Cultivating Resilient Institutions in the Arab RegionNational Women’s Machineries in Challenging Times

VISIONESCWA, an innovative catalyst for a stable, just and flourishing Arab region

MISSIONCommitted to the 2030 Agenda, ESCWA’s passionate team produces innovative knowledge, fosters regional consensus and delivers transformational policy advice.Together, we work for a sustainable future for all.

E/ESCWA/ECW/2019/4

Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia

Cultivating Resilient Institutions

in the Arab Region

National Women’s Machineries in Challenging Times

United Nations Beirut, 2019

© 2019 United Nations

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iii

Acknowledgements

This study was developed by the Economic

and Social Commission for Western Asia

(ESCWA) in partnership with the Centre for

Women, Peace and Security at London

School of Economics and Political Science

and the Institute for Women Studies at the

Lebanese American University. The study is

the outcome of the collective effort of the

ESCWA Centre for Women (ECW) staff,

particularly Mr. Akram Khalifa, Ms. Stephanie

Chaban, Ms. Fatima Zahra’ Langhi, Mr. Raidan

Al-Saqqaf and Ms. Kelsey Wise under the

supervision of Ms. Nada Darwazeh and the

overall guidance of Ms. Mehrinaz El Awady,

Director of ECW. The study is based on an initial

draft prepared by Ms. Mervat Rishmawi, a

human rights consultant, researcher and policy

analyst specialized in the Middle East and

North Africa region, and Ms. Lisa Gormley,

Policy Fellow at the Centre for Women, Peace

and Security, London School of Economics and

Political Science.

The authors are grateful for the inputs provided

by peer reviewers throughout the study’s

development. In particular, the authors wish to

thank the participants of the Expert Group

Meeting held in Beirut on 4 and 5 December

2018, who shared their experiences and

knowledge. From ESCWA, Mr. Youssef Chaitani

from Emerging and Conflict-related Issues

Division, and Mr. Oussama Safa from the Social

Development Division, as well as Ms. Sahla

Aroussi from Coventry University, and Ms.

Nadya Khalife from UN Women, have also

accompanied the development of the study and

provided valuable insights to different versions

of the study.

v

Executive Summary

The Fourth World Conference on Women in

Beijing (1995) provided the formal impetus for

the creation of National Women’s Machineries

within the larger framework of the Beijing

Declaration and Platform for Action. Specifically,

Strategic Objective H, under chapter IV, outlined

the need for national institutional mechanisms,

such as National Women’s Machineries, to

ensure the mainstreaming of gender equality

and the empowerment of women in

government institutions, policies and

programmes. Since this time, the number

and scope of National Women’s Machineries

has grown exponentially, including in the

Arab region.

However, despite their near ubiquitous

presence, National Women’s Machineries in the

region have faced unique and trying challenges

since Arab uprisings of 2010/2011. Aside from

the standard hurdles faced by such institutions,

National Women’s Machineries in the Arab

region must contend with contexts where

conflict, occupation and formal political

transition, in addition to severe humanitarian

crises, have become the norm. Some National

Women’s Machineries in the region have been

called upon to demonstrate their ability to

respond to changes in the local political,

economic, geographic and sociocultural

landscapes and their impacts on women and

girls. In the face of such challenges, they must

develop and adapt to ensure their ability to

deliver upon their mandates and reach the

broadest spectrum of women and girls possible

– thus, they must work to cultivate resilience.

This study focuses on the unique aspect of

how conflict, occupation and formal political

transitions affect the work of National Women’s

Machineries and examines the mechanisms for

cultivating resilience in National Women’s

Machineries in the Arab region utilizing the

framework proposed by Judith Rodin in The

Resilience Dividend: Being Strong in a World

Where Things Go Wrong (2014). The

characteristics for building resilient institutions –

Awareness, Diversity, Integrated, Self-regulating

and Adaptive – are applied to the work of National

Women’s Machineries in four States (Jordan,

which is hosting a sizeable refugee population; the

State of Palestine, which is under occupation;

Tunisia, which has gone through a formal political

transition; and Yemen, which is conflict-affected)

to obtain examples of good or unique practice.

