counsel. tweets @somasekhars powering the ev mandate · t e narasimhan l ast week, the gst council...

8 ISSUES AND INSIGHTS>

MUMBAI | THURSDAY 1 AUGUST 2019

> CHINESE WHISPERS

Powering the EV mandateT E NARASIMHAN

Last week, the GST council cutrate cuts on electric vehicles(EVs) from 12 per cent to 5 per

cent and on electric chargers from 18to 5 per cent, a clear signal that it pro-poses to forge ahead with its target ofreducing urban pollution and crude oilimport bill. Both rate cuts will consid-erably narrow the price differentialbetween EVs and petrol and diesel vehi-cles. EV prices are expected to drop 7per cent.

But narrowing the price differentialis just one of the challenges to achiev-ing the government’s grandmandate. The lack of arobust ecosystem, principal-ly recharging stations, anddomestic battery manufac-turing capabilities, couldwell short-circuit the gov-ernment’s stiff electricmobility targets. Most two-wheeler makers — BajajAuto, TVS, Hero and others— have been vocal on thispoint. Steffen Knapp, direc-tor, Volkswagen PassengerCars, recently said his company doesn'tthink it possible to be part of India'selectrification plan in the absence ofsupporting infrastructure.

Things could be changing now, withseveral public sector enterprises, pri-vate sector engineering and automobilecompanies as well as new-age start-upsventuring into the EV infrastructure

business (see table). “Having such full-scale infrastructure would definitelypush the buying decision in favour ofEVs,” said Maxson Lewis, managingdirector, Magenta Power, an EV mobil-ity solutions provider.

What kind of infrastructure is need-ed to achieve the government’s man-date that all three-wheelers and two-wheelers go electric by 2023 and 2025respectively, and others except com-mercial vehicles, by the year 2030. Oneestimate by Nomura Research puts theinvestment requirement of chargingstations at ~13,000-14,000 crore.Private sector start-ups alone are

expected to add 50,000 to60,000 charging stationsover the next three years.Their contention is that giv-en the initial low viabilityof the business, some sortof viability gap fundingwould be in order. In thesecond edition of its electricmobility policy (known asFAME 2), the governmentsays it will allocate Rs10,000 crore to set up charg-ing stations to both public

and private sector players.“As a standalone business, EV charg-

ing stations is still a sunrise venture. Itcould be the future version of what gasstations are today, a money spinner, butonly if investors are willing to wait,"says a Tata Power executive.

Others suggest pushing for low-grade charging at home, offices and

other locations where vehicles stop –globally, these touch points account for80 per cent of EV charging points. Sofar the only progress here has been asuggestion from the power ministry tostate power utilities to facilitate suchprivate charging points.

The availability of lithium-ion bat-teries will also be a critical determi-nant of EV adoption by consumers.Batteries account for over half an EV’scost and, currently, are almost entirelyimported from China. India wouldrequire six plants of 10GWh each by2025 and 12 by 2030 to cater to thisemerging market.

Niti Aayog CEO Amitabh Kant saidthe objective was to “first work on about80 per cent of components of two andthree-wheelers and buses and also pushmanufacturing of batteries in India".To this end, the government is likely toissue tenders to set up 50 GWh of bat-tery manufacturing in India, whichwould attract around $50 billion ininvestment. “At present India dependson China for EV parts. However, by2022, local production of cells will goup and even fuel cell might come toIndia,” says a Tata Motors Ltdspokesperson.

One of the Tata group companies,Tata Chemicals, has alreadyannounced that it will set up a 10 Gwhplant at Dholera, Gujarat. Several com-panies — established ones and new-agestart-ups — are venturing into this busi-ness (see table).

Setting up local plants is only part

of the challenge. As Amara RajaBatteries CEO S Vijayanand points out,only a high level of localisation willmake the business viable. Currently, theraw material for batteries are not avail-able in India. Battery chemicalsaccount for 30-40 per cent of the costsof a battery pack, and the cell accountsfor 25-30 per cent. Even a cell-to-bat-tery assembly plant would improve val-ue addition by 30-40 per cent. But Indiahas such annual assembly capacityworth just 1 Gwh.

Companies like Amara Raja have,however, started back-end integrationto accelerate the pace of localisation.The company established a battery

pack assembly capability and lookingat backward integration into cell man-ufacturing. Right now, its localisationlevel is 25-30 per cent at the batterypack level.

Exercises such as these are, howev-er, time consuming and unlikely tomatch demand. Yet they are vital to thesuccess of the government’s EV plans.As Vijayanand puts it, “India missedthe magic of manufacturing consumerelectronics and we also missed themagic of manufacturing in the renew-able sector, such as the solar panels, butI think if you were to look at EVs, thenas a country we cannot afford to missthe magic of manufacturing.”

Public and private sector enterprises have started investing in theeco-system for electric vehicles but viability remains an issue

Tandon must wait

The Bharatiya Janata Party's LaljiTandon (pictured) took oath as the newgovernor of Madhya Pradesh earlier thisweek. But he will have to wait a whilebefore shifting to his official residenceand is staying in the President Suite ofthe Raj Bhawan. He has to wait becausethe former governor of the state,Anandiben Patel, who is now governorof Uttar Pradesh, is yet to move out.Also, the whole compound is beingrenovated in accordance with Tandon'sspecifications. Once the renovationwork is completed, Tandon hopes tomove in after performing a puja andsome rituals to ward off the evil eye.

No time for press freedomOn July 4, membersof 15 politicalparties requested a"short-durationdiscussion" in theRajya Sabha on"how to strengthenthe freedom of thepress, as the media

is the fourth pillar of democracy". Amajority of those who requested thediscussion are members of Oppositionparties, but Bharatiya Janata PartyRajya Sabha MP Subramanian Swamy(pictured) also signed the notice. Thegovernment, however, suggested ashort-duration discussion on "theneed to ensure basic facilities andaffordable treatment to cancerpatients". The Rajya Sabha took up thediscussion on the issue of cancer onWednesday and another "half-an-hour" discussion on the "clean Gangadrive". The Opposition was told thatthe Rajya Sabha would not have thetime during the current session, whichends on August 7, to have a discussionon the "freedom of the press".

Case in pointOnly one of the two MPs of a politicalparty that rules a southern state votedagainst the ‘triple talaq’ Bill in the RajyaSabha on Tuesday. Sources said theparty’s other MP absented himself whenthe vote took place to signal that it wasthe party’s political compulsion to opposethe Bill. When Opposition leadersdemanded the party MPs explain theirconduct, they had a one-word answer:“Nineteen”. As an Opposition MPstruggled to understand its significance,the MPs explained “19” was the numberof cases their party chief faced.

> LETTERS

Exercise cautionEven without verifying the facts, someleading Bengaluru business tycoons havejumped in to crucify the Income Taxauthorities for Cafe Coffee Day (CCD)chain founder VG Siddhartha's unfortu-nate decision to end his life. In a letterpurportedly signed by him, while takingthe entire blame on himself for the “mis-takes”, he has accused the former DG,Income Tax, for harassing him by attach-ing his shares that caused serious liquid-ity crunch. On the other hand, the ITauthorities have clarified that the search-es were based on solid evidence of taxevasion and that the attachments wereordered to safeguard interest of revenue,which in any case was later revoked onSiddhartha’s request. According to them,even though Siddhartha had admitted tohuge unaccounted for income, he did notinclude the entire admitted concealedincome in his IT return. The action of ITauthorities ordering provisional attach-ments of Siddhartha’s assets are in accor-dance with the law, which may possiblycause financial hardship, but cannot becalled “harassment”. At the same time,tax authorities must also exercise suchpowers judiciously so as not to bring abusiness entity’s legitimate business to agrinding halt leading to a chain of adverseeconomic consequences.

S K Choudhury Bengaluru

The real tragedyApropos "CCD founder missing, massivesearch on (July 31)", before one could fin-ish reading the news about missing V GSiddhartha, owner of coffee shop chainCafe Coffee Day, the news that his body

had been found on the shores of Netravatiriver has come as a big shock. The inves-tigation agencies should look his deathfrom all angles including the recentKarnataka horse trading exercise whereinsome half a dozen rebels were kept in ahotel, all expenses paid by some unknownentity far away from the scene. After all,the deceased happens to be the son-in-law of a former chief minister ofKarnataka who switched over to theBharatiya Janata Party in 2017.

N Nagarajan Secunderabad

Do something usefulWhile I welcome Prime MinisterNarendra Modi's participation inDiscovery's wildlife show, I however,feel that the last person he should haveassociated with is Bear Grylls. Anyonewho has watched even a few of thisadventurer's Man vs Wild episodesknows the kind of wanton destructionof wildlife he perpetrates, in order toobtain food for his survival in the courseof the futile "explorations" he under-takes on a variety of inhospitable ter-rains. One just doesn't understand whatGryll proposes to achieve or teachthrough them. He must realise that dis-cretion is the better part of valour andimagine the number of innocent ani-mals that can be spared if he can carrynon-perishable food items with him inhis backpack.

CV Krishna Manoj Telangana

Letters can be mailed, faxed or e-mailed to: The Editor, Business StandardNehru House, 4 Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg New Delhi 110 002 Fax: (011) 23720201 · E-mail: [email protected] letters must have a postal address and telephonenumber

> HAMBONE

It is lazy and wrong to view thegoals of economic growth andconservation of the environment

as inherently contradictory. It mayeven be convenient for some interests.The reality is different. Just look athow India has succeeded in doublingthe population of its tigers in the lastdecade, a period in which the econo-my has also registered high growthrates. In fact, the population of tigersdeclined drastically over the longdecades when economic growth wasnot so high. Now, every stakeholder,whether the government, judiciary,industry, NGOs and citizens mustaccept, in principle, that India cangrow rapidly while preserving theenvironment — forests and fauna, airand water.

