases may be added to both categories, such as C1022.1 and C1048.1 who are the main figures in the composition (primary dead), and C708.1, C434.1 and C322.2, set in a peripheral or background position (mourners), without altering the strong association of type M11 with mourners. Although the majority of M11 men belong to stelai with a uniform plane, the back-ground position is more common than the foreground in comparison to other male costume types. Moreover, this is the male himation type least associ-ated with a central position in the two- or often three-figured composition. More than 2/3 of type M11 males are shown in handshake, but this is a com-mon trait of bearded men in himation in general. In most remaining cases, however, M11 men are shown in mere visual contact with other figures in the image. Apart from epigraphic and com-positional evidence, the hand raised to the cheek or chin, occurring three times (e.g. C322.2, pl. 11), and the “speaking” gesture of C348.3 indicate that this costume type was originally meant to represent mourners.

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The rarity of one-figured composi-tions is indeed due to the association of M11 with mourners; but compared to other himation types (except for M14), M11 is associated with simple compositions. Although all tectonic stele types are represented, there are 18 examples of a metopic stele, and only one full naiskos (C1084); the crown is often bell-shaped and decor-ated with an anthemion. Stelai repres-enting M11 men are of medium to small size (112x51 cm) in comparison with other types of standing bearded men in himation (except for M10). The low relief composition, and generally unassuming form and dimensions of stelai, summarised by a squared width of 0.31, show that type M11 is associ-ated with average stele expenditure (fig. 139). The rank index, removing the effect of the sex/age of the de-ceased, indicates, however, that M11 was connected with lower than aver-age social rank, although not as much as M10 (fig. 140).

Unlike the younger men of M10, and excluding centrally placed ex-amples, 2/3 of M11 males are set ob-liquely or in profile on the left of the composition, facing right (fig. 143). In 1/4 of cases, they are shown on loutro-phoros stelai; in connection with this type, Stupperich has suggested that right orientation is preferred on stelai, while left orientation predominates on ‘vase stelai’ and funerary vases (1977: 100); although this is not demon-strated by the sample examined here, it may explain on compositional grounds the left position of M11 men, despite their representing mourners. The left position of M11 men may, however, be related also to their old age, in analogy with M13 and M15.

Although a loutrophoros frequently commemorates M1 and M4 youths, it occurs here both with M11 mourners, such as the background C390.2, and with the deceased, such as the full-size C1022.1 accompanied by an M1 slave boy. The composition of loutrophoros stelai is different to that of normal stelai: excluding C1022.1 from the

former, and C909.1 and C1048.1 from the latter, where the M11 man is the only full-size figure, all loutrophoros stelai represent the M11 man in hand-shake with another, mostly standing male, while proper stelai show both all-male and mixed compositions, with the great majority representing the M11 man in handshake with a seated woman, this is a highly significant as-sociation.

Type M11 men in all-male composi-tions should often represent the father or elder brother of the deceased, as is indicated not only by the same demotic, but also by the common fam-ily roots of the name inscriptions (C708, C1003, C1012). In a few cases, the younger man is identified by pat-ronymic name as the son of the accom-panying M11 man (e.g., C1060). In the three-figured C708, the seated Sosip-pos may be an elder cousin of the two M11 men, Sosippos and Sosistratos, since his age is not differentiated from theirs (the son, in any case, would not be shown seated in the presence of the father, even if deceased), and it is un-likely that two brothers would have the same name. Of cases with a name in-scription, eleven M11 men belong to Athenian families, with no confirmed metics; considering the small propor-tion of actual metics, this result may be due to chance alone. But in eleven further cases only the proper name of the deceased is noted, a fact setting M11 figures apart from other bearded men in himation; this may be related to the social identity of the deceased, often a male or female adolescent, whom M11 men accompany.

Two three-figured stelai represent-ing a M11 man in a peripheral or back-ground position are apparently dedic-ated to a standing young female, since the M11 man gazes at her rather than at the seated woman also represented (C322, C348); in the latter case, the deceased is referred to explicitly as “DIOGENOS QUGATHR”, a rare form of patronymic name, emphasising the identity of the man with the armpit staff. In C434, the stooping M11 man

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may also be the father of the deceased Diphilos, despite the fact that the lat-ter (preserved from the waist down, and draped in himation) is accredited by the epigram with dikaiosyne, sug-gesting achieved status appropriate to mature age. In analogy with C322 and C348, the apparently young female of C1083, C1084 and C1085 may repres-ent the daughter, rather than the wife of the M11 man.

But these examples should not lead one to over-emphasise the role of M11 men as mourners in cases of mors im-matura. In 15 stelai they are shown in handshake with a seated woman. Of these, the seated C425.1 is likely to be the wife of the standing M11 Ais-chytes, since the name of her father, Philonides, is noted in the inscription; although external evidence is lacking, this is the most reasonable interpreta-tion of the kinship between the figures in remaining cases. The domestic at-mosphere is emphasised by the pet dog shown with C452.1 (and possibly C247.1) and the gesturing little boy of C416. The fact that the demotic name of Phanis (C201) is in genitive can only mean that this is a female name, prob-ably identifying a little girl, now lost, between the seated Nikaso and the standing M11 father. In sum, type M11 is used for the representation of old mourners of medium to old social rank, in a variety of compositions.

5.3.11 Type M12: Medium-bearded males in armpit himation, exposed right shoulder, left shoulder bunch and slippers

The most common male costume type is M12. It consists of 41 figures classified by means of average linkage cluster analysis, and 35 subsequently assigned, less well-preserved figures. According to an analysis of residuals, the type is characterised by usually medium beard, an armpit himation forming a left shoulder bunch leaving the right shoulder and left hand ex-posed, slippers and no supporting band (C216.1: pl. 6). Less frequent

costume traits associated with M12 are the balding or medium hair, and a himation forming an overfold or leav-ing the left arm exposed. Despite its frequency, the type shows relatively high internal cohesion, but it re-sembles several other costume types, especially M10, on the basis of hi-mation traits, and M14, with which it shares the slippers, short hair and, to a smaller extent, the form of the hi-mation (fig. 127). Figures classified to M12 are divided at the 0.85 linkage level to five compact subtypes. M12a-d, comprising mostly standing men, are separated from M12e, consisting of seated men (fig. 137): unlike the lat-ter, the former show as a rule a left shoulder bunch.

M12a is the most important sub-type, containing about 1/2 of all M12 figures. It consists of mostly short-haired men, with short or medium beard, an armpit himation leaving the left arm in the majority of cases ex-posed, and slippers; a headband oc-curs in 2/5 of M12a cases, and a hi-mation overfold is not rare (1/5). Al-though 2/3 of M12a men have the left arm is exposed (C410.4: pl. 15), there are several occurrences of the hi-mation, both with a left shoulder bunch, and covering the left upper arm and forearm (C392.3: pl. 14). M12b, occurring with 1/10 of M12 males, is closely related to M12a, since it con-sists of short-haired, medium-bearded men in himation forming an overfold, very similar to a few short-bearded M12 men with overfold classified to M12a (C163.2 and C169.2); however, the M12b C646.1 is seated, C465.1 wears sandals and shows a right arm sling, and both figures have the right shoulder covered by the himation.

M12c and M12d are associated with long-bearded figures. The former con-sists of a few men with a right arm sling, and the right shoulder covered by the himation (C384.2: pl. 13), whereas the latter is more common (1/5 of M12), and consists of often balding men, with an exposed right shoulder and arm (C462.1), sometimes

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also with a himation overfold (C411.4). Some M12c-d men are barefoot (e.g., C701.2); in contrast with the first sub-type, however, their himation tends to cover the left arm. Finally, the fifth subtype consists of seated men with medium beard and a lap himation without left shoulder bunch or over-fold, leaving the right shoulder and arm exposed, and wrapped around the left forearm or forming a left arm sling (C676.2: pl. 16).

Type M12 usually represents young or middle-aged men: there is one ‘20-24 years’ old, fourteen ‘25-34 years’ old, and eight each of ‘35-59 years’ and ‘60-69 years’ of age (fig. 138). But subtypes consisting of standing men (M12a-d) tend to have more specific age associations, since their formation is influenced by beard length. Ten out of thirteen M12a males are ‘25-34 years’ old, while, at the other extreme, 5/6 of M12d males are ‘60-69 years’ old; the association of M12 with young to middle rather than old age, is, thus, due to the high frequency of M12a, as-sociating the left shoulder bunch with short or medium beard.

Unlike types typically representing older men (e.g., M11) the left-to-right position and orientation of M12 men is balanced, with a position on the left, but also left orientation, being slightly more common than expected (fig. 143). However, of standing M12 fig-ures, with distinct age associations, the younger M12a males are more fre-quently shown on the right of the im-age, facing left (13:7), while 4/7 of the old M12d men face to the right. The connection of left position and, conse-quently, orientation of adult standing men with old age, and vice versa, is confirmed with other costume types (M13, M15); it should be noted, how-ever, that M12b-M12c men face always to the right, and M12d seated men are shown facing left, despite their lack of specific age associations.