The analysis finds that National Women’s

Machineries in the Arab region continuously

assume different forms and mandates to remain

relevant in challenging contexts. In many

instances, they do utilize aspects of Rodin’s

resilience framework in unique and creative ways

to ensure that they meet the challenges of

conflict, occupation and formal political transition.

Yet, the analysis also confirms that no National

Women’s Machinery in the region has

employed all five characteristics of resilience

simultaneously. It is hoped that engaging with the

resilience framework to the fullest in the future,

particularly in times of stability, will ensure that

the Machineries will be better placed to withstand

shocks and challenges during periods of conflict

and vulnerability. when the time arises.

vii

Contents

Page

A. Framing institutional resilience 9 B. History and typology of National Women’s Machineries 11 C. National Women’s Machineries in the Arab region 14

A. Context of political fragility 21 B. Austerity measures 25 C. Public perceptions 27

A. Awareness 32 B. Diversity 34 C. Integrated 36 D. Self-regulating 37 E. Adaptive 39

List of Tables

Table 1. List of designated National Women’s Machineries in ESCWA region 16 Table 2. National Women’s Machineries that revised their mandates 17 Table 3. Austerity measures adopted in select Arab States between September 2012 and February 2015 26 Table 4. The National Women’s Machinery in Tunisia, 2011-2018 26

List of Boxes

Box 1. Strategic objective H of the Beijing Platform for Action on National Women’s Machineries 13 Box 2. Gender mainstreaming 14

ix

Acronyms

BPfA Beijing Platform for Action

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women

CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child

CSOs Civil society organizations

ESCWA United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia

GBV Gender-based violence

JNCW Jordanian National Commission for Women

JONAP Jordanian National Action Plan for the Implementation of UN Security Council

resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (2018-2021)

MoWA Ministry of Women’s Affairs [State of Palestine]

NAP National Action Plan

NCLW National Commission for Lebanese Women

NHRIs National Human Rights Institutions

NGOs Non-governmental organizations

NWMs National Women’s Machineries

OHCHR Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

SDGs Sustainable Development Goals

UNRWA United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East

UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

VAW Violence against women

WPS Women, Peace and Security

Introduction

3

Introduction

A. Background to the study

National Women’s Machineries (NWMs) are

institutions that function under “the premise

that the State must take the lead in promoting

gender equality”, and serve as “a form of

institutionalized or bureaucratic representation

of women”.1 The mandate of NWMs, according

to the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA)

includes, inter alia, designing, promoting the

implementation of, executing, monitoring,

evaluating, advocating and mobilizing support

for policies that promote the advancement of

women.2 If able to work to their fullest potential,

the mandate of NWMs should allow them to

perform catalytic work through the provision

of policy advice on programmatic gender

mainstreaming in other governmental ministries

and departments.3 There is no one type of

NWM. Within the 22 States that comprise the

Arab region, these machineries are diverse in

form and structure and do not have a uniform

institutional design. They vary from dedicated

ministries or agencies, to ministries with

combined portfolios, to offices within or linked

to the central government.

The effective functioning of NWMs requires

several factors, including clearly defined

mandates and authority, adequate financial and

human resources, strong political commitment

and location at the highest possible level of

government. Similarly, the effectiveness of

NWMs depends on their context, including the

State’s fiscal space, economic structure and

political stability as well as their relationship

with civil society, including local women’s

rights organizations.

The Committee on the Elimination of

Discrimination against Women (CEDAW

Committee), which is tasked with monitoring

the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms

of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), has

repeatedly expressed concern over the limited

capacities of the NWMs to deliver on their

intended goals under the Convention. It has

emphasized the importance of giving urgent

priority to strengthening their institutional

capacity and providing them with the mandate,

decision-making power and human, technical

and financial resources necessary to work

effectively and to influence the formulation,

design and implementation of public policies

focused on gender equality and the

empowerment of women.4

Notably, political instability, including conflict,

transition and/or occupation, is a factor that can

seriously hamper the performance of NWMs.