Often, it is unhelpful to put envi-ronment before economic growth.Poverty, or the lack of prosperity, leadsto much greater environmental degra-dation. If the majority is living a sub-sistence livelihood, if industries areprimitive (in a technological sense)and if government is starved ofresources — all the characteristics ofunder development — the conse-quences for the environment aresevere and the possibilities of mitiga-tion or upgradation near zero.

Prosperity is good for the environ-ment. For a start, it endows the gov-ernment with greater financialresources to address the challenge ofenvironmental degradation. It also

enables the population to be moreeducated and aware — without citizenparticipation, government efforts topreserve the environment will amountto nothing. It makes industry moreadvanced, profitable and able to usethe best in class technologies to min-imise adverse impact in terms of airand water pollution and dislocation offlora and fauna.

The most significant gain fromrapid economic progress is on thetechnology front. That helps directlyin conservation of the environment.Among other things, tigers have beenprotected and nurtured through thelatest tracking technology. Thosewho attempt to illegally kill them,that is, poachers, or those whodestroy their natural habitats, forinstance, illegal logging/deforesta-tion, can be caught and deterredthrough the deployment of appropri-ate technology. In industries likemining, for example, which have tra-ditionally been viewed as damagingto nature, technology has advancedto enable successful transplantationof flora and fauna to alternative loca-tions. It is not unusual for miningcompanies to have bio-diversity offi-cers in-house or to partner with inter-national organisations working in thefield of the environment to achievethis. Importantly, once the miningwork has been completed and thearea vacated by man and machine,the entire ecosystem can return to itsoriginal state. There is evidence ofthis in India (in Goa) and abroad (inSouth Africa) where industry is man-dated to spend the resources to makesure that the regeneration happensat a very fast pace.

But what of damage already done?The good news is that nature regen-erates itself. Damage can be reversed.Often, the absence of human beingshelps as the curious case of theChernobyl disaster zone in Ukrainehas proved. Three decades after acatastrophic nuclear accident ren-dered a large zone unfit for humanhabitation — radiation is still danger-

ously high — both flora and faunahave reappeared to reclaim the area.With planning and management, theregeneration can be achieved withoutlarge-scale human displacementnecessitated by disaster.

It is already happening. The posi-tive news on the tiger population isnot the only reason to be optimisticin India. According to the UnionMinister for Environment and Forests,India’s forest cover has grown by16,000 square kilometers in the lastfive years. India’s experience in suc-cessfully expanding its forest cover isnot unique. Europe has achievedimpressive rates of reforestationadding an estimated 90,000 squarekilometres (approximately the size ofPortugal) in the 25 years since 1990.Perhaps, it is easier for advancedeconomies for the obvious reason thatthey are rich and have greaterresources and fewer polluting indus-tries — those have been outsourcedto the emerging economies. But thepoint is that deliberate interventioncan aid regeneration.

Needless to say, it is important to

not get carried away and give economicgrowth unfettered priority over naturebecause the quality of that growth willbe poor and it will be unsustainable.Worse, it will adversely affect the liveli-hoods and health of all citizens whichwould negate the hard-won prosperity.

The admittedly tough challengefor the government and courts is tostrike the right balance. Stalling eco-nomic activity, by invoking the envi-ronment is likely to be counter-pro-ductive unless, of course, there arevery pressing reasons to do so. At thevery least, the possibilities of miti-gation with the use of technologyand ample financial commitmentmust be heard before a final decisionis made. Industry must becomeresponsible. And civil society mustnot be irresponsible.

India, which is already charting aunique economic trajectory, has anopportunity to show the world that itis possible to become richer andgreener at the same time. A 21st cen-tury tiger economy.

The author is Chief Economist, Vedanta

Tigers and growth

DHIRAJ NAYYAR

INSIGHT

Tenure protection for public ser-vants is under attack.Amendments to the Right to

Information Act, 2005, passed in thissession of Parliament have blown off twofundamental statutory protectionsenjoyed by information commissionersall over the country — first, a statutoryprotection of tenure for information

commissioners, and second, protectionof their remuneration.

Both, tenure and remuneration forinformation commissioners at the cen-tral level and the state level, will hence-forth be “as may be prescribed” by theCentral government. Before the amend-ment, there was a tenure of at least fiveyears unless the incumbent reached theage of 65. Likewise, remuneration of thecommissioners was on par with thoseavailable to the members of the ElectionCommission (and in the states with thechief secretary of the state) — which alsounderlined the importance of this office.Now that the Central government willdecide both the tenure and the terms ofremuneration of information commis-sioners at the Centre and at the states,the Central government will get to wieldfull political leverage over informationcommissioners all over the country.How the incumbents deal with enforc-ing the citizen’s right to information will

be determined by how the reins arewielded by the government in power.

Tenure protection lies at the heart ofprotecting public office. If the law pro-tects the tenure, the office-bearer is ring-fenced from acting under fear of beingsacked. Our Constitution protects thetenure of the higher judiciary (the onlyway to remove a judge is throughimpeachment) only to ensure indepen-dence of the judge. It is because tenureof the judge is protected, that the man-ner of selection becomes the core issuewith judicial appointments.

When the Supreme Court foundthat the trial of those accused ofdemolishing the Babri Masjid haddragged on for a quarter of a century,in 2017, it set a deadline of two yearsfor completion of the trial with thejudge being protected against anytransfer. Last month, when it foundthat the judge would retire in twomonths, the court directed that the

judge’s tenure be extended to let himfocus on and complete the trial in ninemonths. At the heart of the issue wasprotecting the tenure for the juniorjudge to ensure that a very importanttrial was indeed completed.

Prakash Singh, a retired police offi-cer, pursued public interest litigation,which led to the Supreme Court stipu-lating a two-year tenure protection forevery police officer, right from theDirector General of Police of a State tothe Station House Officer heading apolice station. Repeated attempts bystate governments to have this dis-turbed, have so far been broadlyrepelled by the Supreme Court.Diabolically, some states were foundrewarding loyal police officers withappointment to the post of DirectorGeneral on the eve of their retirementso that they could enjoy another twoyears of legally-protected servicetenure. Governments and their incum-bents (both political and bureaucratic)have the deepest vested interests inresisting tenure reform.

Officers of regulatory agencies tooare meant to have tenure protection. Thelaw governing the office of the governorof the Reserve Bank of India, historicallythe most fiercely independent regulator,does not have age stipulations. That iswhy the term for which the governor isappointed by the government is a strongtool for exercise of governmental influ-ence, if not control, over this sensitiveoffice. An obnoxious practice of regula-tory appointments for a specific term,extendable by another term at the dis-cretion of the government, has alsodeveloped. This practice enables keep-ing the incumbent on leash — a “safepair of hands”, particularly towards theend of tenure.

Central bankers are wont to say hav-ing a little inflation is like being a littlepregnant. This adage is equally true withlegislation. Once a subversive measureis introduced in an area of law, it willinexorably find its way into other areas.The erosion of tenure protection forinformation commissioners could wellbe a cancerous cell that may turn into amalignant subversion for any otherstatutory or regulatory institution.

The author is an advocate and independentcounsel. Tweets @SomasekharS

Tenure erosion can be a subversive toolIf the law protects the tenure, the office-bearer is ring-fencedfrom acting under fear of being sacked

WITHOUT CONTEMPT SOMASEKHAR SUNDARESAN

India has succeeded in doubling the population of its tigers in the last decade, aperiod in which the economy has also registered high growth Photo: PTI

TAKETWOANALYSIS BEHIND THE HEADLINES

ELECTRICRESPONSE

Companies setting upEV charging stationsPUBLIC SECTOR:BSES Rajdhani Power,IOC, HindustanPetroleum, BHEL, Energy Efficiency Services(EESL), Union housingministry

PRIVATE SECTOR:Tata Power, Ather Energy,Vakrangee, MagentaPower, ABB, AcmeIndustries, Fortum India,

Companies getting into battery manufacturing

ESTABLISHED PLAYERS:Suzuki Motor Corporation, BHEL,Adani, Group, Amara Raja, ExideIndustries, Greaves Cotton, Tata Chemicals

NEW AGE COMPANIES:Exicom, Greenfuel Energy Solutions,Trontek, Coslight India, Napino Auto &Electronics, Trinity Energy Systems andVersatile Auto Components.

OPINION 9> STAY INFORMED THROUGH THE DAY @ WWW.BUSINESS-STANDARD.COM

The revised norms for end-use of money raised through external com-mercial borrowings (ECBs), announced by the Reserve Bank of India(RBI) on Tuesday, have brought in significant changes. Under thenew norms, ECBs with a minimum average maturity period of 10

years can be used for working capital and general corporate purposes as also bynon-banking finance companies for on-lending. The RBI, in consultation withthe central government, has also permitted firms to raise ECBs for repaying rupeeloans taken from domestic sources for capital expenditure in the infrastructureand manufacturing sectors, classified as SMA-2 or non-performing asset (NPA),in order to make a one-time settlement (OTS) with lenders. Besides, banks havebeen allowed to sell such loans to eligible foreign lenders. At the company level,the revised norms can potentially help raise funds more freely from externalsources. Since the Indian banking system is still struggling with NPAs and maynot be in a position to fund the requirement of the Indian corporate sector, thenew norms will enable companies to diversify their borrowings.