Stelai representing M12 men, typi-cally 121x56 cm, are more often than expected metopic (36) or true naiskoi (8), and less often frameless (12); the

pediment and, especially, anthemion crown predominate, while the plain or akroteria cornice crown is rare. M12 men are shown frequently in high re-lief, multi-figured representations. Their mean squared width is larger than that associated with any other male costume type, a fact indicating that type M12 is connected with high stele expenditure (fig. 139); the fact that M12 shows also the highest mean rank index, a measure compensating for the effect of sex and age of the de-ceased on squared stele width, indi-cates that it is connected with high so-cial rank (fig. 140). However, apart from the considerable number of large stelai representing the type, account-ing for its predominant rank associa-tions, the type also occurs with many smaller stelai, connected with low so-cial rank (fig. 139).

The patronymic and demotic names of the deceased are denoted in 23/34 stelai representing M12 males; six of these commemorate metics (the isoteles C634.2 has been awarded cit-izen taxation rights), a fact suggesting that type M12 is used both for Atheni-ans and non-Athenians; also, two M12 men accompany a woman designated as chreste, one of whom is also identi-fied as a wet-nurse. Notably, stelai in-tended for metics (except for the large naiskos stele C429) or chrestai are smaller than other type M12 repres-entations. These facts confirm that, despite its frequent use on stelai of high rank Athenians, costume type M12 is also represented on many stelai belonging to poorer families, some of which commemorate metics.

Except for two one-figured composi-tions (C908, C911), M12 men occur on stelai displaying from two to five fig-ures, of which three-figured stelai are the most common (2/5 of M12). In most cases, they accompany a seated figure. Their frequent setting in the foreground of the image (28:9), and the fact that they are almost always shown in handshake when they are in the company of other full-size figures, show the compositional importance of

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M12 males; their often non-central po-sition is due to their lateral foreground setting in most three- or more-figured representations, such as C410 (pl. 15). Standing M12 figures very often hold the left shoulder bunch with the left hand, but other gestures are rare (e.g., C440.2). Unlike other male himation types, shown predominantly in profile, 2/5 of M12 men are oblique, a fact re-lated with their frequency on large, two-plane reliefs, but also reflecting the prominent position given to this costume type in Classical Athenian stele representations.

Despite its compositional import-ance, name inscriptions identify the type more often with mourners than with the deceased at the original use of the stele (fig. 141). This fact casts doubts on the identification of the M12 man as the primary dead in 14 am-biguous cases, where a name inscrip-tion identifies more than one figure; the fact that M21 men are often named after subsequent reuse of the stele (fig. 142) is a mere reflection of their being one of the main figures in the composition. However, on icono-graphic grounds, seated M12e men may represent either status: C742.3 should be a primary mourner, on ac-count of the attitude and orientation of the half-size C742.2, whereas C741.3 and C756.4 are probably the primary deceased for similar reasons; since C701.1 is excluded from the hand-shake between the standing figures, he may have been a mourner when the stele was erected. On the other hand, some long-bearded M12d men do rep-resent the primary deceased, since they belong to one-figured composi-tions.

M12a-M12d men appear in similar compositions, in most cases shaking hands with a seated woman. A maid is more often represented (C410, pl. 15) than a male servant (C361); the sex of the secondary figure corresponds to that of the deceased, as shown often by name inscription. In C384 and C411, depicting a pet dog, the seated

female is identified by name inscrip-tion as the primary deceased; since no children are shown in these cases, the pet dog probably connotes family life. It is likely that C419 and C462, dis-playing a half-size child, commemor-ated the seated woman (cf. C406 with baby) as well, since they contain a fe-male M11a slave with pyxis. In four cases, M12a men (a subtype associ-ated with young adulthood) are shown holding a strigil (C304.4 also an oil flask); despite the masculine attached attribute, in the three compositions showing also a woman (seated: C304, C410; standing: C755), the name in-scription identifies her as the primary deceased. Thus, with few exceptions, M12 men shaking hands with a woman represent original mourners.

A few M12 men are shown in all-male compositions, in handshake with a standing or seated man; the identity of the primary deceased is in most cases not known from external evid-ence. But in C714, the primary de-ceased Philophron is best identified as the older, seated C714.1; the standing M12 male (C714.2) should be his mourning son, Theophilos. On the other hand, the relief loutrophoros am-phora of C1003 suggests that the M12 younger figure should have been the primary deceased, who had died un-married. Overall, there is no conclus-ive evidence on the identity of the de-ceased in such compositions.

In sum, M12 is used for the repres-entation of adult men, especially those young and middle-aged. In most cases, especially when shown with a seated woman, M12a-d men were originally meant to represent mourners; their compositional importance, and epi-graphic evidence (C384, C465), indic-ate that they represent the husband of the deceased woman. On the other hand, seated M12e men may be either mourners or the deceased. The high stele expenditure connected with the type, after the effect of the sex and broad age of the deceased is removed, shows that it was primarily connected

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with high family rank; however, M12 was also used on smaller stelai, some-times to represent metics and mar-ginal social identities (e.g., relatives of poor chrestai servants). The frequency of the type indicates that it is the standard representation of relatively young adult Athenian citizens, shown in the majority of cases in a mixed rep-resentation of the oikos, but occasion-ally also on their own, or in an all-male composition.

5.3.12 Type M13: bearded males with armpit himation, no headband, right arm sling and wrapped left arm

Type M13 consists of 12 males clas-sified by average linkage cluster ana-lysis, and 10 further figures assigned on the basis of mean similarity. M12 males typically lack a headband, and wear an armpit himation covering the right shoulder, forming a right arm sling, and wrapped around the left forearm. A smaller, but notable num-ber of M13 males are short-bearded, are supported on a staff set under the left armpit, or wear sandals. The right arm sling, the distinctive trait of the himation, associates M13 with the so-called Aischines and Sophokles sculp-tural types, known from Roman copies (Bieber 1977: 129, fig. 581-582); Clas-sical examples in vase-painting and re-lief sculpture are listed in Polashek (1969: 16-17). However, the right arm sling of several M13 figures covers just the elbow; a sharply flexed right arm with a tight arm sling, possibly combined with a shoulder himation similar to that of the Sophokles copies, occurs only in C1058.2. The type dis-plays relatively low internal cohesion in comparison with other male hi-mation types, but it is well-isolated, being on average most similar to M12 and M14 (fig. 127).

M13 is divided at the 0.85 linkage level to two subtypes (fig. 137). M13a consists of fourteen men with short hair, the left arm covered by the mantle but both hands exposed, mostly

lacking a supporting staff (C370.1); apart from six seated men in lap hi-mation, most M13a figures are stand-ing and wear (except for C225.1: fore-arm himation), a himation drawn un-der the left armpit. On the other hand, the seven men classified in M13b (C1013.1: pl. 26) are standing, lean on a staff usually supported under the left armpit, and have the left forearm and often the hand wrapped by an armpit himation; because of the armpit staff, they are linked to type M11, despite their covered right shoulder and arm sling. Like M11 men, their hair is not always short: C241.1 and C708.1 are medium-haired, and C1013.1 and C1058.2 are balding; besides, they are medium- or long-bearded as well. Un-like M11 men, however, M13b males are not as a rule barefoot, but wear either slippers or sandals; the pres-ence of slippers may be related to the higher emphasis on covering the body with the mantle, shown by type M13 in comparison with M11.

The apparent age of type M13 males is on average the highest among types of men wearing a himation: only two ‘25-34 years old’, five ‘35-59 years old’, four old men of ‘60-69 years’ and two stooping, balding figures ‘older than 70 years’ (fig. 138). The relief loutrophoros amphora under the im-age of C660a may indicate unmarried status of one of the two bearded males, despite their advanced age. It is noteworthy that the association with old age does not occur only among fig-ures with staff in comparison with type M11 males, but also among figures lacking a staff, especially in contrast to types M10 and M12. It thus appears that the staff is not the only means by which old age is denoted, but that bod-ily modesty, expressed in covering the right shoulder and arms, also signifies old age among adults. Except for a frontal Stimmungsträger case (C359.4), most M13 men are shown in profile.

Although some M13 men are con-tained in group representations, in-cluding the seven-figured C359, most

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belong to two-figured compositions. They also occur with a variety of tec-tonic types, of which metopic stelai are slightly more common than expected. Stelai are mostly of medium to large dimensions, not so much on account of mean height (124 cm) as of width (54 cm); consequently, M13 is on average connected with almost as high stele cost, expressed by squared stele width, as M12 (fig. 139). The difference in stele expenditure between M13 and M11 is notable, especially since M13b and M11 share the armpit staff, and are differentiated only by the right arm sling and footgear of M13b (M13a and M13b are shown on stelai of similar di-mensions). The difference becomes even stronger if the effect of the sex and broad age of the deceased on stele expenditure is removed (fig. 140), showing that, among M11 and M13 representations of old men, modesty in exposing the body may be connected with higher social rank.

The importance of M13 males in the composition is shown by their central-ity, and by the frequency of handshake, including an amplified handshake (C1020.1). Standing M13a males often accompany a seated female, whereas those in M13b occur frequently in all-male compositions. In all stelai pre-serving an inscription, the M13 male is one of the deceased (fig. 142). Most figures of this costume type are shown on the left side of the composition, normally associated with seated stance, facing right (fig. 143).

M13 men are identified twice as the primary deceased: C210.1 is the only named figure, and in C241 the name of the seated Lysistrate was added under the rosettes, after the carving of the relief, and probably its primary use. The difference in name inscription complexity identifies the seated wo-man of C239 and C370 as the primary deceased, but the background C359.4 is identified as a mourner on grounds of composition. Regardless of de-ceased status, the standing M13 man shown in handshake with a seated wo-man is probably her husband, since

the father would be shown seated. On the other hand, the seated Thous (C729.2), shaking hands with a veiled standing woman, may be her father; both figures are given equal icono-graphic emphasis, accompanied by an exomis boy (M5b) and a maid with pyxis (M11a) respectively, and either may thus represent the deceased. The old man C1020.1, shown in amplified handshake with a standing F7 girl, is also in all probability her father.