For example, continuous changes of government

may result in frequent leadership and

organizational changes within NWMs as well as

alterations to their mandates. Since 2010, the

Arab region has been experiencing patterns of

violence, social unrest and conflict cultivated by a

diverse combination of political, civil, economic,

social and cultural underpinnings. Each Arab

State, however, has reacted differently to the

governance issues, power dynamics and social

realities of the changing political and conflict

manifestations. The factors mentioned above are

4

intrinsic to the institution’s capacity to adapt and

to cope with a changing situation and therefore

to its central role in the advancement of the

situation of women and the agenda for gender

equality at the national level.5

B. Scope and purpose of the study

The concept of “resilience” has emerged as a

critical approach to fostering an understanding

of a system’s ability to cope with and adapt to

external pressures and challenges.6 In this vein,

this study examines the impact of conflict,

occupation, political instability, and formal

transition on NWMs in the Arab region. This

study also considers the factors that have

contributed to their resiliency, including how

they respond to challenges that affect their

ability to advance their mandates, utilizing the

resilience framework proposed by Judith Rodin,

co-chair of the NYS2100 Commission, created in

the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy to make New

York State more resilient. Drawing upon her

experiences and observations at the individual,

community and organizational levels, Rodin

compiled a profile of resilience in her book,

The Resilience Dividend: Being Strong in a

World Where Things Go Wrong (2014).

According to Rodin, “to be resilient is to be

aware, adaptive, diverse and self-regulating.

These characteristics are all present, to different

degrees, and in different manifestations, in all

resilient entities”.7 This framework was chosen

because of its adaptability to different scenarios

and institutions. Furthermore, the fact that the

framework aims to develop a ‘resilience

dividend’ is especially empowering for entities,

like NWMs in the Arab region, that may be

exposed to instability for years to come.

The study identifies strengths and gaps in the

responses of NWMs, as well as choices

undertaken at the national level to strengthen

their resilience. It also draws upon a framework

for NWMs outlined by Shirin M. Rai (2003) in

her research on strong gender machineries.

Rai’s assessment of gender machineries,

provided during an expert group meeting on

“National Machineries for Gender Equality” in

1998, organized by the Division for the

Advancement of Women, in collaboration with

the Economic Commission for Latin America

and the Caribbean, were mainstreamed into the

agreed conclusions adopted by the Commission

on the Status of Women in 1999 (1999/2) on the

institutional mechanisms for the advancement

of women. Rai’s contribution contained

recommendations for further implementation of

the BPfA. Informed by Rai’s analysis, the study

then proposes a design to enhance the

resilience of NWMs in the region with respect to

their mandate and structure, as well as their

capacities, resources and other elements.

This study draws upon four diverse and distinct

examples from States to highlight the various

approaches NWMs have utilized during times of

instability. The study further argues that the

tactics these States have employed, if applied

during times of stability, will contribute to

creating resilient institutions. Although the

selection of States in the case studies is not

comprehensive, each State illustrates a different

context of instability for the work of NWMs.

These four examples include experiences from

Yemen (conflict-affected), Jordan (affected by

the spill over of the conflict in Syria), the State

of Palestine (under occupation) and Tunisia

(undergoing a formal political transition).

This study recognizes that during conflict,

occupation or periods of formal political

transition, NWMs’ capacity to operate and

implement their mandates is greatly affected.

Therefore, the study shows that the institutional

5

resilience and coping mechanisms of NWMs

vary according to the political dynamics within

each context. Each example shows that NWMs’

institutional trajectories are marked by their

capacity to deal with downsizing, government

marginalization, political tensions and resource

instability. It also presents the different financial

and non-financial scenarios adopted by NMWs

to increase their resilience and enhance their

response to crisis.