The possibility of Indian companies borrowing overseas to repay domesticlenders will also enable banks to lend to smaller businesses which are not in aposition to borrow from external sources. In view of the fact that the cost of moneyin the global financial markets is expected to come down further, some companiesmay be able to reduce their interest burden by borrowing abroad or by swappingtheir rupee loans with foreign-currency debt. But they will need to carefullymanage the currency risk. Also, instead of heading for the Insolvency andBankruptcy Code (IBC) solution, banks and companies can now get into an OTSscheme, the funds for which have to be raised abroad.

The latest move appears to be part of an overall strategy that Indian companiesshould tap global resources to lower cost. However, potential benefits at the com-pany level should not make policymakers lose sight of the broader macro picturebecause increasing reliance on foreign capital can be dangerous. It is correct thatthere are problems in the Indian financial sector and the corporate balance sheetis also stressed. But depending on foreign debt to address some of these issuescan exacerbate difficulties for India and should be avoided. For instance, higherforeign borrowings would put upward pressure on the rupee, which anyway isexcessively overvalued, and affect exports. The other problem is the reluctanceof Indian companies to hedge their risks. Unhedged exposure can become athreat not only to individual companies, but to the system and its stability.Experience in many countries have shown that corporate crisis can turn into amacro-economic risk in no time.

Further, this will increase India’s foreign debt exposure and, in the absenceof consistent inflows, servicing can become a problem. This can result in significantvolatility in the currency market and, among other things, increase the repaymentburden for Indian companies. India’s foreign debt which needs to be repaid bythe end of this fiscal year is over 43 per cent of the total external debt and 57 percent of foreign currency reserves. This is not to suggest that India should not tapforeign funds to supplement domestic savings. India should target higher directequity investments, which are more stable and will help augment growth.Increasing dependence on debt, as the relaxation in ECB norms shows, will makethe Indian economy more vulnerable to external shocks and increase risks tofinancial stability.

Insurance flawsPMFBY fails to live up to the hype

The government’s much-hyped crop insurance scheme, the PradhanMantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY), has remained an underperformersince its inception in 2016. Some critical structural flaws and ineptimplementation have proved its nemesis, though the scheme is better

than all the risk-mitigation systems tried out since the early 1970s. Complaintshave been mounting about the delayed clearance of claims and, more importantly,meagre reimbursements of losses. Farmers’ organisations and even some politicalparties, notably the Shiv Sena, have threatened to launch agitations against theinsurance companies to press for adequate compensation to the farmers for thecrop damage because of aberrant weather, pests, diseases, and other calamities.The Estimates Committee of Parliament, headed by Murli Manohar Joshi, acknowl-edged in its 30th report (December 2018) that the PMFBY suffered from severalproblems that have shaken the farmers’ faith in it. Inordinate delay in loss assess-ment, belated or non-payment of claims, and lack of transparency are among thefaults pinpointed by this panel.

The waning interest of the farmers in the PMFBY is borne out by the downtickin the insured area from 57.2 million hectares in 2016-17 to 47.5 million hectares,or just 24 per cent of the gross cropped area, in 2017-18. The area coverage is esti-mated to have shrunk further in 2018-19, though the final figures are not yet out.The claims for the last year’s kharif and rabi seasons have not yet been fully paid.The government intends to expand the PMFBY coverage to 50 per cent of thecropland. This may not be possible unless the scheme is suitably revamped tomake it attractive for farmers. Since 85 per cent farmers are small and marginallandholders have hardly any loss-bearing capacity, the need for a sound risk-hedging system is paramount.

Viewed from this angle, the PMFBY can be rated high because it coversalmost all major crops, requires farmers to pay only a nominal premium, andtakes care of a wide range of perils, from prevented sowing to post-harvest damageto the produce from localised calamities. However, making the states a 50 percent partner in expenditure sharing and involving banks in its operation for theloanee farmers have been among the key mistakes. The blame for delay in claimsclearance is often put on the states for their failure to pay their share of funds tothe insurance companies and belated communication of crop-cutting experimentdata to enable the assessment of losses and computation of compensation. Theinvolvement of banks, on the other hand, blocks direct contact between farmersand the insurers. The farmers often do not get to see the policy documents orreceipts of the premium paid on their behalf.

The government is now making crop insurance voluntary, rather than manda-tory, for the indebted farmers; removing high-premium crops from its ambit;and allowing flexibility to states to devise their own models for offsetting farmers’losses. If that happens, it would rid the scheme of many of its ills. But greater useof technology, including drones and satellite imagery, is vital to expedite damageassessment and ensure prompt and realistic claims settlement.

Volume XXIII Number 250

MUMBAI | THURSDAY, 1 AUGUST 2019

Mention “industrial policy” and there arestrong reactions: An angry buzz from free-market enthusiasts, or approval from the

diminishing ranks of believers in government inter-vention. But as economist Dani Rodrik observed overa decade ago, reality has not been kind to either set —neither the belief that the way forward (for developingeconomies) is through strong government interven-tions, nor the belief that it is best for the government tostay entirely away from the economy. Although therewere successes sometimes with import substitution,planning, and state ownership (a case in point is IndianSpace Research Organisation), thesepractices were often overdone orbecame inflexible, leading to failuresand crises. Likewise, liberalisationbenefitted some sections of the econ-omy such as exporters, financialintermediaries, and some skilledworkers, but often fell short of econ-omy-wide growth.1

Another topic on which opinionsdiffer strongly is whether develop-ment should focus on comparativeadvantage based on factor endow-ments, or if structural changesshould be attempted through the support and extensionof infant-industry protection, as for example in manu-facturing electronics and telecom (ICT) equipment inIndia. In 2009, the Overseas Development Institute inLondon organised a debate between Justin Yifu Lin,then chief economist at the World Bank and formerlythe director of the China Centre for Economic Researchat Beijing University, in favour of comparative advan-tage, and Cambridge University’s Ha-Joon Changspeaking for infant-industry protection. Interestingly,both favoured strong government intervention,although in different ways.2 Mr Lin was for facilitatingcomparative advantage, while Mr Chang was for treat-ing comparative advantage as a base line to be defiedfor a country to upgrade its industry.

Industrial policy has many interpretations. There isthe “horizontal” notion of basic infrastructure, that islike a rising tide for all aspects of the economy (althoughthe sheer location, proximity and form of infrastructureitself create biases for the favourably affected and against

those that are not). The opposite is state planning andcontrol for verticals (picking winners). In between is amix of degrees of enabling government regulations andsupport (tax incentives and disincentives, labour regu-lations, financial consideration, land allotment/zoningor acquisition) and of coordination with the private sec-tor. These can be limited to industry and manufacturing,or more broadly, extend to all economic activity, includ-ing agriculture, dairy farming, and services.

Historically, a degree of industrial policy has beenpracticed everywhere. In the US for example, in theReagan years (1980s), the Defense Advanced Research

Projects Agency (DARPA) created con-sortiums of government and privatesector participants for coordinatedaction. One was the SemiconductorManufacturing Technology (SEMAT-ECH) consortium with companies suchas Intel and Texas Instruments, to revi-talise the US semiconductor industryby reducing manufacturing costs andproduct defects. Another was TheNational Center for ManufacturingSciences (NCMS) for the developmentof an advanced machine tools andautomation industry. Another, Project

Socrates3, was a classified programme to ascertain thecauses for America’s declining competitiveness, and todevelop solutions to re-establish US dominance. Theirconclusion was that the US was losing its technology-based ability to compete, because decision-making afterWorld War II transitioned from technology-centric plan-ning to finance-centric planning. Success for the latteris measured by financial returns, whereas for technolo-gy-based planning, the objective is to use technology togain competitive advantage and satisfy customer needs(which presumably leads in the long run to betterreturns). The Bush administration terminated ProjectSocrates in 1990, as it was considered an interventionistindustrial policy (picking winners) when free-marketideology was ascendant.

Industrial planning and India’s automotive sectorIn 2006, the Ministry of Heavy Industries embarkedon an initiative conceived in 2002 in consultation with

the automotive sector. The Automotive Mission Plan(AMP) 2006-2016 was a programme across governmentagencies, industry participants, and academics, tomake India a global hub for the automotive industry.It was successful despite the slumps of 2008 and 2013-14, and employment increased from 10 million to 32million by 2016. The next phase is under way throughAMP 2016-2026 (http://www.siamindia. -com/cpage.aspx), aiming to increase exports more thandouble to 35-40 per cent of output, and employmentby 65 million. Momentum has declined in the lastyear, however, because of a number of adverse factors.These include confusion and uncertainty regardingpolicies on diesel and electric vehicles, trade tensions,slowing gross domestic product (GDP) growth hereand abroad, higher costs from mitigation strategiesand taxes, and funding constraints arising from prob-lems in the financial sector.

With a slowing automotive sector and reports ofpossible layoffs in large numbers, is urgent policy inter-vention needed? Some observers think so, while othersdismiss the slowdown as cyclical, and reports of distressas exaggerated, to seek concessions to improve profits.Let us recognise that India isn’t comparable toOrganisation for Economic Co-operation andDevelopment (OECD) markets. For instance, car own-ership in India was under 27 per 1,000 in 2017, comparedwith several hundred in the OECD countries. That’sthe potential for employment to grow, provided indus-try stays profitable, and investments happen as planned(without denying the downsides: Of mitigating for envi-ronmental impact, fuel imports, and having to buildmore roads).

There is little doubt that India needs the automotivesector as a growth engine. Given its impact on employ-ment in manufacturing and the economy through allthe feeder industries and ancillaries, if there is a risk ofcollapse as in telecommunications, construction, andfinance, it needs to be averted if possible. With corporateprofits down to 3 per cent of GDP in 2018 from 7.8 percent in 2008, the government needs to deal with groundrealities. The facts must be evaluated to take correctiveaction if necessary.