M13 men in all-male compositions tend to belong to subtype M13b. The profile, background C1058.2 is prob-ably a mourner on grounds of compos-ition; C708.1, a spectator of a hand-shake between two other figures, should also be a mourner. On the other hand, the named C1061a.1 is probably the deceased, since the half-size F7 girl gestures towards him, rather than towards the possibly nameless C1061a.3. Whereas C1058.2 and C1136.3 represent the father, C708.1 is probably the son or younger brother of the very old seated man, and the younger standing men of C1061a ap-pear to be of similar age. Seated M13 men shown with standing males may also represent their father; this is cer-tainly the case in C629, showing the seated man in handshake with a beard-less M8 boy.

The view that the Sophokles and Aischines types represent the old cos-tume of orators, accepted by Polashek (1969: 16) was rejected by Bieber (1977: 129), who argued that this is just a major stylistic variant of the Classical Greek himation, used then through the span of six centuries to the Roman era, without further associ-ations. Obviously, either view cannot be generally confirmed or refuted by the study of Classical Attic stelai alone. But costume type M13, related to the sculptural types on account of the covered right shoulder and right arm sling, seems to be associated with the representation of mature and old age (hence the frequency of the staff); in stelai, therefore, it is not merely a stylistic variant. The stele expenditure

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associated with this costume seems to be slightly higher than that of other costume types frequently used to rep-resent old men, such as M11 and M15; the rank index distribution suggests that M13 may reflect the taste of a higher social rank than those other types. Despite the single occurrence of a loutrophoros stele, the fact that most M13 men are shown in handshake with a woman, or in the company of a younger figure apparently represent-ing their son or daughter, suggests that they were married. Both mourn-ers and the deceased are shown in this costume, but M13 figures are often set in a central position, or on the left side of the image often reserved for seated figures, indicating that the social role of mature or old man that they repres-ent is, regardless of deceased status, viewed with respect.

5.3.13 Type M14: medium-bearded males with short hair, hi-mation and slippers, holding a staff

Average linkage cluster analysis classified six males in type M14; on the basis of mean similarity, they are joined by seven less well-preserved fig-ures. The typical figure of this type is short-haired, lacks a headband or other head ornament, is draped in an armpit himation without left shoulder bunch and overfold, leaving the left shoulder and both arms and hands ex-posed, holds a staff in the left hand and wears slippers (C1061a.3). Type M14 shows relatively high internal co-hesion, but also a relatively high de-gree of affinity with other himation types, especially M12 and M11 (fig. 127). Its similarity with M12 is due to the armpit himation with the exposed right shoulder and arm, while that with M11 is due to the presence of the staff.

Three M14 subtypes are distin-guished at the 0.85 linkage level (fig. 137). C617.1, a seated man in slippers and lap himation covering the right shoulder, holding a staff with his left hand, leaning on the knee, is the only

instance of M14a. The most common M14 subtype, M14b, consists of stand-ing figures holding a staff, mostly in armpit himation leaving the right shoulder exposed; a variation with covered right shoulder is C254.1, whereas C1015.2 has a headband. Subtype M14c consists of seated fig-ures in lap himation leaving the right shoulder and arm exposed (C618.1). They are differentiated from other M14 men in that they hold the staff in a raised position; because of the raised staff, M14c is very similar to M15.

Type M14 men range from the young, short-bearded C749.1 (’20-24 years’ old), to the old, long-bearded Dexitheos (C620.1, ‘60-69 years’ old). In comparison to other male costume types, most M14 men are ‘35-59 years’ old (5 cases; C617.1); however, on ac-count of younger M14 figures, the age associations of the type resemble those of M12 (fig. 128): despite the fact that all M14 males have a staff, and 1/3 are seated, they are consider-ably younger than both M11 and M13 men. The lack of modesty in covering the body with the himation, as shown by the more frequently exposed right shoulder, arms and hands, seems therefore to be connected with the representation of young, rather than old adulthood.

Frameless stelai and true naiskoi occur more often than expected with type M14, as is also the akroteria cor-nice crown. The typical stele repres-enting an M14 man is 129 cm high by 51 cm wide. The mean squared width of 0.32 m2. is similar to that connected with other male costume types display-ing a staff, such as M11 and M13 (fig. 139). Examining the rank index associ-ated with M14 after the effect of sex and broad age of the deceased has been removed indicates that the type is, together with M13 and, slightly more, M12, used to represent males of high social rank.

Considering the rarity of seated men in Classical Athenian reliefs, it is not-able that in three cases M14c men be-long to seated, one-figured composi-

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tions. The connection of M14 with centrality, profile position and compos-itional isolation is mainly due to these single-figured representations. Apart from these men, obviously represent-ing the primary deceased, C668.1, in handshake with a standing woman, is also identified by name inscription as the primary dead; in fact, all external evidence indicates that type M14 rep-resents the primary deceased (figs. 141-142). However, unidentified stand-ing M14b figures such as C254.1 and C1090.2, may represent either the de-ceased or a mourner; moreover, C337.3 is more likely to be a mourner, on account of his background position, as is also C1061a.3 on account of the orientation of the centrally placed half-size girl.

In sum, both seated and standing M14 figures are used to represent typ-ically young or middle-aged men, either Athenian (C617.1) or metic (C618.1). Although the stele expendit-ure associated with this type is large, compared with that of M10 (typically young males) and M11 (old men), it is smaller than that of type M12, the ma-jor costume of young to middle adult-hood. As shown by iconographic evid-ence, both mourners and the deceased are represented by standing M14b men. On the other hand, seated M4c men, holding mostly a raised staff such as that of type M15, are in all cases ex-amined the deceased.

5.3.14 Type M15: long-bearded males with medium hair narrow headband, lap himation and raised staff

Five figures were classified by aver-age linkage cluster analysis to M15, joined by six similar, partially pre-served figures by means of subsequent assignment. This is a very uniform type, similar only to M14 on account of the raised staff (fig. 127). According to an analysis of residuals, M15 is char-acterised by medium hair and narrow headband, long beard, a lap himation with left shoulder bunch, covering the

right shoulder but leaving the left arm exposed, and a staff, held with raised hand (C628.1); a variation, showing a right arm sling and an encircling hair plait unusual with other male costume types, is C661.1.

M15 males are on average slightly older than M12 or M14 figures, but younger than those in M11 or M13. There is one ‘25-34 years’ old, a man lacking the raised staff but associated with other men in this group because of his medium hair, narrow headband and long beard (C692.2). Of M15 men with a raised staff, C708.2 is ‘60-69 years’ old, and three examples are ‘35-59 years’ old, showing that M15 rep-resents mostly middle-aged men (fig. 138). The seated stance predominates (8:3), especially in the presence of a raised staff, and is no doubt connected also with the frequency of profile M15 males. Besides, type M15 is almost ex-clusively associated with right orienta-tion (fig. 143), and a setting on the left of the image; left orientation is rare because it was undesirable to show fig-ures holding the staff in the right hand or in the foreground (cf. Stupperich 1977: 95), but the association with left position is shown also by other male costume types representing mature or old men, and cannot be a mere styl-istic effect.

Stelai representing M15 men are very small, as shown by the mean stele dimensions of only 89x40 cm, and the frequency of metopic stelai with this type. They are all carved in low relief, consisting equally often of two or three figures. The examination of the squared stele width of stelai represent-ing M15 men suggests that, in abso-lute terms, type M15 is the himation type with the lowest mean stele cost; in fact, only M6 priests are shown on average on even smaller, one-figured stelai (fig. 139). The strong association with low stele expenditure is main-tained, even after the effect of the sex and broad age of the primary deceased has removed from squared stele width (fig. 140); this fact indicates that type M15 may have low social rank associ-

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ations, despite the fact that the ges-ture of the raised left arm, holding the staff, recalls representations of gods in other Classical sculpture (e.g., Apollo, Parthenon East frieze, plate VI, fig. 39). There are two inscriptions identi-fying the M15 man as Athenian, one (C706) as a metic; on this evidence, there is no reason to suppose that the type was used more often than expec-ted with either population.

The majority of seated M15 men, holding a raised staff, belong to com-positions enlarged just by a standing figure, male (C628, C636) or female (C661, C669); the common three-figured composition with a background figure in the middle occurs only in C722. But in C708 and C709, the M15 man is set in the central position, between two standing foreground males and in all these cases he is shown in handshake, facts showing the compositional importance of the type. In C708, the M15 man may be the father of the two standing males, but in C661 the woman’s patronymic name shows that he was her husband.

Name inscriptions always specify more than one figure as the deceased. The fact that the name of Euangelos (C661.1) is inscribed on the top of the oblong stele shows that he was the primary deceased; C628.1 may also have been the primary deceased, since the demotic of the name inscription is slightly misplaced to the left; in C708, the figures accompanying the seated M15 man belong to type M11, often used to represent mourners (above: section 5.3.6). On the other hand, the name inscription of C636, giving the name of the M15 figure in genitive, is probably a forgery; moreover, although C709.2 is identified by both proper name and ethnic, the presence of the helmeted secondary figure on the left suggests that the standing youth, Minakos, may have been the primary deceased.