Notably, this study coincides with the twenty-

fifth anniversary of the BPfA, which remains the

primary roadmap for gender equality and the

empowerment of women, including the

development of NWMs. The study also

coincides with the fortieth anniversary of

CEDAW, the twentieth anniversary of the

Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda,8

as well as the fifth anniversary of the 2030

Agenda for Sustainable Development, which

calls for a significant increase in investments to

close the gender gap and strengthen support

for institutions in relation to gender equality and

the empowerment of women.9 The convergence

of these milestones offers a rare opportunity

to review the policies contained in these

frameworks which shape States’ approaches to

the work and role of NWMs, particularly with

regard to the role of institutions in conflict and

post-conflict.

C. Methodology

The study is based on information and data

collected through several sources. It relies

on a desk review of literature examining

institutions in times of transition and conflict,

the challenging context of the Arab region and

existing discussions on resilience frameworks.

It also benefits from a survey that the United

Nations Economic and Social Commission for

Western Asia (ESCWA) shared with NWMs in

early 2018 soliciting information on their nature,

structure and mandate and their engagement

in developing National Action Plans (NAPs) on

the WPS agenda, if at all. It must be noted,

however, that of the 18 ESCWA member

countries, only 11 responded to questions

relating to the status of NWMs. This study also

capitalizes on a series of in-depth interviews

conducted with members of NWMs in Jordan,

the State of Palestine, Tunisia and Yemen, along

with other national and international entities

who are active in these countries and work in

conjunction with NWMs. The interviews aimed

to provide an greater understanding of the

mandate, structure, relations, budget, adoption

of various strategies and programmes, the

political support and working relations with civil

society and the engagement of NWMs in the

WPS agenda. The knowledge gained from the

interviews contributed to better understanding

how the four reviewed NWMs responded to the

challenging contexts in which they operate, and

the tactics used to continue operating and

delivering their mandate under occupation,

during conflict and while in formal political

transition. Initial findings of the study were

discussed at an expert group meeting organised

by ESCWA in Beirut, Lebanon on 4 and 5

December 2018 that was attended by regional

and international experts who aimed to fill

analytical gaps in the study and enhance its

quality. The study also benefited from the

expert views of internal and external reviewers.

The research methodology experienced some

constraints given the challenging circumstances

in which these NWMs operate. Firstly, the

information and data available on States in

conflict and transition in the region is limited.

This curtailed the scope of the study to four

countries that ESCWA was able to reach out

to, although with difficulty as in the case of

6

Yemen. In both Tunisia and Yemen, face-to-face

interviews were not possible and the consultant

who organized the interviews relied on Skype

calls, which were impacted by the internet

connectivity. Secondly, despite several

interviews with representatives of civil society

organizations (CSOs), the number of

interviewees was too low to allow for an in-depth

and comprehensive understanding of the views

of CSOs on their relationship with NWMs.

Finally, while the study team was able to

collect and refer to secondary data on the

socioeconomic situation of countries in conflict

along with some information on the situation of

women and girls and the impact of conflict, there

remained a scarcity of data. This has impacted

the ability to fully understand the situation in the

countries that participated in this study.

D. Outline of the study

In addition to this introduction, this study

includes three chapters and concludes with a set

of policy recommendations. Chapter 1 sets the

scene by providing a conceptual background of

“institutional resilience”, discusses the impact on

State institutions operating in challenging

contexts. The chapter also briefly discusses

the grounding of NWMs in relevant

international standards and frameworks.

Chapter 2 anchors the discussion on

institutional resilience while looking at specific

State experiences from the Arab region.

It presents information on several NWMs and

then focuses on four specific examples: the

case of Yemen, as an example of ongoing

conflict; Jordan, as an example of a State

affected by neighbouring conflicts; the State

of Palestine, as a unique example of occupation;

and Tunisia, as an example of State undergoing

a formal political transition.

Chapter 3 builds on the previous two chapters

and provides a hands-on policy-oriented

discussion on strengthening the resilience of

NWMs and how these aspects enable NWMs to

carry out their role in the context of conflict,

occupation and/or formal political transition.