There are relevant case studies on possible correc-tive action, such as a report on steps the USA, Franceand China took after 2008: “Shifting Gears: IndustrialPolicy and Automotive Industry after the 2008Financial Crisis”.4Our primary requirement is a stableand supportive regulatory environment. Changes,such as policies for electric vehicles or for diesel vehi-cles, need to be through collective consultationprocesses. The automotive sector has the AutomotiveMission Plan 2016-2026.

1.Rodrik, Dani: “What’s Driving Populism”, Project Syndicate,July 9, 2019,https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/economic-and-cultural-explanations-of-right-wing-populism-by-dani-rodrik-2019-072. Lin, Justin and Chang, Ha-Joon: “Should Industrial Policy inDeveloping Countries Conform to Comparative Advantage orDefy it? A Debate Between Justin Lin and Ha-Joon Chang”,Development Policy Review 27 (5), 2009, pp 483-502,http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTRANETTRADE/Resources/Internal-Training/287823-1256848879189/LinChangeDPRDebateIndustrialPolicy.pdf3. Seehttp://quadrigy.com/background.html for the privatesector successor corporation4. Seung-Youn Oh: “Shifting Gears: Industrial Policy andAutomotive Industry after the 2008 Financial Crisis”,https://repository.brynmawr.edu, 2014,https://repository.brynmawr.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1028&context=polisci_pubs

Automotive slump & industrial policyThe sector is needed as a growth engine and a risk of collapseneeds to be averted

For an all-too-brief period between the late 1980sand the late 2000s, the world was characterisedby convergence, both ideological and economic.

The West and the Rest agreed that an open liberal orderwas the best way to increase prosperity. Now, however,this ideological order threatens to unravel, with adverseconsequences for the world economy.

The two-decade-long “golden age”was one of trade hyper-globalisation,reflected in an unprecedented increasein the ratio of world exports to grossdomestic product (GDP). It was alsoan era of economic convergence: Forthe first time in centuries, living stan-dards in a broad cross-section of devel-oping countries started catching upwith advanced-economy indicators.Moreover, globalisation and conver-gence were handmaidens: Open mar-kets enabled developing countries toprosper by building up modern, effi-cient, export-based industries. And nocountry benefited more from hyper-globalisation than China.

The liberal order underpinning this era was largelycreated by the US. Exactly 75 years ago, when both theeconomic turmoil of the 1930s and World War II werefresh in the collective consciousness, the US was ableand willing to supply three vital global public goodsthrough the postwar institutions created at BrettonWoods. Emergency finance would come from theInternational Monetary Fund, and long-term lendingfrom the World Bank. Above all, open markets wouldflourish under the General Agreement on Tariffs andTrade (and its successor, the World Trade Organization).It was a G1 world, and America was the unchallengedhegemon. Today, we have neither a G1 world nor ideo-logical convergence. Because of its spectacular growthsince 1978, China has become the second dominant eco-nomic power alongside the US (Europe is still too decen-tralised and beset with internal problems to wield strate-gic influence). And the consensus about what constitutesgood economics has broken down.

In the West, and especially the US, a series of negativeeconomic trends — including slower growth, rising

inequality, declining mobility, and greater concentrationof economic power — have called into question the ben-efits of globalisation. In addition, the 2008 global financialcrisis and its aftermath have undermined faith inAmerican-style capitalism. China’s rise, and the perceivedconsequences for America, has also stoked US skepticismabout globalisation. A broad swath of US elite and public

opinion believes that China has abusedAmerica’s largesse, via currency manip-ulation, intellectual-property theft andespionage, and forced technologytransfer. Furthermore, China’s recenttilt toward statism and political repres-sion adds to a broader US sense ofbetrayal, and of an investment inshared prosperity that has gone badlywrong. This discordant G2 world andthe end of ideological convergence nowthreaten economic convergence, andthus developing countries’ prospects.The “golden age” of convergence had,in any case, already started to face head-winds. First, climate change poses risks

to developing countries’ agriculture. Problems in thissector will reverberate throughout these economies,because high and rising agricultural productivity hasbeen the key to successful structural transformationsfrom farming to manufacturing. In addition, the spreadof technology-enabled automation is replacing unskilledlabor with machines, directly threatening the ability ofpoorer countries to lift incomes through labor-intensivemanufacturing. But the biggest threat comes from anideological decoupling between the West and the Rest.The G2 of China and the US, instead of supplying thekey global public good of open markets that the economichistorian Charles Kindleberger saw as the responsibilityof hegemons, is now providing global public “bads.”

As the US and China impose tariffs and trade restric-tions on each other’s goods, and as the US underminesmultilateral trade rules and institutions, world trade isslowing markedly, threatening developing countries’export sectors and the viability of their overall develop-ment strategies. At the same time, the US and otherWestern governments are clamping down on migration.As a result, developing countries are boxed in, and will

find it increasingly difficult to export their products ortheir excess labour. American repudiation of the Parisclimate agreement does not bode well for the poorercountries who will bear the brunt of the consequencesof global warming. That situation is dire enough. Butperhaps the most critical “bads” provided by the US andChina are the most subtle. America’s unilateral measures,which flout the global rules that it helped to devise, havebegun to damage the Bretton Woods institutions andthe associated system of international cooperation. China,meanwhile, is a hobbled hegemon, having become dom-inant without acquiring genuine international appeal.

Moreover, hegemons need to provide open markets.Yet China is not offering enough export opportunities forpoorer countries, even though it previously benefitedgreatly from deeper trade links with more advancedeconomies. The Chinese government’s recent turn towardself-sufficiency and promoting domestic champions iscontributing to the rapid decline in the country’s imports.To be clear, China is entitled to pursue a developmentstrategy that has aided its extraordinary rise. But the coun-try cannot be a benevolent hegemon if it insists on main-taining a protectionist stance that deprives the global sys-tem — and other developing countries — of key publicgoods. The US-dominated G1 world is long gone, and theG2 system in which the US and China shared hegemonicresponsibilities is now fading into memory. Instead, welive in a G-Minus-2 world in which the two hegemons,instead of providing the Kindleberger global public goodsof cooperation, are doing exactly the opposite.

Understandably, developing countries have begunto ask some pointed questions. What will happen to theglobal economy? How will we weather the next round ofglobal turbulence? And does it even make sense to talkabout cooperation when the two leading global protag-onists are undermining multilateralism and the insti-tutions that sustain it? Consumed by their quarrel, theUS and China have so far provided no answers to thesequestions. There is an old African proverb that says “whenthe elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers.” Right now,the rest of the world is very afraid.

Arvind Subramanian, former chief economic advisor to theGovernment of India, is a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute forInternational Economics and a visiting lecturer at Harvard’sKennedy School of Government. He is the author of Eclipse:Living in the Shadow of China’s Economic Dominance. JoshFelman is director of JH Consulting Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2019

The jacket of Salman Khurshid’s new bookproclaims that “Visible Muslim, InvisibleCitizen explains Islam to those non-Muslimswho do not know enough about it, places theidentity of the Indian Muslim in the contextof Indian democracy, and deciphers theMuslim mind in social and political contexts,beyond theology.” Only a man with credentialsas impressive as Mr Khurshid’s could venture

to write a book so ambitious in scope. He is anillustrious Muslim politician who has servedthe Government of India on multiple occa-sions, holding important portfolios such asexternal affairs, law and justice, and minorityaffairs. He also runs the Zakir Husain MemorialTrust named after his maternal grandfather,who was not only the third President of Indiabut also Vice-Chancellor at Jamia MilliaIslamia and Aligarh Muslim University.

Despite all that access and influence, MrKhurshid has churned out a book that offersnothing new, insightful or thought-provokingby way of historical analysis or a vision forthe future. He comes off as an apologist forthe Indian National Congress, the politicalparty to which he owes allegiance, and notas an enlightened commentator who canspeak authoritatively on matters concerning

the diversity of Muslim citizens who live inIndia. While addressing the possibility of auniform civil code for India, which mightconflict with Muslim personal law in relationto marriage and separation, he wonders ifIndia is ready to legalise same-sex marriagefollowing the lead of other countries. He doesnot take into account the fact that a significantnumber of young Muslims are now organis-ing around LGBTQ rights. These are Muslimswho are negotiating with their faith on theone hand, and their sexual orientation orgender identity on the other, through dem-ocratic institutions. Their voices are absentfrom Mr Khurshid’s book.

Mr Khurshid engages with the question ofcitizenship only insofar as it concerns the equa-tion between the individual and the state. Heseems fairly uncritical of the role of patriarchyin determining how Muslims — women inparticular — access their rights as citizens. Thebook makes a passing reference to the work ofBohra women who have begun to challengethe practice of female genital mutilation in

their community. Mr Khurshid frames this asan issue of faith versus claims of constitutionalright to dignity, instead of clarifying his positionon this issue or providing space to the per-spectives of these women. They are activelyresisting oppression, and creating spaces ofsolidarity for survivors. Mr Khurshid refers togender justice only while engaging with thetriple talaqdebate and, here too, he dismissesit as a ploy by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)to inflict injustice on Muslim men.

The fact that Muslims are more vulner-able to violence as a result of cow vigilantism,and the paranoia around the so-called lovejihad, is well-documented. It is crucial tobear witness to what is happening right nowunder the watch of the BJP but it is shockingto see Mr Khurshid use it as a ruse to coverup his party’s complicity in the Sikh genocideof 1984. He writes, “It was not easy to stiflethe careers of Jagdish Tytler and SajjanKumar, both of whom retain considerablepopularity, including among a section ofSikhs, despite decades of criminal proceed-

ings and Commissions of Inquiry. Thedogged pursuit by activists and the expec-tation of politically correct behaviour by par-ty colleagues forcing conspicuous aloofnessabout them must have had a heavy impacton their morale.” He makes a connectionbetween Indira Gandhi’s assassination andthis genocide but conveniently omits anymention of Operation Blue Star.