In sum, type M15 is used to repres-ent seated males of mature age; the fact that most M15 men are shown fa-cing right, is related to the preference

for raising the staff with the back-ground, left arm, but also to their set-ting on the left of the composition, which finds parallels in other costume types representing mature and old men. On account of iconographic evid-ence, M15 men appear to be used to represent the primary deceased, rather than mourners; this conclusion, however, should be taken with caution, since it is not based on hard epi-graphic evidence. Finally, the unas-suming tectonic form, low relief and small dimensions of stelai represent-ing M15 men, point to a connection of the type with low social rank.

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6. Social dimensions and the meaning

of costume

6.1 The effect of major social variables on costume

6.1.1 Social associations of female costume

The first three axes found by prin-cipal co-ordinate analysis may be ex-amined to determine the major social di-mensions underlying female costume variability. The 1st PC accounts for 31% of the total variance (fig. 97). The con-tribution of specific costume traits to this co-ordinate is summarised in fig. 117, indicating that it mainly differenti-ates females lacking a himation, includ-ing maids in long-sleeved tunic and sakkos (F11a, with the smallest mean value), girls with shoulder bands (F11c), stephane and medium hair (F11d) or un-girt tunic (F11e), and F14 girls with crossing-bands and shoulder-back mantle, from females in himation, espe-cially women in lap or armpit himation forming a veil, wearing a short-sleeved (F8) or sleeveless tunic (F9) and some-times displaying a hair plait raised over the forehead or a multiple headband.

The study of Kendall’s tau-b coeffi-cients shows that by far the greatest, highly significant correlation of the 1st PC is with age (fig. 118), a noteworthy fact, considering that age is not signific-antly correlated with other major prin-cipal co-ordinates. The positive correla-

tions of the 1st PC with profile position, stele dimensions and the number of fig-ures in the composition, simply reflect the strong tendency of younger females to be represented frontal or slightly turned to the side, on small, one- or two-figured stelai. On the other hand, the relatively strong correlation of the 1st PC with foreground plane is due to the fact that, while most non-adult fig-ures are shown on stelai without plane differentiation, F11a slave girls are of-ten shown in the background.

The association with age is confirmed by examining the mean 1st PC scores of other traits with possible social signific-ance (fig. 119). According to apparent age means, children and adolescent girls up to ‘17 years’ are differentiated from adult women. The standing pos-ture, the gesture of lifting the garment at thigh height, and, naturally, all playthings characterising free girls, have negative mean scores, in contrast to the seated posture, handshake, the gesture of lifting the garment at shoulder height, and other traits con-fined to adulthood. With the exception of ‘3-5 years’ old and ‘11-12 years’ old females, the 1st PC mean scores reflect relatively well the specific order of ap-parent age ranges before adulthood. The positive mean 1st PC scores of the metopic tectonic type and of the semi-circular crown are due to the fact that these stelai rarely represent either non-adult free girls, or female slaves; the former are typically shown on pseudo-naiskos, frameless or small naiskos stelai, and the latter are often part of multi-figured compositions, belonging to large naiskos stelai with pediment crown. The negative mean scores of the kneeling stance, and of merely gazing at another figure (visual contact) reflect the association of these traits with F11a female slaves. On the other hand, the mean scores for adult age ranges are very similar, with ‘35-59 years’ old fe-

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males showing slightly smaller, rather than larger, 1st PC scores than younger women. Among adult women, those seated display higher 1st PC scores than the standing; the intrinsic importance of seated posture, the veil and a plait raised over the forehead or a multiple headband, and the association with the foreground plane indicate that among adult women the 1st PC also signifies status differentiation. More specifically, it was found that, among adults, those originally identified by name inscription as deceased have consistently higher 1st PC scores than those representing mourners. However, the 1st PC does not differentiate mourners from the de-ceased after subsequent reuse of the stele, a fact indicating that small posit-ive PC scores (armpit or forearm hi-mation, encircling plait, uncovered head) are connected with secondary fig-ures that could, if necessary, be identi-fied as the deceased. A slightly different pattern was observed among non-adult females, with slave girls in long-sleeved tunic, who are mourners by definition, displaying lower scores than free chil-dren and adolescent females.

In sum, the 1st PC, the most import-ant component of costume variability, separates free females younger than ‘18 years’ and slave girls, lacking a hi-mation, from mostly adult women in hi-mation. This result reflects the fact that the social variable significantly associ-ated with the greatest number of female costume attributes is age (fig. 35). Be-sides, the correlation of the 1st PC with stele width and the number of figures represented is due to the already estab-lished fact that adolescent females, and especially children, are shown on less costly monuments than adult women (above: section 2.2). Apart from age-re-lated status, the 1st PC differentiates slave girls from free non-adult females, and seated, mostly primary deceased, from standing mourners or secondary

deceased females; thus, the differenti-ation between primary deceased and mourners, and that between free fe-males and slaves, is an important aspect of the 1st PC, despite the fact that it is obscured in the statistics by the co-or-dinate’s dominant age significance.

There is a dramatic fall in the amount of costume variability accounted for by the remaining co-ordinates (fig. 97). The 2nd PC represents only 9% of variance. According to the mean scores of indi-vidual costume traits (fig. 120), this co-ordinate contrasts the traits of F8-F10 veiled women and F11a slave girls in sakkos and long-sleeved tunic, with the shoulder or forearm arrangements of the himation, the hairstyle of the falling plait or encircling plait, and the motif of the himation covering the left arm and hand. On this account, high positive 2nd PC scores are shown by F7 girls in shoulder himation, F5 females with ex-posed right shoulder, especially those in forearm himation covering the left arm (F5d), and seated women in lap hi-mation wrapping the left arm and hand (F6).

The 2nd PC presents statistically sig-nificant Kendall’s tau-b correlations, on the one hand with stele width (and thus expenditure) and relief depth in particu-lar, and on the other hand with the ori-entation and right/left position of the figure (fig. 121). Thus, figures with neg-ative 2nd PC scores tend to be shown fa-cing right, set on the left of representa-tions on costly, high relief stelai, and vice versa. The mean scores of specific tectonic and iconographic traits (fig. 122) confirm these associations. True naiskoi, the compositional type of ‘seated facing background standing fig-ure’, and its extensions with a standing figure in the foreground in front of, or in the background behind the seated fig-ure, are set in opposition to metopic stelai with a semicircular crown; these

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tectonic associations are obviously re-lated to stele cost.

On the other hand, the right orienta-tion of many veiled females with negat-ive scores is due to the frequency of the gesture of lifting the himation at the shoulder, typically with the background left hand, and to the fact that F11a slaves are also shown slightly more of-ten facing right, when not frontal; fe-males with positive 2nd PC scores are shown frequently in handshake, not only in the obvious comparison with non-adult or slave girls, but also in compar-ison with himation women with negative scores. Although apparent age is not correlated with the 2nd PC, it is inter-esting to note that ‘20-24 years’ old wo-men in particular are associated with negative 2nd PC scores (fig. 122).

Excluding the sakkos and long sleeves of F11a slaves, the opposition between the veil and covered right shoulder on one hand, and the covered or wrapped left arm and hand on the other, indicates that two different forms of modesty are distinguished by the 2nd PC; of these, the former is associated with adornment of the head, denoted by the presence of multiple headband or earrings. The combination of head orna-ment and modesty, associated with neg-ative 2nd PC scores, is relevant to adult women, particularly ‘20-24 years’ old; this reinforces the results of the ana-lysis on the individual costume traits (above: section 3.2.2). However, both veiled women and slave girls with negat-ive 2nd PC mean scores are connected with high stele expenditure, reflecting family rank. The frequency of F11a slaves on larger stelai, despite their low status, is easily explained by the fact that they are always accessory figures, functioning as mere status attributes. The association of the veil, covered right shoulder, other adorning costume traits (fig. 120) and the gesture of lifting the himation at the shoulder with in-

creased expenditure is important; it means that this combination of modesty and adornment of the head was more likely to be shown by women of higher family rank, especially in young adult-hood, than by those less well-off.

The third PC is of roughly equal im-portance to the 2nd (9% of variance). Negative mean scores of the 3rd PC manifest themselves among figures with shoulder-back mantle or bunched hi-mation, double tunic, long tunic over-fall, crossing bands with medallion and, to some extent, sandals; positive means occur with sleeveless or long-sleeved—single or ungirt tunic, no overfall, short hair or sakkos (fig. 123). This co-ordin-ate reflects a clear differentiation between simple and complex, ornate costume. Young girls with a bunched hi-mation (F13) and older girls with shoulder-back mantle (F14) are set in contrast to slave girls (F11a), seated wo-men in sleeveless tunic with (F9) or without a veil (F5a), and girls in shoulder himation (F7). Apart from the notable differentiation between two early adolescence types, the F14 girls with exposed arm, lifting their mantle to gracious folds at thigh height, and the F7 girls having both shoulders, arms, and possibly also hands enclosed in the himation, this co-ordinate lacks the im-plications of modesty and body exposure found in connection with the 2nd PC. Besides, it is notable that, apart from the slight negative association of the covered right shoulder (i.e., with com-plex costume) the 3rd PC does not affect proper himation traits at all; therefore, especially in adulthood, this co-ordinate runs across the barriers of costume types found by average linkage cluster-ing, separating in an almost clear-cut way single- from double-tunicked fe-males.