Visible Muslim, Invisible Citizen appearshalf-hearted, insincere, and hastily written.It reproduces large chunks of material fromMr Khurshid’s previously published writing,and also from newspaper columns writtenby various commentators. Instead of explor-ing policy mandates and civil society respons-es that would uphold the rule of law, improvesocio-economic indicators for Muslims, andalso address deeply entrenched societal prej-udices, Mr Khurshid ends up using this bookas a platform to come clean on controversiesthat have got him into trouble with his ownparty members, fellow Muslims, or the media.

“Muslims constitute 14 per cent of the

country’s population, but only 8 per cent ofthe police force. On the other hand, they rep-resent 21 per cent of the total under-trials and16 per cent of all convicted prisoners,” writesKhurshid. What are the structural barriersfaced by Muslims who want to enter thepolice force? How can this situation be reme-died? What kinds of offences are these peopleundergoing trial for? How can anti-discrim-ination training for the police force ensurethat Muslims are not falsely implicated? MrKhurshid leaves us with the statistics butdoes not ask any of these questions even ashe talks about Muslim men killed in fakeencounters. The weakest part of this book,however, is the moment when Mr Khurshidadvocates the urgency to modernise Islam,and the model he comes up with is CrownPrince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud ofthe Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

The G-Minus-2 threat

Half-hearted angst

BOOK REVIEWCHINTAN GIRISH MODI

VISIBLE MUSLIM, INVISIBLE CITIZENSalman KhurshidRupa; pages: 308; price: ~595

New ECB norms can make India more vulnerable to external shocks

Piling foreign debt

ILLUSTRATION: BINAY SINHA

SHYAM PONAPPA

ARVIND SUBRAMANIAN

& JOSH FELMAN

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DELHI THE HINDU

THURSDAY, AUGUST 1, 201910EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

CMYK

A ND-NDE

EDITORIAL

Mahesh Sachdev

This week two important Indian dignitaries began theirrespective visits to Africa.

President Ram Nath Kovind commenced his sevenday state visit toBenin, Gambia and GuineaConakry ( July 28 to August 3) and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh arrived in Maputo on a threedayvisit ( July 28 to July 30) to Mozambique. The simultaneity of the twovisits may be a coincidence, but italso indicates enhanced priority toAfrica. This should be welcomed.

Economic linksDuring the past fi��ve years, Indianleaders have paid 29 visits to African countries. Fortyone Africanleaders participated in the last IndiaAfrica Forum Summit in 2015,where India agreed to provideconcessional credit worth $10 billion during the next fi��ve years. By2017, India had cumulatively extended 152 Lines of Credit worth$8 billion to 44 African countries.India has also unilaterally provided free access to its market for theexports of 33 least developed African countries. These sizeable ef

forts are also noteworthy for beingcountercyclical: India escalated itscommitments to Africa in an era oflowcommodity prices when mostother partners, including China,have scaled back theirs.

India has substantive economicengagement with Africa. Its tradewith Africa totalled $63.3 billion in201819. India was ranked the thirdlargest trading partner of Africahaving edged past the UnitedStates during the year. The fi��guresfor Indians’ investments (estimated at $50 billion) and Indian diaspora (approximately three million)are a bit imprecise but are alsosubstantive when put in the continental perspective. Althoughthese statistics are impressive,they are well below the potentialfor IndiaAfrican economic synergy and are often dwarfed by thecorresponding Chinese data.

There seems to be a conspicuous disconnect between Indiandevelopmental assistance to andIndia’s economic engagementwith Africa. The time has nowcome to integrate these two axesfor a more comprehensive andsustainable engagement. It wouldalso facilitate aided pilot projectsbeing scaled up seamlessly intocommercially viable jointventures.

Any objective costbenefi��t analysis of India’s development assistance to Africa is unlikely to impress. From the demand to

remove the statues of MahatmaGandhi in Ghana to the travails ofIndian investors in Africa, from occasional demonisation of the longstanding Indian community to thenonrecognition of Indian academic degrees, India’s large developmental footprint in Africa does notproduce commensurate empathy.India’s aid being unconditional,the recipients often take it as anentitlement.

But India is neither a rich country nor has its hands been taintedby a history of slavery, colonisation and the exploitation of Africa.In fact, it is a developing countrywith similar domestic challengesof poverty, infrastructure defi��citand underdevelopment. India’sfunds committed and seats in ourprestigious academic institutionsoff��ered to Africa are at the expenseof the taxpaying Indians. India’said to Africa should be reciprocated by acknowledgement and quidpro quo in terms of goodwill(beyond the easyfl��owing offi��cialrhetoric), and institutional preference. India cannot simply be a

cash cow for Africa, particularlywhen its own economy is slowingdown.

Steps forwardWe need to ask ourselves these:for all the development billionsspent, how many megaprojectsdid Indian companies get and howmany natural resources does Indiahave access to in Africa? Weshould reorient our developmental profi��le to be more economically productive.

To this end, a number of stepscan be considered: First, we needto take direct control of our development programme instead ofhanding our funds to intermediaries such as the African Union, theAfrican Development Bank Groupand the TechnoEconomic Approach for AfricaIndia Movement(TEAM 9), whose priorities are often diff��erent from India’s. To makean impact, our aid should be disbursed bilaterally and aligned withnational priorities of the recipientstate, which should be a substantial stakeholder and coinvestor inschemes and projects from initiation to operation.

Second, India’s developmentassistance should prefer the countries with its substantial interests,both existing and potential. For instance, Nigeria, South Africa,Egypt, Ghana, Angola and Algeriaare India’s top six trading partnersin Africa, accounting for nearly

twothirds of its trade and half itsexports to the continent; yet, theydo not fi��gure commensurately inIndia’s developmental pecking order. India’s own needs for raw materials, commodities and marketsshould be factored in its aid calculus. Third, we ought to prefer aiding countries which are willing tohelp us — from access to their natural resources to using our generics. Fourth, the aided project selected should be compatible withlocal requirements. They shouldbe costeff��ective, scalable, futureready and commercially replicable. Fifth, for greater transparency, India should prefer its publicsector to implement the aid projects. Sixth, the Indian Head ofMission in the recipient Africanstate must be an integral part ofthe aid stream including projectselection, coordination and implementation. Apart from empowering our diplomacy, this wouldensure better harmonisation between our aid and economic objectives.

Finally, the aforementionedshould not distract us from our duty to provide the needed humanitarian assistance to Africa: to berendered promptly and with sensitivity, but without noise.

Mahesh Sachdev was the Indian High

Commissioner to Nigeria and the

Ambassador to Algeria. He is the author

of ‘Nigeria: A Business Manual’

Fortifying the Africa outreachThere is a disconnect between India’s developmental assistance to and economic engagement with the continent

PT

I

more letters online:

www.hindu.com/opinion/letters/

At a time when India is reelingunder hate lynching, it is sobering to remember that it

took the United States Senate 100years to approve a bill to makelynching a federal crime. Over 200antilynching bills were introduced in the U.S. Congress since1918, but all were voted down untilthe Justice for Victims of LynchingAct of 2018 introduced by three Senators of AfricanAmerican descent including Kamala Harris wasapproved unanimously in the winter of 2018.

The U.S. bill describes lynchingas “the ultimate expression of racism in the United States”. SenatorCory Booker said the bill recognised lynching for what it is: “abiasmotivated act of terror”.When will Parliament here recognise, similarly, that lynching is “abiasmotivated act of terror” and“the ultimate expression of communal hatred in India”?

Tool of fearSome may dispute this description, citing the relatively smallnumbers of such mob crimes.They miss the point that hatelynching is designed as an act toterrorise an entire community.The number of lynch murders inthe U.S. mentioned in the bill averages around 55 annually, but despite these small numbers, theseperformative acts of violence succeeded in instilling intense fearamong all AfricanAmericans fordecades.

The same purpose is beingserved by lynching in India; againperformative acts of hate violence,but now using modern technology, videographing of mob lynching, widely circulating these images through social media, and

celebrating these as acts of nationalist valour. These have similarlyinstilled a pervasive sense of everyday normalised fear in thehearts of every Indian from thetargeted minority community. It isthis which indeed makes lynchingan ultimate act of terror.

The Supreme Court of India recently asked the Union government and all the major States to explain what action has been takento prevent these growing incidentsof lynching, including passing aspecial law to instil a sense of fearfor law amongst vigilantes andmobsters. Kunwar Danish Ali, afi��rst term Bahujan Samaj Party MPfrom Amroha, raised the samequestion in Parliament, describingmob lynching as “an assault on democracy”. His inquiry was metwith noisy disruptions, but he gotno answer.

Signifi��cant statutesThe Uttar Pradesh Law Commission (UPLC) earlier last monthtook the initiative, unprompted bythe Uttar Pradesh government, torecommend a draft antilynchinglaw. It commends a law whichclosely follows in almost every major detail the fi��rst law againstlynching passed in this country, aremarkable ordinance introducedby the Manipur government latelast year, indeed the most signifi��cant statute against religious hatecrimes in the country.

A noteworthy observation inthe text of the United States bill isthat it records that at least 4,742people were lynched in the U.S.between 1882 and 1968, but 99% ofall perpetrators remain unpunished. It is signifi��cant to rememberthat the fi��rst antilynching legislation proposed as far back as in 1918in the U.S. targeted state offi��cialsfor failing to provide equal protection under the laws to anyone victimised by a mob. Impunity characterises lynching in India aswell. Addressing this squarely,both the Manipur statute and theUPLC draft create a new crime ofdereliction of duty by police offi��

cials, holding a police offi��cer guiltyof this crime if he or she “omits toexercise lawful authority vested inthem under law, without reasonable cause, and thereby fails to prevent lynching”. Dereliction also includes the failure to provideprotection to a victim of lynching;failure to act upon apprehendedlynching; and refusing to recordany information relating to thecommission of lynching. Thiscrime carries the penalty of one tothree years and a fi��ne. The UPLCgoes further to include also a newcrime of dereliction of duty by District Magistrates.

The creation of this new crimewas also the key recommendationof the Prevention of Communal &Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill, proposed by the National AdvisoryCouncil of the erstwhile UnitedProgressive Alliance government(full disclosure: Farah Naqvi and Iwere coconvenors of the workinggroup which drafted this proposedbill, which however was nevereven introduced in Parliament).We were convinced that it is onlythe creation of such a crime thatwill compel public offi��cials to perform their duty with fairness, inconformity with their constitutional and legal duties, to ensureequal protection to all persons, regardless of their faith and caste.

Some recommendationsBoth the Manipur law and UPLCrecommendations also lay downelaborate duties of police offi��cialsin the event of lynching. These include taking all reasonable steps toprevent any act of lynching including its incitement and commis

sion; to that end making all possible eff��orts to identify instances ofdissemination of off��ensive material or any other means employedin order to incite or promotelynching of a particular person orgroup of persons; and making allpossible eff��orts to prevent thecreation of a hostile environmentagainst a person or group ofpersons.

Both sensitively and expansively lay down offi��cial duties to protect victims and witnesses. Theystate that a victim shall have theright to reasonable, accurate, andtimely notice of any court proceeding and shall be entitled to beheard at any proceeding in respectof bail, discharge, release, parole,conviction or sentence of an accused, and to fi��le written submissions on conviction, acquittal orsentencing. They also explicitly require the Superintendent of Policeto inform the victim in writing ofthe progress in the investigation.The victim shall have the right toreceive a copy of any statement ofthe witness recorded during investigation or inquiry and a copy of allstatements and documents.

Where the UPLC goes furtherthan the Manipur statute is in laying down the right to compensation. It places the duty squarely onthe Chief Secretary to providecompensation to victims of lynching within 30 days of the incident.It states that while computingcompensation, the State government must give due regard to bodily, psychological and material injuries and loss of earnings,including loss of opportunity ofemployment and education, expenses incurred on account of legal and medical assistance. It alsolays down a fl��oor of ₹��25 lakh incase lynching causes death.

The Congress government ofMadhya Pradesh has announcedits resolve to pass legal provisionsagainst lynching. It chooses curiously to not do this by an antilynching law, but instead byamendments to the Madhya Pradesh Cow Progeny Slaughter Pre

vention Act 2004 (which would effectively limit its scope only tocowrelated lynching, and notlynching triggered by othercharges).

Its proposed amendments donot include any provisions to punish dereliction of duty, protect victim rights or secure compensation. All that it proposes ispunishment for any act by a mobwhich indulges in violence in thename of cow vigilantism from sixmonths to three years of imprisonment and a fi��ne. It is unclear whatdeterrence such amendmentswould instil, since existing lawscontain much greater punishments for murder and aggravatedattacks. In its present form, it appears a weak, halfhearted andpoorly thoughtout measure. TheAshok Gehlotled government inRajasthan has also tabled an antilynching bill. This prescribes higher punishments, investigation bysenior police offi��cers, and mandatory compensation but not thecritical elements of dereliction ofduty or victim rights. Withoutthese, they will make little diff��erence on the ground.

Home Minister Amit Shah nowheads a committee to propose action against lynching. The question remains: do we expect Mr.Shah, or indeed Uttar PradeshChief Minister Yogi Adityanath topropose a law against lynchingwhich punishes public offi��cialswho fail in their duties, protectsvictims and witnesses, and ensures comprehensive reparation,as proposed by the UPLC and provided in the Manipur statute?

“Someone is fi��nally recognisingour pain,” said the greatgranddaughter of Anthony Crawford, anAfrican American, who waslynched in 1916. I wonder howlong survivors of lynching who losttheir loved ones to merciless mobhate in India will have to wait for agovernment which will recognisetheir pain.

Harsh Mander is a human rights worker,

writer and teacher

In hate crime fi��ght, a voice still feebleTaking the cue from the U.S., the Indian Parliament needs to recognise hate killings as an act of terror

Harsh Mander

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An entrepreneur diesV.G. Siddhartha’s journey,from being a managementtrainee at a fi��rm to owningIndia’s largest retail coff��eechain, was phenomenal(Front page, “Coff��ee Day’sSiddhartha goes missing,”July 31). People ofKarnataka’s Malnad regionfondly remember him as heexpanded the market forthe coff��ee grown there.Further, he providedemployment to thousandsof youngsters. Hisentrepreneurial fl��air, visionand humility would inspirebudding entrepreneurs. Mithun H.N.,

Chikkamagalur

■ I fully agree with the story,“It is not easy to do businessin India” (Business page, July31). For a General

Practitioner like me, runninga clinic in an urban arearequires several regulatorypermissions. To begin with,we need to obtain aCorporation Trade Licence,then get a private medicalestablishment licence, then aclearance from the PollutionControl Board for wastedisposal, then getcommercial electricity andwater connections and so on.We also have to bribe thelocal offi��cials. Governmentshave failed to maketransparent the process tostart an enterprise.Dr. Mohan,

Bengaluru

Call for justiceWhile the entire nation ispraying for a speedyrecovery of the Unnao rapesurvivor, we are also

outraged at the manner inwhich the case, where aruling party MLA is anaccused, has been handledby the Yogi Adityanathgovernment. Questions havebeen raised about whetherthe truckcar collision was anaccident or a conspiracy toeliminate the survivor andothers. Factors like thesmudging of the truck’sregistration plate have onlystrengthened suchsuspicions. What is evenmore disturbing is that herfamily members werepressurised to withdraw thecase. That the BharatiyaJanata Party has not expelledthe legislator, KuldeepSengar, speaks volumesabout the clout he stillenjoys. This is a fi��t case for aSupreme Courtmonitoredinvestigation (“Protest over

Unnao accident rocks LS,”July 31).S.K. Choudhury,

Bengaluru

Remembering iconsThe Yediyurappagovernment’s fi��rst‘momentous’ decision hasbeen to cancel Tipu Jayanti.While there is a case forcancellation of the many‘jayantis’ celebrated with aholiday, which cause anenormous loss of productivework hours, it looks blatantlyunfair and communal tosingle out Tipu, whoheroically fought against theBritish rule (“Yediyurappagovt. scraps Tipu Jayanti,”July 31). Nonetheless, holidaysassociated with many ofthese jayantis, whose soleaim seems to be to appease

Talaq Bill sails through RajyaSabha,” July 31). However, tovindicate its stand that it isreally a wellwisher of theminority community, thegovernment should enactwith equal alacrity, laws todeal with mob lynchings.Further, the need of the houris also to take stock of thestark educational andeconomic backwardnessamong the minorities andtheir dismal representationin government and privateservices. Mohammad Abdul Hakeem,

Hyderabad

certain sections, can becancelled. There can be atoken onehour event toremember the great men andthen we can return to themore important nationbuilding activities.K.M. Srinivasa Gowd,

Bengaluru

Triple Talaq BillWith the Triple Talaq Billclearing the fi��nal hurdle, theNarendra Modi governmentcan heave a sigh of relief. Ithas fi��nally managed tocriminalise instant divorce —a practice prevalent mostlyamong the poorer sections ofthe Muslim society (“Triple

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.

It is a matter of global concern that deforestation in

the Amazon rainforest in Brazil is increasing rapidly

since January, when Jair Bolsonaro took offi��ce as

President. Satellite images show that about 4,200 sq km

of forests have been destroyed up to July 24 under the

new government. While most nations tend to view their

land and forests through the narrow prism of short

term economic gain, climate science data show that

they play a larger environmental role. The Amazon ba

sin, spread across millions of hectares in multiple coun

tries, hosts massive sinks of sequestered carbon, and

the forests are a key factor in regulating monsoon sys

tems. The rainforests harbour rich biodiversity and

about 400 known indigenous groups whose presence

has prevented commercial interests from overrunning

the lands. Much of the Amazon has survived, despite re

lentless pressure to convert forests into farmlands, pas

tures and gold mines, and to build roads. That fragile le

gacy is now imperilled, as Mr. Bolsonaro has spoken in

favour of “reasonable” exploitation of these lands. Alth

ough the forest code has not been changed, his com

ments have emboldened illegal expansion into forests.

Armed goldhunting gangs have reached tribal areas

and the leader of one tribe has been murdered in Ama

pa in an incursion. These are depressing developments,

and the Brazilian leader’s criticism of satellite data and

denial of the violence are not convincing at all.

As the custodian of forests in about 5 million sq km of

Amazon land, Brazil has everything to gain by engaging

with the international community on meeting the op

portunity cost of leaving the Amazon undisturbed. Mr.

Bolsonaro lost a valuable opportunity to seek higher

funding for forest protection by refusing to host the an

nual convention of the UN Framework Convention on

Climate Change this year, but he has been wise not to

exit the Paris Agreement. Abandoning that pact would

jeopardise Brazil’s access to the important European

Union market. Globally, there is tremendous momen

tum to save the Amazon forests. Brazil must welcome

initiatives such as the billiondollar Amazon Fund

backed by Norway and Germany, which has been oper

ating for over a decade, instead of trying to shut them

down. Remedial funding, accounting for the value of

environmental services, is the most productive ap

proach, because forest removal has not helped agricul

ture everywhere due to soil and other factors. One esti

mate by the World Bank some years ago noted that 15

million hectares had been abandoned due to degrada

tion. Brazil’s President must recognise that rainforests

are universal treasures, and the rights of indigenous

communities to their lands are inalienable. The interna

tional community must use diplomacy to convince Mr.