The 3rd PC is not correlated signific-antly with stele width; however, it shows

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moderate negative correlations with re-lief depth and stele height (fig. 124). Therefore, figures with complex cos-tume (negative scores) tend to be shown in high relief on stelai that were more costly, not so much because of their width or multi-figured composition, but of their height and, therefore, visibility in the cemetery; as shown by their neg-ative mean 3rd PC score (fig. 125), stelai with an akroteria cornice crown (usually representing non-adult females) are also connected with costume com-plexity. On the other hand, simple cos-tume (positive scores) is correlated with short stele height and low relief depth, and is particularly associated with frameless stelai and those with a plain, rectangular crown (fig. 125). The third PC is also positively correlated to the presence of an epigram; the implied low expenditure connection may, however, be spurious, since many full naiskoi and large naiskos stelai are dissociated from their architraves and bases respectively, where an epigram could have been in-scribed.

Like the form of the stele, the negat-ive correlation of the 3rd PC with front-ality (fig. 124) and the negative mean scores of directly gazing towards the spectator, and of lifting the mantle at thigh height (type F14), imply a connec-tion between complex, ornate female costume and intention for conspicuity. Although the negative correlation of the 3rd PC with the deceased (after reuse of the stele) lacks statistical significance, the positive mean scores of icono-graphic traits such as bringing the hand to the cheek or chin, or reaching to-wards another figure indicate that, to some extent, this co-ordinate represents the distinction between female mourn-ers in simple dress, and deceased in complex, ornate costume. It therefore complements the compositional differ-entiation between standing mourners or secondary deceased, and primary dead,

seated females in lap himation and veil, indicated by the 1st PC.

The results of statistical tests on the association of female costume types found by average linkage cluster ana-lysis with important social variables are listed in fig. 116. Female apparent age, represented by the first principal co-or-dinate, and stele width and right/left ori-entation, connected with the 2nd PC, are significantly associated with specific female costume types. The average link-age typology confirms the main distinc-tion between adult women in himation and non-adult females in bunched hi-mation, shoulder-back mantle or no mantle. In addition, however, it indic-ates the existence of finer pattern not revealed by the PC analysis, connecting figures in bunched himation (F13) with young childhood, and separating the older children and adolescent girls in shoulder himation and falling hair plait (F7), and the late adolescent females in forearm himation with overfold (F4) from other costume types, mainly rep-resenting adult women in himation.

Female costume typology also con-firms the family rank differentiation (based on stele cost, with the effect of the age of the deceased removed) between large stelai representing veiled women and smaller stelai showing fe-males with uncovered head. It shows, however, that standing adolescent girls in shoulder himation (F7), or shoulder-back mantle (F14), are, in comparison to other figures of their age, connected with high stele expenditure, a fact totally obscured by principal co-ordinate analysis. The effect of right orientation on costume typology is also statistically significant, and, according to an ana-lysis of residuals, most apparent in the frequent right orientation of veilless F1 women with a lap himation covering the right shoulder and of F11a slave girls, in contrast to several other types, includ-

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ing the adolescent and young adult F5 women with exposed right shoulder, and most representations of free non-adult females.

However, other social associations of costume affecting the 1st and 3rd prin-cipal co-ordinates lack statistical signi-ficance, when examined against specific costume types; the only statistically sig-nificant departures from independence are those of type F1, consisting of veil-less women in himation covering the right shoulder, always identified as Athenian, type F6, with women in lap hi-mation wrapped around the left fore-arm, representing persons other than the primary deceased, and type F11, predictably connected with representa-tions of mourners after the final use of the stele, on account of slave girls in long-sleeved tunic. Unlike age and fam-ily rank, the way in which female cos-tume operates to distinguish the primary or secondary deceased from mourners is better demonstrated by the results of the principal co-ordinates ana-lysis, since relevant traits run across specific costume types.

6.1.2 Social associations of male cos-tume

The first principal co-ordinate of male costume accounts for 36% of the total variance. As shown by the table of cos-tume traits significantly associated with the 1st PC (fig. 145), males in himation display positive scores, sharply separ-ated from those in short or long tunic, bunched or folded himation or no mantle; as we have already seen (above: section 5.1), this is the major division between average linkage costume types. Beardless and barefoot figures have negative 1st PC mean scores, while all forms of a staff (especially when held in a raised position), the long beard, and himation traits of covering the arms and shoulders, including the arm sling, dis-play large positive scores. The separa-

tion between figures in himation and those nude, and the further distinction of the exact form of the himation, makes it clear that the 1st PC reflects the de-gree of body exposure.

As would be expected from the differ-entiation between beardless and long- or medium-bearded figures, the 1st PC is strongly positively correlated with age (fig. 146). Iconographic attributes dis-playing negative mean 1st PC scores, such as the number of attached attrib-uta, are connected with childhood and adolescence (fig. 147). Of these, the rep-resentations of a hound, stele, bird, stri-gil and oil flask run across costume types, while others (i.e., spear, horse, sword and wheel toy) are confined to figures of distinct costume. The notable lack of significant association with the representation of a pet dog, a strong symbol of childhood, is due to its depic-tion with the intermediate M8 boys in himation, rather than the nude M1 and M2 children and youths; this is also the reason why ‘13-15 years’ old boys have higher 1st PC scores than ‘18-19 years’ old youths (fig. 147). The high positive mean scores of males in handshake, es-pecially when amplified with the left hand, and seated stance, reflect the fact that these traits are almost entirely con-fined to adulthood. Of attributes con-cerned with stele form and decoration, sirens occur with negative scores, and thus young age, while heraldic animals (sphinxes, lions), bell-shaped crown, an-themion and metopic stelai are associ-ated with positive scores, and thus old age; there is, however, no differentiation in stele dimensions along this axis.

This interpretation of the 1st PC con-firms the age associations suggested by single costume attributes, especially the fact that most adult males are shown in himation, and those nude, with or without a bunched himation, are mostly non-adult. Among males in himation, the armpit and lap arrangements display

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higher mean scores than the forearm and shoulder himation; this is not sur-prising, considering the facts that the seated posture connected with the lap himation is confined to older men, that most bearded men wear an armpit hi-mation (M12, M13), and that most beardless men in himation display the forearm or shoulder variety (M8).

In addition, the 1st PC shows a mod-erate negative correlation with frontality and the status of primary deceased, and weak positive correlation with right ori-entation and the number of figures in the composition. The correlation with the primary deceased is despite the fact that gestures of clasped hands, or arm brought across to the shoulder, connec-ted with M1 or M5 slaves, show strong negative 1st PC associations. This is probably in response to the fact that other non-adult males as a rule repres-ent the primary deceased, shown facing left in frontality or near-frontality, while adult males are mostly shown in profile (especially those seated) or obliquely, on either side of two- or more-figured com-positions, and often represent second-ary figures. Indeed, compositions con-sisting of a single full-size figure (with or without an additional half-size boy) usually have negative scores, while two- or more-figured stelai mostly represent adult figures with positive scores; the higher 1st PC scores of compositions with a centrally placed seated figure are due to the fact that they frequently rep-resent seated or standing males of ma-ture or old age, holding a staff.

In sum, the first PC reflects greatly figure age, without rank implications, in agreement with the main taxonomic di-vision between figures in himation, and those in other costumes; slaves show very low scores, and males in short or long tunic (identified with hoplites, war-riors without a cuirass, short chiton ephebes and young men, and priests) show intermediate scores between non-

adults in nudity or bunched himation and males in proper himation. Allowing for age differentiation, this co-ordinate reflects also an increased degree of cov-ering the body: of non-adult figures, those with the falling forearm or armpit himation covering the left forearm and hand have higher scores than nude or bunched himation males; of tunicked figures, exomis slaves, short chiton youths and young men, and warriors without a cuirass, priests and hoplites display on average increasing 1st PC scores, inversely to their body exposure; finally, adult figures in himation cover-ing the right shoulder, and displaying a right or left arm sling, have larger posit-ive scores than those with exposed arms. The 1st PC is the most important dimension of male costume variability; its strong correlation with age means that male costume is primarily used on Classical stele iconography for age dif-ferentiation.

The 2nd PC, the second most import-ant dimension of male costume, repres-ents 13% of the total variance. As shown by the mean scores significantly differ-entiated from zero (fig. 148), it contrasts beardless figures with a stephane, dressed in shoulder and forearm hi-mation covering the left arm and hand, but not the right shoulder and arm, with tunicked males of all types, and also with medium- and long-bearded men leaning on or holding a staff, and wear-ing a himation typically covering the right shoulder and forming a right arm sling. While negative scores are shown especially by M8 boys, high positive scores run across several costume types found by average linkage cluster ana-lysis (M11, M13 and M15).

The major underlying social dimen-sion of this PC is also age (fig. 149); in fact, it reflects more closely age differ-entiation within adulthood, as may be seen from the apparent age mean scores

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(fig. 150). The positive correlations with the number of figures in the image, mourner status at the original use of the stele, profile position on the side rather than the centre of the representation are due to the age associations of these traits, as has already been noted in con-nection with the 1st PC. The number of attached attributes, especially birds and pet dogs, is connected with negative scores, as is the gesture of the pointed index, and the composition type consist-ing of a single full-size standing figure (fig. 150). On the other hand, the seated stance, and multi-figured composition types are associated with positive scores.