Bolsonaro that no other formulation is acceptable.

Logged outBrazil must recognise that the Amazon

rainforest is a universal treasure

Both Houses of Parliament have passed a Bill mak

ing instant triple talaq a criminal off��ence, amidst

persistent doubts whether it ought to be treated

as a crime or just a civil case. It is true that the Muslim

Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill, 2019, is

a diluted version of the Bill as it was originally con

ceived. Earlier, it did not specify who could set the law

in motion. Now the off��ence is cognisable only if the af

fected wife, or one related to her by blood or marriage,

fi��les a police complaint. A man arrested under this law

may get bail, after the Magistrate grants a hearing to the

wife. Thirdly, the off��ence is compoundable, that is, the

parties may arrive at a compromise. The government

says its main objective is to give eff��ect to the Supreme

Court’s 2017 verdict declaring instant triple talaq illegal.

It claims that despite the court ruling, several instances

have been reported. Making it an off��ence, the govern

ment says, will deter further resort to triple talaq, and

provide redress for women in the form of a subsistence

allowance and custody of children, besides getting the

erring husband arrested. However, the core question

regarding the necessity to criminalise the practice of ta

laqebiddat has not been convincingly answered.

In the light of the Supreme Court ruling on its valid

ity, there is really no need to declare instant triple talaq

a criminal off��ence. The practice has no approval in Is

lamic tenets, and is indeed considered abhorrent. Se

condly, once it has been declared illegal, pronouncing

talaq obviously does not have the eff��ect of “instantane

ous and irrevocable divorce” as this Bill claims in its de

fi��nition of ‘talaq’. The provisions that allow a woman to

claim a subsistence allowance from the man and seek

custody of her children can be implemented in the

event of the husband abandoning her, even without the

man’s arrest. If triple talaq, in any form, is void, how

the questions of children’s custody and subsistence al

lowance arise while the marriage subsists, is not clear.

And then, there is the practical question of how a man

can provide a subsistence allowance while he is impri

soned. It has been argued by the Bill’s proponents that

dowry harassment and cruelty towards wives are treat

ed as criminal off��ences even while the marriage sub

sists. It is a patently wrong comparison, as those acts in

volve violence and cruelty and are rightly treated as

criminal off��ences. The same cannot be said of a man in

voking a prohibited form of divorce. The BJP projects

the passage of the Bill as a historic milestone in the

quest for gender justice. Such a claim will be valid only

if there is a nonsectarian law that addresses abandon

ment and desertion of spouses as a common problem

instead of focusing on a practice, which is no more le

gally valid, among Muslims.

Beyond talaqIndia needs a nonsectarian, genderneutral

law that addresses desertion of spouses

corrections & clarifications:

UPI stands for Unifi��ed Payment Interface — not United PaymentInterface as the frontpage story on Truecaller bug ( July 31, 2019,some editions) said.

The Readers’ Editor’s office can be contacted by Telephone: +91-44-28418297/28576300;

E-mail:[email protected]

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THE HINDU DELHI

THURSDAY, AUGUST 1, 2019 11EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

CMYK

A ND-NDE

OPED

In today’s sitting of the Joint Committee [inLondon on July 28] Lord Southborough replying to Mr. Bennett said, he was of opinionthat Bombay was probably ahead of otherProvinces with regard to the franchise of women. Evidence was divided with regard towhether elections in Madras were entirelygoverned by caste considerations. He concluded that one of the reasons of the troublein Madras was that a considerable body of intelligent political thought which was springing up found itself bumping up against Brahmins. Replying to Lord Sydenham, LordSouthborough said that, if they were to provide a constitution with an absolutely freehand, he would scout the principle of communal representation. He agreed that thenonBrahmins were not a homogenous community. Indian Christians were given threeseats because they had no chance of election. There was a great deal to be said for Indian Christians, because they were morelikely to break down caste restrictions thanany other body. The Franchise Committeethought the proper way to deal with IndianChristians was to give them some representation so that they could make their viewsknown.

A HUNDRED YEARS AGO AUGUST 1, 1919.

On Communal Representation.

As Sri Lanka struggles to bring itselftogether three months after thedeadly Easter Sunday attacks, thecountry’s Muslims continue to faceconstant scrutiny, with the securityapparatus and reactionary forcesturning their violent gaze on them.

The enhanced surveillance acrossthe country since the bombings hasdisrupted the educational and economic life of Muslims. Chauvinistgroups have repeatedly called forboycott of Muslim businesses andtrade, even though Muslim communities have unequivocally condemnedthe Easter blasts attributed to a localhardline Islamist group.

Sri Lanka’s Muslim minority, constituting about 10% of the island’spopulation, has faced several boutsof violence in the past. The LTTE evicted the Muslims en masse from thenorth in 1990 and carried out massacres against them in the east. In theyears following the civil war, hateand violence have largely originatedfrom SinhalaBuddhist chauvinists,often led by infl��uential saff��ronrobedmonks. Over the last decade, SinhalaBuddhist majoritarianism has primarily targeted Muslims, whereaspreviously Tamils earned their ire.

Targeting Muslim womenIn this context, there is an urgentneed to resist eff��orts to alienate theMuslim community. Of greater concern is the systematic targeting ofMuslim women through attempts toregulate their attire and mobility, inthe name of security, as was seen in acircular of the Ministry of Public Administration. Discrimination beganto manifest in every corner of the island following the blasts, as accountsby Muslim women at a recent forumon coexistence, in Jaff��na, showed.They spoke of harassment in markets, government offi��ces and hospitals, and their insights challenged reductive, patronising readings of “theplight of Muslim women”.

These women pointed to a largerand deeper ideological attack unleashed on them. The onslaught hadoriginated from diff��erent sources:

the global Islamophobic narrative,SinhalaBuddhist majoritarian assertions, glaring economic rivalry andcontrol of women’s bodies.

The dialogue in Jaff��na, which included religious leaders and progressive activists from across the country,helped identify the central challengeof confronting the powerful ideological attack on Muslims and the needto bust the many Islamophobic andmisogynistic myths that wouldheighten discrimination.

While there appears to be a gradual softening of security measures,the myths built around “dangerous”Muslims continue to circulate. Almost no conversation is had withoutthe mention of the ‘burqa’, a termthat is unfamiliar even among Muslims in Sri Lanka. Apart from claiming the attire to be a security threat,the attire is dissected for its suitability in terms of colour, material andshape, with men asking whether itwas imposed or worn out of free will.

It is the construction of the Muslim woman as the subject of a supposed ‘security concern’ after theEaster attacks that is giving explicit,racialised speech a new level of permissibility. Engaging only with theobjects of attack, like the burqa, orthe halal certifi��cation trade, or Muslim personal law will not suffi��ce inconfronting the centres of power deploying this ideological assault.

The prevailing discourse aboutMuslims, who are widely perceivedas prosperous and upwardly mobile,is related to Sri Lankan politics drifting towards rightwing xenophobia,exploiting the growing discontentamong people due to the government’s failure to revive the economyto benefi��t the majority and establish

democratic governance. The starkestmanifestation of this is seen in the resurgent campaigns of SinhalaBuddhist chauvinist forces that enjoyed tacit support by the previousRajapaksa regime. They have againgained ground, with an obviousagenda of constructing Muslims asthe new enemy for the ‘Sinhala nation’. Again, they turn to Sinhala women implanting fears about threatsto their reproductive ability, and thereby to the Sinhala race.

Spreading fabricated stories offorced sterilisation, making contorted claims about a declining Sinhalapopulation and fl��agging unsubstantiated statistics on religious conversions — all unfailingly use a gendereddiscourse, focusing on Sinhala women’s bodies. Such an attempt atconsolidating a pure Sinhala Buddhist identity will repress not onlyMuslims and other minorities, but also those seen as dissidents within theSinhala majority community.

With presidential elections expected this year, it is the contest forstate power and those political forcesseeking to gain electorally by ridingon the antiMuslim rhetoric that willlikely intensify the attacks in themonths to come. In this interregnumof forming new alliances, regressiveTamil and Hindu nationalist forcestoo will likely fuel protests againstMuslims to gain political points.

Complicity of liberals, the LeftIt is not just the supporters of the Rajapaksa camp who are being sweptby the troubling antiMuslim sentiments. The complicity of liberal andLeft groups in abetting the discoursemakes an alternative politics a challenging task. Infl��uenced by the global

discourse on Islamophobia and ‘burka’ bans in the West, these groupssupport similar reactions at home.

Invariably, Muslim women aremade the pretext for any urgent callsfor liberal reform of Muslim religiouspractices, laws, attire, educationalinstitutions and curriculum in thepostEaster attacks scenario. There islittle refl��ection on the discursive constructions of saving the ‘oppressedMuslim woman’ and how it mightlead to more repression.

The underlying focus on womenenables the ideological attack onMuslims to permeate via misogynistic forces deep into society. Even themale Muslim leadership prohibitedwomen from attending Tarawihprayers in mosques this year, andresponded mutedly to face veil bans.