Apart from age, the 2nd PC is correl-ated almost as strongly with right ori-entation, and, slightly less, with position at the left of the image (fig. 149). Right orientation is actually linked with the motifs of the himation covering the right shoulder and right arm sling (positive scores), while the alternative motifs of covered left arm and hand (negative scores) are connected with left orienta-tion. In both cases, the visible, fore-ground side of figures with extreme pos-itive or negative 2nd PC scores is covered by the himation; nevertheless, the orientation of the figures is involved in defining two different forms of mod-esty, the former appropriate to mature and old men, the latter occurring with M8 children and adolescent boys.

Unlike the 1st PC, this co-ordinate is also moderately correlated with stele ex-penditure. The axis differentiates strongly figures on account of stele height, determining the visibility of the grave marker, and the number of figures represented, but not according to relief depth, although the few full naiskoi ex-amined have on average positive scores; the lack of overall differentiation in re-lief depth is the reason for the moderate value of the stele width correlation, which summarises the total effect of

cost on this co-ordinate. In this light, the 2nd PC reflects the effect of the per-ceived high or low status of different broad ages on male costume (cf. above: section 2.2). But the higher, positive scores of nude non-adult males in com-parison to the negative scores of males in bunched or, especially, proper hi-mation show true differences in stele ex-penditure, which are not always matched by corresponding differences in apparent age. On the other hand, al-though stele expenditure does not in-crease with age within adulthood, higher scores reflect higher age-related status, symbolised by the seated stance and the gesture of holding the staff with raised hand, a trait with divine connota-tions in Classical art. This fact, and the tendency of older figures to be shown more often on the left of the image fa-cing right than vice versa, show that left position and right orientation among males signify respect and authority con-nected with old age, a result found also in the discussion of specific costume types.

Males on stelai belonging, according to the name inscriptions, to Athenian families, have on average positive 2nd PC scores. This is partly due to the fact that figures in tunic (high positive scores), identified as priests or warriors, were mostly representations of Atheni-ans. It is notable, however, that a com-bination of proper name with a demotic or ethnic name is more common with adult males, who have positive 2nd PC scores. Therefore, although it is tempt-ing to infer a link between Athenian ori-gin and high stele expenditure, the asso-ciation of this co-ordinate with family provenience must be seen in the light of the interpretation of the customary ab-sence of a full name inscription among non-adult males, taking into account other evidence (below: section 6.2).

A final aspect of the 2nd principal co-ordinate is the opposition between the

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private and public domain; this is con-noted not only by the mere fact that children did not have a public identity, but also by differences in iconography among both non-adult and adult males. Among non-adults, boys in himation en-gaged in the private play with bird and pet dog (M8), are differentiated from nude athletes, the palaistra possibly connoting preparation for public life (M1), and from lightly armed youths in short tunic (M4), of the age of military service. Young standing men, shown in family compositions of increasing com-plexity, typically with exposed left arm, are distinguished from older standing or seated men with a staff, often shown in probably outdoor, all-male compositions. The high positive scores of men with special social identities connected with the public sphere, such as hoplites and priests, confirm the interpretation of the 2nd PC as a representation of both age-related and special status of the figure.

The 3rd PC accounts for only 7% of male costume variability; as shown by the mean scores of costume traits (fig. 151), males with medium hair and hi-mation, covered right shoulder right arm sling, left arm wrapped and left hand covered by the himation are separ-ated mostly from men in short beard and short hair, and armpit himation, with left shoulder bunch or overfold, leaving the right shoulder, and both arms and hands exposed. This PC does not offer new insights upon the costume of nude athletes, slaves and special so-cial identities denoted by a tunic (M1-M7), but it reflects clearly the degree of body exposure of males in proper hi-mation, a particularly important com-posite costume trait (above: section 1.2.3). Although it does not separate av-erage linkage-derived types in a clear-cut way, M11 and M13b men with armpit staff, M15 men with covered right shoulder, and M8a beardless males

with medium hair and stephane have negative scores, in contrast to M12 males, with exposed right shoulder and arms.

The 3rd PC is weakly correlated with the deceased or mourner status of the figure after final use of the monument, and stele cost, especially as shown by stele height, denoting its visibility, the number of figures, and central position in the representation (fig. 152). The cor-relation with centrality is probably due to the distinction between mourners and the deceased. This co-ordinate therefore distinguishes, in the extreme case, between dead males, set in the centre of short, few-figured stelai (negative scores), and mourners represented on the sides of multi-figured compositions on tall stelai; it should be noted, how-ever, that some specific costume types (M11, M13) were found to have quite the opposite association from that im-plied here, probably because of the fact that mourners with exposed arms and hands are in absolute terms more fre-quent.

As shown by the mean scores of icon-ographic and tectonic attributes, the males with negative scores tend to be-long to often one-figured stelai without plane differentiation, and those with positive scores are part of compositions where background is differentiated from foreground; this is yet another aspect of difference in stele cost. But negative mean scores also occur with pet dogs, birds and wheel-toys (fig. 153); the pop-ularity of these attached attributes re-flects their association with single-figured, type M8a representations of the deceased. In fact, ‘9-10 years’ old males are contrasted by the analysis with youths and young men, ‘18-25 years’ old, showing positive mean scores (fig. 153). Altogether, the 3rd PC separates the bulk of standard, short-haired and short-bearded young adults in armpit hi-mation, representing mourners or the

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deceased, from medium-haired non-adults and old men, wearing a stephane or simple headband respectively, often being the deceased on smaller stelai.

In sum, the third principal co-ordin-ate clearly represents the degree of body exposure among males in hi-mation, suggesting that deceased males in small stelai display a greater degree of modesty in costume than mourners in large, multi-figured stelai. Despite the lack of direct age correlation, the former are identified with two age ranges, transitional children and young adolescents, and old men. The connec-tion of modesty with small stele cost is probably due to the fact that stelai com-memorating males were in general less costly than those intended for females, which feature men in a himation with left shoulder bunch, and often exposed arms and hands, as secondary figures. However, in comparison with males not wearing a proper himation or with de-ceased men with positive scores, mod-esty may be a correlate of lower family rank.

Statistical tests performed on male costume typology derived by average linkage clustering have shown that it is strongly associated with the age of the figures represented, right or left orient-ation, their deceased or mourner status both at the original and eventual state of the stele, and stele expenditure (fig. 144). As in principal co-ordinate ana-lysis, males in a proper himation are differentiated from those wearing a tu-nic, other types of mantle, or no mantle at all. By virtue of their beard, most adult figures were put into different types from non-adults; beardless males were in fact joined with those just grow-ing a beard, and separated from those having short, medium or long beard. This result is not as circular as it may look, since the separation of figures growing a beard from those short-

bearded was not determined before-hand, but was found by the analysis to conform better to the variability of other costume traits than, for instance, that of short from medium-length beard.

Nude non-adult figures lacking a mantle (M1) are separated from those in bunched himation (M2); slaves carrying a folded himation are correctly linked with nude slaves on account of their short hair, rather than with free boys in bunched himation. They were, however, not separated from free nude males; this is not a shortcoming of the analysis, but a reflection of the fact that slaves of this type, occurring in palaistra scenes, are differentiated from free males by means of relative size, subsidiary position and specific iconographic motifs, rather than costume. Other special social identities, such as hoplites and priests, have also been identified.

The separation of M2 males in bunched himation into subtypes, accord-ing to hairstyle and the exact arrange-ment of the mantle, has led to the iden-tification of interesting age associations, that could not have been apparent from PC analysis alone. However, age-related pattern among non-adult figures in hi-mation, classified to type M8, could be found only by dividing the subtypes into variants, a strong indication that the tree hierarchy within that type does not reflect well age differentiation. In fact, childhood-related aspects of costume, such as the medium hair and stephane, run across costume types M1, M2 and M8, and are better interpreted in the light of PC analysis. Young adults, mostly in forearm or shoulder himation, were correctly assigned to type M10, and old men with a staff separated from those without. But the age associations of other adults in himation run across types, so that in order to bring out rel-evant pattern, we have had to divide them into subtypes; these provided a fuller picture of age associations, sum-

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marised adequately, and more suc-cinctly, by the 1st and 2nd PC.

The discussion of specific costume types led to the discovery of finer pat-tern in stele expenditure than that found by PC analysis, concerning specific ar-rangements of the bunched himation, the difference in cost between M1 and M2, and the small stele expenditure connected with representations of priests (M7) and M15 seated men, des-pite their principal co-ordinate scores. In addition, despite the major effect of orientation on the principal co-ordin-ates, the predominance of left orienta-tion among the few priests available (M6), and that of M2 boys in himation is clearer in the analysis of types, rather than principal co-ordinates. Other spe-cific associations, found to be statistic-ally significant by an analysis of resid-uals, are noted in fig. 144. On the other hand, the differentiation between Athenians and foreigners, involved in the 2nd PC, is not overall significantly associated with the typology; the not-ably large proportion of foreigners in M8 according to an analysis of residuals suggests, however, a point of departure for discussing the question (below: sec-tion 6.2).

In accord with the results of PC ana-lysis, the identity of the deceased both at the original and final use of the stele is significantly associated with distinct male costume types. While the principal co-ordinate results were somewhat con-fused by the presence of other, equally important associations (e.g., in charac-terising standing males with an armpit staff), tests on costume typology identi-fied a number of types significantly as-sociated either with mourners, or with the deceased. The tests reflect the con-nection of deceased status of males with childhood and adolescence, whereas the commonest types of adult males are as-sociated with mourners. While the effect of deceased status on male costume is,

according to PC analysis, stronger than that on female costume, its interaction with other factors suggests that it was better discussed within the framework of average linkage typology.

6.2 Special interpretative is-sues

In the first part of chapter 6, the ma-jor dimensions of female and male cos-tume variability have been established, by means of principal co-ordinates ana-lysis. Age was found to be by far the most important social variable affecting both male and female costume. Since we have already established a frame-work for Athenian age categorisation (chapter 2), and have discussed the spe-cific social associations of both single costume traits (chapter 3) and female and male costume types, found by means of average linkage cluster ana-lysis (chapters 4 and 5), it is now pos-sible to discuss certain problems in the social interpretation of costume that have remained open so far in this study.

The relative importance of costume types across female and male apparent age ranges is presented by respective area charts (figs. 110 and 138). It is ap-parent with both sexes that other cos-tume types are used for the representa-tion of most children and adolescents than those used for adulthood. In partic-ular, the proper himation is much less frequent among non-adults than among adults, and when it occurs, it usually shows arrangements proportionally un-common with adulthood, namely shoulder (F7, M8a2) or forearm hi-mation (most M8 subtypes, F4, F5d an F5f). But the majority of female figures actually wear just a long tunic (F11), and most males are nude (M1); a bunched himation is set in various ar-rangements on the left shoulder and arms, frequently with non-adult males

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(M2), rarely (but not exclusively) with female children (F13). In addition, both male and female children sometimes wear a stephane, normally over the me-dium hair common in childhood; these traits run across costume types, but their age associations are confirmed both by single costume trait significance testing and by PC analysis (above: sec-tions 6.1.1 and 6.1.2).

The predominance of type F11, char-acterised by the absence of a mantle, in female childhood, is demonstrated by fig. 110. A combination of medium hair, a stephane, shoulder bands supporting the tunic or a girdled chitonion or long overfall and no mantle (F11d) occurs with reasonable consistency among fe-male children, representing the primary deceased: with the exception of C824.1, all figures of this subtype represent the entire range of ‘3-9 years’ of age. On ac-count of the stephane, a head ornament known to have been made of gold (Abra-hams 1908: 112), it is interesting to ex-amine briefly the possibility of this type representing arrhephoroi (above: sec-tion 2.1.5). According to literary evid-ence (Harpokr. s.v. “¢rrhfore‹n”), the four arrhephoroi wore a white dress and chrysia, golden ornaments. If the sacral function was symbolically important for age categorisation, as suggested by changes in other aspects of stele icono-graphy (above: ibid.), it is plausible that costume could be used for stele repres-entations to connote the age of arrheph-oria, even if the deceased was not one of the actual arrhephoroi.

However, the stephane is also dis-played by a statuette of a little girl found in the sanctuary of Artemis in Brauron (Karouzou 1957a); it is unlikely that a costume specifically associated with the arrhephoria, weaving Athena’s peplos, would be used in any dedication to Artemis. Thus, the stephane could not have been a special golden ornament of a ceremonial costume limited to the

arrhephoria. Moreover, the costume characterises also girls younger than ‘7 years’, the earliest age connected with the sacral function; if it were assumed that the youngest girls with stephane were ‘7 years’ old, no figures would be left on stelai to represent younger girls, a clearly improbable situation consider-ing the view of female childhood presen-ted in chapter 2 (above: section 2.1.5).

A major argument against connecting the stephane (and F11d) with arrheph-oria comes from internal evidence, namely, that the stephane is relatively less common with girls than with ‘3-10 years’ old boys in bunched (M2c), fore-arm or shoulder himation (M8a2-M8a3; above: section 3.2.2); this may be due to the higher frequency of representations of boys than girls in general (above: sec-tion 2.4), but nevertheless indicates that, if the stephane has any ritual con-nections, they must be relevant to both sexes. In addition, the iconography of play, common with figures displaying a stephane (ball toys, little and large birds, pet dogs), is inappropriate for al-lusion to a sacral function concerned with preparation for marriage. The lack of a costume specific to ‘7 years’ old girls lends support to the suspicion with which scholars have treated the Lys-istrata passage, referring to Athenian fe-male initiation (above: section 2.1.5).

In fact, both males and females on choes of the Classical period, inter-preted as representations of children taking part in the Anthesteria, are often shown in similar scenes of play; regard-less of sex, they are medium-haired and often wear a stephane (Hoorn 1951: figs. 16, 142, 271, 348, 520, 522, 530). This fact, and the importance of the An-thesteria for age categorisation, suggest that the stephane, worn by ‘3-7 years’ old girls and ‘3-10 years’ old boys, may have been an ornament worn at the feast, and symbolising on stelai that children older than ‘3 years’ old had

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already been admitted in the Athenian religious community (above: section 2.1.4).

F14 figures displaying both crossing bands with medallion and a shoulder-back mantle are ‘11-14 years’ old; in contrast to F11d figures in stephane, mentioned above, their relatively de-veloped bust indicates explicitly the transition to adolescence, and thus ex-cludes the possibility of a connection with arrhephoria (based on the orna-mental function of the medallion). Their age association is indirectly supported by occurrences of the constituent cos-tume traits in Classical sculpture. The crossing bands occur with Amazons (Robertson 1975: 357-8, pl. 119c), Artemis (Daux 1961: 639, fig. 6) and Athena (Süsserott 1938: 85, pl. 5.4; Dohrn 1957: 25, pl. 20b). The shoulder-back mantle is shown repeatedly by Athena, and also by the Erechtheion caryatids (Bieber 1977: 104-107, pl. 76-83). The subject-matter of all these sculptures alludes to virginal life.

However, the crossing bands occur also in costume types F11 and F13; such figures displaying also a medallion are just ‘4-7 years’ old (C827.1 in F11d; C840.1 in F13). The fact that the shoulder bands with medallion are not restricted to one specific age within childhood and early adolescence (above: section 3.2.11) indicates that it is simply an ornament, that acquires its full signi-ficance only in combination with other costume traits. In F14, it is the shoulder-back mantle in particular that is associated with early adolescence (above: section 3.2.11). The strong asso-ciations of F14 with adornment, shown in the frontality of the F14 girl, her ges-ture of lifting the mantle at thigh-height, and costume traits such as double tunic and sandals show that the medallion is here, as in F11d, part of a non-adult festive costume. This formal function of F14 explains its apparently exclusive

use in stelai for the representation of the primary deceased (fig. 113).

The variation in costume traits shown by actual examples of F14 indicates that this costume is by no means “institu-tionalised uniform”. Nevertheless, the pronounced adornment of F14 females and their connection with higher rank than other girls of the same apparent age show that the occurrence of the type cannot be simply the result of fash-ion, as implied by Bieber (1977: 106). The theme of an adult female checking the appearance of an F14 girl (e.g., C896.2) may refer to the preparation for a ceremony, probably the arkteia, a rite marking the transition from childhood to puberty. This would explain the icono-graphy of adornment associated with F14, and the absence of generic motifs of non-adulthood, such as little birds. On the other hand, the representation of a nude doll with originally jointed limbs showing adult female traits, a plaything with nuptial connotations (Dörig 1966: 908-909), occurs with girls of other cos-tume types such as F7 and F11, and thus cannot be used to argue for the sig-nificance of F14 in particular.

On the basis of the Aristophanic evid-ence (Lys., v. 645), the arkteia has been connected with a saffron-dyed tunic, the krokotos, a garment which could have had a special significance related to marriage (Sourvinou-Inwood 1971a: 341); this has been identified as the crinkling tunic of a girl’s statuette ded-icated to the sanctuary of Artemis in Brauron, (Karouzou 1957a: 75). The Brauron statuettes are only ‘7-8 years old’, a fact that was used to support the connection of the arkteia with childhood rather than early adolescence (ibid.: 77-78, 82 n. 2). However, the rejection of the Aristophanic evidence in favour of that of the late antique commentators is unsatisfactory: even if Lysistrata (v. 641-647) provided an exaggerated view of Attic initiation, the connection of aletris

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with ten years of age must have soun-ded plausible to the spectators, and, by its position in the passage, it must have preceded the arkteia.

Besides, the best codex, as acknow-ledged by Sourvinou-Inwood (1971a: 340), translates “I shed [rather than wore] the krokotos”; other evidence in-dicates that children’s dresses were offered to Artemis during the arkteia (Brelich 1969: 274-275). It is thus likely that the costume of the Brauron statuettes is not that typical of the age of arktoi, but the costume of the preced-ing period of childhood, dedicated to the goddess during the ceremony. If this is the case, then the arkteia could have taken place after ‘10 years’ of age, in ac-cordance both with the age pattern sug-gested by Aristophanes, and with its known pre-nuptial significance. In this light, the social identity of the age of arkteia may be represented by costume type F14, explaining its festive charac-ter and iconographic connotations of ad-ornment.

Type F7, representing females with falling plait and shoulder himation, is complementary to F14, representing a relatively small proportion of older chil-dren and adolescents between ‘8-10’ and ‘15-19 years’ of age (fig. 110). The younger F7 girls are as a rule mourners, strongly differentiated in height from the main figures, who are often mature or old M11 and M13 men, displaying a supporting staff. But the older adoles-cents, most of whom have their left hand covered by the himation, occur in a variety of compositions, and represent either the deceased or a survivor; for comparison with F14, it is interesting to note the compositional association of F7 girls likely to represent the deceased.