If chauvinist forces are attemptingto demonise the entire Muslim community, Left and liberal actors areengaged in inculcating the Muslim citizen worthy of acceptance by SriLankan society. Liberals adopt a language of tolerance, where diff��erences are permissible, only as long asthey are acceptable to the mainstream and adhere to majoritariangovernance. Their preferred imageof a ‘good’ Muslim is one that is synonymous with elite middleclassMuslims, favouring a return to a romanticised past before the infl��uenceof ‘Arabisation’. The liberals claimMuslim religion and lifestyle were SriLankan before workingclass migrants returned from the Gulf. Theclassist liberal discourse attempts toalienate some Muslims while embracing others as Sri Lankans.

Convergence of diff��erent problematic narratives about Muslims iswhat makes the present moment inSri Lankan politics dangerous andslippery. Muslim women are resisting these attacks by defying the restrictions placed on their mobilityand confronting the myths beingspread about their community. However, Muslims alone cannot take onthe ideological onslaught. Only a collective struggle by progressive sections of society confronting the Sinhala Buddhist chauvinist, globalIslamophobic and misogynistic narratives building against Muslims canprevent the country from heading inthe direction of a disastrous, possiblyfascist, path.

Niyanthini Kadirgamar is a researcher and amember of the Jaff��na People’s Forum forCoexistence

Problematic narratives about Muslims make the present moment in Sri Lankan politics dangerous

The perils of being a woman and a Muslim

Niyanthini Kadirgamar

AFP

With an increased variability of monsoonsand rapidly depleting groundwater tables,large parts of India are reeling under waterstress. A number of peninsular regions likeBundelkhand, Vidarbha and Marathwadahave been facing recurring droughtlike situations. Given the enormity of the crisis, at arecent NITI Aayog meeting, Prime MinisterNarendra Modi explicated the need to implement innovative water management measures, stressing particularly the importanceof rainwater harvesting both at the household and community levels. Here, one intervention that has been tried out in variousStates, and perhaps needs to be taken up ona bigger scale, is the construction of farmponds.

Farm ponds can be costeff��ective structures that transform rural livelihoods. Theycan help enhance water control, contributeto agriculture intensifi��cation and boost farmincomes. However, this is possible only ifthey act as rainwater harvesting structuresand not as intermediate storage points for anincreased extraction of groundwater or diversion of canal water. The latter will causegreater groundwater depletion and inequitable water distribution.

In a recent study on farm ponds in Jharkhand and West Bengal, we found that theyaided in superior water control through theharvesting not just of rainfall but also of surface runoff�� and subsurface fl��ows. Some ofthem functioned exclusively as rechargepoints, contributing to groundwater replenishment. They also helped in providing supplemental irrigation in the kharif season andan enhanced irrigation coverage in rabi. Theyield of paddy, the most important crop inkharif, stabilised, thus contributing to greater food security.

Retention of waterFarm ponds retained water for 810 monthsof the year; thus farmers could enhancecropping intensity and crop diversifi��cationwithin and across seasons. The area used tocultivate vegetables and other commercialcrops also increased. Further, fi��gures indicated that the ponds were also a fi��nanciallyviable proposition, with a fairly high InternalRate of Return, of about 19%, over 15 years.

However, in parts of peninsular India, theidea of a farm pond as an insitu rainwaterharvesting structure has taken a complete Uturn. Here, some of them are benefi��tingfarmers at an individual level, but not contributing to water conservation and recharge.They are being used as intermediate storagepoints, accelerating groundwater depletionand increasing evaporation losses as thegroundwater is brought to the surface andstored in relatively shallow structures.

Need for inlet, outlet provisionsIn Maharashtra, the State government is promoting farm ponds under a fl��agship programme that aims to dig over one lakh structures by off��ering a subsidy of up to ₹��50,000per farmer. However, most of them are beingconstructed without inlet and outlet provisions and their walls are raised above theground level by only a few feet. They cannotarrest the excess runoff�� as there is no inlet,and therefore they cannot be used eff��ectively for rainwater harvesting. Further, farmersline them at the bottom with plastic, restricting seepage and converting the ponds intointermediate storage points.

Such farm ponds have an adverse impacton the water tables and accelerate waterloss. The usual practice here is to lift waterfrom a dug well and/or a borewell, store it inthe pond and then draw it once again to irrigate the fi��elds, often using microirrigation.While off��ering secure irrigation facility, thisintensifi��es competition for extraction ofgroundwater from the aquifer, which is acommon pool resource.

In such cases, in the command area of theirrigation project, farmers fi��ll up their farmponds fi��rst when the canal is in rotation andthen take it from the pond to the fi��eld. Thiscan impede circulation of water.

During canal rotation, the aquifer will getrecharged because of the return fl��ow of water coming from the irrigated fi��elds. This return fl��ow benefi��ts all, as most of the farmersaccess water though wells in this command.But if canals fi��ll up the farm ponds fi��rst, itrestricts their benefi��ts only to the pond owners and, in the long term, reduces the overallreturn fl��ow at the system level.

Overall, farm ponds can act as eff��ectiveharvesting structures and also yield healthyfi��nancial returns. But if they are promotedmerely for onfarm storage of groundwaterand canal water, they could accelerate, rather than reduce, the water crisis in the countryside.

Nirmalya Choudhury works with VikasAnveshFoundation. Sachin Tiwale teaches at the TataInstitute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

Transforming livelihoodsthrough farm ponds Ponds can be an eff��ective tool for rainwater harvesting

Nirmalya Choudhury

& Sachin Tiwale

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DATA POINT

As India boldly leaps into space andproudly increases its tiger population, feats deserving praise, foreigninvestors leave this increasingly disturbing landscape of cultural hegemony and fauxnationalistic fervour.I am drawn to understanding theconnection, if it exists, between thecurrent economic and sociopoliticallandscape in India and the violenceagainst women. Naysayers will arguethat the sharp rise in statistics of violence against womenand children in India ison account of better reporting and accountingof crimes, as well asmore legislation. Indeed, the recent introduction of the POCSOAmendment Bill, 2019,in the Rajya Sabha, creating 123 fasttrack courts for women, is a step inthe right direction. But this is palliative care in a system where the emergency room is fi��lling up at a fasterrate than the system can address.

Unique circumstancesWhy is this happening? The barebranches of a skewed sex ratio, poverty, unemployment, confusing sociocultural signals, social media andconnectivity are all incendiarymatchsticks to an already marginalised, frustrated and pathologicallyvulnerable brain. We attribute this tosociopathy and, with that labelling,neatly cocoon such men into a spaceseparate from ‘us’. But even so, whyhas there been an increase in this ‘sociopathy’? Outside of genetic and biological factors, which are also slavesto epigenetical infl��uences, India off��ers up uniquely subjective and inordinately challenging circumstancesfor this cauldron of sexual misconduct to foment.

First, there is the narrative thatthis is the clash of ‘traditional culture’ with modern values. But thisbehoves further examination: Secretary of the All India Progressive Women's Association, Kavita Krishnan,in the International Journal of Human Rights, argues that it is a misplaced narrative. She claims it is theinsidious caste, capitalistic and polit

ical environment, one that pivots itself on the narratives of India’s ancient texts and scriptures to excoriatewomen, that brings about their subjugation, for selfi��sh gain.

Cycle of violenceThere is violence even before birth ofa girl child. India has one of the highest incidences of female foeticide.Then, as a young child, a girl is part ofan incontrovertible landscape wherethere has been a 336% rise in sexualcrimes against children in the last de

cade. As a young woman,she is in the most unsafecountry in the world, according to a recent Thomson Reuters Foundation survey, which recorded around40,000 rapes a year. She issubject to the routinethreats of honour killing and

traffi��cking. As a widow or singlemother, she is ostracised in a patriarchal society. Indian women do themost unpaid domestic work of anycountry globally, next to Kazakhstan.The insensitivity, reluctance, andhostility of the police, legal and medical fraternity, coupled with the factthat most assaulters are known to thevictim, creates an increasingly intimidating environment in which tomove forward with justice. Courts inthe country are severely backlogged.

The worst narrative is perhapswhat psychologists refer to as a kindof ‘emotional contagion’ for the rapist, where he sees others committing the crime and has become inured to it, thus, taking the leaptowards crime. Similarly, we as a nation, have perhaps become inured bycontagion, to sexual crimes againstwomen. So often do we encounterthe horrifi��c act in our consciousnessthat it has escaped our conscience.Imparting healthy sex education inschools, providing means by whichsocially and emotionally marginalised men are given the opportunityto be identifi��ed and rehabilitatethemselves, is paramount, before itleads to further tragedy.

Madhurika Sankar is a writer based in

Chennai

Cauldron of sexual misconductSo often do Indians encounter the horrifi��c act in theirconsciousness that it has escaped their conscience

Madhurika Sankar

Three thousand angry policemen in uniform, carrying the body of a constable whohad been killed while on duty in a clash atBasanti in 24Parganas, today [ July 31]stormed the West Bengal Assembly whichwas in session, smashed furniture and beatup the members. They also gheraoed Mr.Jyoti Basu, Deputy Chief Minister who is incharge of Police portfolio, for over an hourdemanding justice in the case of their colleague who, they said, had died at the handsof political elements. Mr. Basu expressedconcern at the death of their colleague, butrebuked them for their disorderly behaviour. He took them around the Assemblypremises and showed them the vandalismcommitted by them in their moment of anger. Mr. Basu succeeded in pacifying the demonstrators and their leader shook handswith him. The policemen later left the Assembly premises with the body of their colleague to the burning ghat. The policemanhad been reportedly killed on Tuesday in aclash with the workers of the Socialist UnityCentre.

FIFTY YEARS AGO AUGUST 1, 1969

Bengal policemen storm Assembly

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counsel. tweets @somasekhars powering the ev mandate · t e narasimhan l ast week, the gst council...

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