When they are shown alone, with a maid, a little child, an old man or a wo-man (e.g., C322.3: pl. 11), F7 females are probably meant to be unmarried, further figures representing siblings or

parents. But the theme of receiving an object from a male adolescent, occur-ring in C1021, implies a love present, on the lines suggested by Clairmont for the stele of Phyrkias (1970: 102-104; contra, Daux 1972: 540). Besides, C888.2 is shown with a small, kneeling child, and C1097.1 in handshake with a tunicked warrior. On account of these representa-tions, Stupperich has suggested that type F7 here represents married young women (1977: 107). However, the love present of C1021 may imply betrothal, rather than marriage; this interpretation is reinforced by the fact that the male is a youth, whose missing garment, in ana-logy with other short-haired, beardless males, may have been an M8 forearm himation. The kneeling child of C888 may have been a little sister, in analogy with the compositionally similar C887. Finally, Stupperich himself notes that a standing female shaking hands with a standing man on vases or vase stelai “ist wohl die Schwester oder Braut” (1977: 72, n.4); in the absence of external evid-ence, there should be no reason why she could not represent the sister in similar compositions of proper stelai as well.

Maidens of type F7 occur in the Parthenon East frieze (slabs II, III, V and VIII) carrying phialai, jugs or stools, a parallel lending support to its inter-pretation as a costume of unmarried girls. These figures are grouped, with one exception (East, slab VII, 57), separ-ately from type F14 maidens, also shown in the frieze; although they are not differentiated consistently in the ob-jects they carry, girls wearing a shoulder-back mantle (F14) appear to be younger than maidens in shoulder hi-mation (F7). Since F14 girls on stelai are even younger than their Parthenon frieze counterparts, age categorisation may be involved in the difference between F7 and F14 females intended to represent the deceased.

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The difference has been pointed out also by Schmaltz, who noted that type F14 represents girls who died in their prime, while F7 is common with those who died unmarried after the mikros kairos had elapsed (1979: 27); but F7 fe-males on stelai depict ‘15-19 years’ old adolescents, rather than older, adult un-married women. Thus, while F14 is as-sociated with the arkteia, F7 maidens may, in analogy with the Parthenon frieze, be thought of as representations of kanephoroi (above: section 2.1.5). The ischadon ormathos of the Aristo-phanic passage (Lys., v. 646), literally a braid of dried figs, may refer to basket offerings carried by kanephoroi; it is tempting, however, to identify this ex-pression as a colloquial name for the characteristic falling hair plait of F7 fe-males, resembling in appearance a chain of dried figs. If this is the case, then the association of the current cos-tume type with the age of maidens eli-gible to become kanephoroi is strengthened.

Most non-adult male figures display one of three common costumes: they are entirely nude (M1), have a bunched himation on the shoulder or arms (M2), or wear a forearm or shoulder himation, covering the left arm and, possibly, hand. Despite the stark difference in the degree of body exposure between M1 and M2 on the one hand, and M8 on the other, and the slightly higher popularity of the bunched himation in early child-hood, the age ranges associated with the three types are largely overlapping. In examining individual costume traits, however, important associations with apparent age have been found. Those concerning specific bunched himation arrangements and traits of the himation are discussed in Ch. 5, since they are confined to a single costume type. The association of the stephane with boys younger than ‘10 years’ of age, and that of the shoulder himation with males

older than ‘8 years’ find parallels in fe-male costume, a fact showing that these traits have the same significance with both sexes. Besides, figures of either sex display frequently hair of medium length during childhood.

There are, however, clear differences between female and male hairstyle. While the medium hair of girls is sup-planted in late childhood and early ad-olescence by a variety of mostly com-plex hairstyles, the male medium hair of children, and the encircling plait com-mon in early adolescence are entirely replaced after ‘16 years’ by short hair (above: section 3.2.1). This change in male hairstyle is undoubtedly related to the consecration of hair during the fest-ival of the Apatouria, that took place at the age of 16 (above: section 2.1.6); this is not the only occasion for a ceremonial hair-cut (cf. dedication to river gods, Paus. I, 37, 3-4), but it is the most likely to have influenced stele iconography, considering the importance of the regis-tration in the phratry for age categorisa-tion. The frequency of the encircling plait with ‘13-15 years’ old boys shows that the koureion may have consisted of the dedication of a plokamos, rather than a full hair-cut. It should be re-called, of course, that the short hair is common with males of most ages, so that its presence does not necessarily imply older age than the registration in the phratry.

The standing, ‘7-8 years’ old C1100.1, with a bunched himation falling back from the left shoulder to the forearm (M2a), is exceptionally shown in hand-shake with a standing girl of similar size, lifting her tunic (rather than non-existent shoulder-back mantle) at thigh-height. Apart from this unique piece, males younger than ‘16 years’ of age are not shown in handshake (fig. 13). Since the handshake is a predominantly adult trait, its appearance from that age onwards indicates that a change in

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status is implied; of figures not included in this study, the seated Dionysios (Möbius 1966), whose stance is other-wise exclusively connected with adults, may also be ‘16-17 years’ old. These traits, and the introduction of the theme of hunt indicate important changes in the categorisation of late adolescence, despite the lack of discontinuity in the popularity of palaistra scenes with M1 and M2 non-adult males.

The change in late adolescent male status is shown by the rarity of full name inscriptions, consisting of proper, patronymic and demotic or ethnic name, to commemorate boys younger than ‘16 years’ of age. This is reflected in the simple name inscriptions common with non-adult costume types, M8 in particu-lar. The evidence on ‘16-17 years’ old is unfortunately too scarce to identify their association with simple or full name in-scription. It is reasonable, however, that the point in time after which youths would be more likely to be called by the full combination of proper name, pat-ronymic and demotic was in fact the re-gistration in the demotic lists, marking the beginning of the ephebeia, at the age of ‘18 years’, rather than the earlier registration into the phratry.

The connection of the ephebeia with hunt is confirmed by the iconographic allusions of a number of stelai repres-enting nude youths in bunched himation wrapped around one of the arms, lean-ing on a stele or pillar (M2b-c; above: section 5.3.2). On account of their sim-ilar iconography, the petasos and black chlamys worn by epheboi may be identi-fied as the costume of beardless M5a youths (above: section 5.3.4), despite the fact that the colour of their dress is not preserved. The form of this costume is not, however, a uniform, as suggested by the existence of bearded M4 men, probably representing hunters. The ex-ceptionally high cost of stelai represent-ing subtypes M2b-c in comparison with

younger adolescent males, and the horse shown sometimes with M5a youths, point to high status, related with the social identity of the ephebos, rather than with the actual age itself. The icon-ography of sport (pais, strigil and oil-flask, duplicate images of the deceased shown as an athlete) is intimately con-nected with that of hunt in both cos-tume types; these motifs are not the mere product of style, but characterise the social identity of the ephebos, as it was perceived in stele iconography. Himmelmann’s distinction between M2b-c nude youths lacking heroic asso-ciations on account of the palaistra re-quisites, and the idealised, frontal C1055.2 (1956: 27-28), is an argument from silence, since the wrists and hands of the latter, where a strigil or oil flask would be expected to be found, are missing. Moreover, the type M1 pais of C1055 and C1036 may, by analogy with the majority of M1 slaves, be inter-preted as an allusion to sport. On this evidence, the roles of the hunter and the athlete may be seen as complementary for individuals in the transition between adolescence and adulthood, represented by both M2b-M2c and M5a.

The two-stage initiation system presented here is obviously relevant only to Athenian youths; indeed, there is no equivalent reason to unfulfilled cit-izenship why the ethnic name of metic youths should not be recorded on their graves. Indeed, it is notable that the ra-tio of ascertained metics to Athenians among M8 figures in particular is con-siderably higher than 1:4, the general ratio for all stelai that is apparently rep-resentative of the Classical Athenian and metic populations (above: section 2.3.1). The number of M8 metics in that calculation may be overestimated, con-sidering that Athenian adolescents be-fore enrolment in the demotic lists were more likely to lack a demotic name than metics. On these grounds, and since no

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other statistically significant associ-ations between Athenian/metic status and either female or male costume have been found by studying the average linkage clustering and PC analysis res-ults, we may conclude that, with the ex-ception of the dress of Athenian priests and hoplites (M6 and M7), costume on stelai commemorating metics is not dif-ferentiated from that shown on grave markers of Athenians.

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6.3 ConclusionThe costume of female and male fig-

ures represented on Classical Attic grave stelai appears to be characterised by an almost infinite range of minor variation. Yet, numerical classification (average linkage clustering, followed by principal co-ordinates analysis) has en-abled us to identify costume types defined by the recurrent combination of several costume traits, and to assess ob-jectively their homogeneity and distinct-ness. The use of both female and male costume types on stelai was found to be affected by the age of the individual rep-resented (as determined by systematic age-ranking on the basis of facial and bodily characterisation), whether she/he was the deceased at both original and subsequent use of the monument (as in-dicated by name inscription), or the so-cial rank of the oikos (as shown by squared stele width, especially after the effect of the identity of the deceased is removed); besides, specific costumes of non-adults were found to correspond to distinct social personae, connected with female and male initiation. Excluding sex, age emerges as the most important source of costume variability. The asso-ciation of both male and female costume types with important social variables confirms that, in spite of the inevitable distortion introduced by the stylistic whim of the sculptor and by individual-ity in funerary practice, a major function of costume on Classical Attic stelai was to symbolise the social identity of the wearer.

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costis dallas (1987) the significance of costume on classical attic grave stelai: a statistical...

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