It elaborates on the elements of resilience and

includes examples of how these elements

enable NWMs carry out their work in

practice. Finally, the study ends with policy

recommendations to member States,

non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

and the relevant international actors, as well

as the donor community.

1. Framing Institutional

Resilience and National

Women’s Machineries in the

Arab Region

9

1. Framing Institutional Resilience and National

Women’s Machineries in the Arab Region

This chapter presents the core debate as

to why resilience matters for any institution,

and particularly NWMs that function in

unstable settings in the Arab region. The

chapter then discusses the history and

typology of NWMs globally and within the

Arab region.

A. Framing institutional resilience

Institutions are defined as regulative, normative

and cultural-cognitive entities that, together with

associated activities and resources, provide

stability and meaning to social life.10 Institutions

provide formal and informal rules for action,

as well as regulative mechanisms that enforce

such directives.11 Existing literature on

governance tends to focus on four categories

of institutions, namely: the security sector, the

judiciary, public administration and political.

Public administration institutions, including

those entrusted with public policy, such as

NWMs, constitute the core element of the

State and are critical to its stability, development

and peace. They play a crucial role in managing

the changes brought about by challenging

operational settings, particularly those related

to post-conflict reconstruction and development.

To prescribe effective policies, public

administration institutions must cultivate the

necessary technical capacity to handle these

types of obstacles.

For States where conflict is ongoing, and even

those who have emerged or are emerging from

instability, development, which includes

governance, is negatively impacted. In countries

where conflict continues, institutions have

disintegrated. Furthermore, in conflict-affected

settings, public finances may be directed

towards militarization and security-related

efforts at the expense of public institutions,

contributing to the population’s diminishing

confidence in these institutions. Conflict tends

to debilitate institutions, rendering them largely

incapable of advancing their mandates, while

also curtailing their response to peace and

security issues just when such work is needed

most. In many other countries that have

emerged from conflict with new and different

power structures, institutions may become

exclusionary, weak and ineffective. This can be

attributed to limits on their mandates,

fragmented approaches and weak coordination

with and among governmental and non-

governmental sectors, as well as diminishing

resources. In this state of affairs, NWMs are at a

particular disadvantage.

As a result, societies where institutions are

inherently fragile will be affected even more by

disruption, making it harder to recover

thereafter. Thus, resilience, particularly during

conflict, occupation or formal political transition,

becomes an important factor in maintaining and

cultivating effective institutions.

10

Resilience, as a concept, refers to the capacity of

a system, enterprise or person to maintain its

core purpose and integrity in the face of

dramatically changing circumstances.12 Other

definitions tend to converge around the notion

of a system’s ability to cope with and adapt to

external pressures.13 It has been applied to a

diverse range of disciplines and considers how

individuals, businesses, organizations and the

environment cope with challenges, such as

climate change, the depletion of natural

resources and uncertainties in financial markets

in general. Other definitions tend to group

around the notion of a system’s ability to cope

with and adapt to external pressures. This study

utilizes Rodin’s definition of resilience, which is

“the capacity of any entity – an individual,

community, an organization, or a natural system

– to prepare for disruptions, to recover from

shocks and stresses, and to adapt and grow

from a disruptive experience. As you build

resilience, therefore, you become more able to

prevent or mitigate stresses and shocks you can

identify and better able to respond to those you

can’t predict or avoid. You also develop greater

capacity to bounce back from crisis, learn from

it, and achieve revitalization. Ideally, as you

become more adept at managing disruption and

skilled at resilience building, you are able to

create and take advantage of new opportunities

in good times and bad. That is the resilience

dividend […] it is about achieving significant

transformation that yields benefits even when

disruptions are not occurring”.14 The study also

employs Rodin’s framework based on the five

characteristics deemed necessary for any

institution to become resilient – aware; diverse;

integrated; self-regulating; and adaptive. These

characteristics, taken as a whole, may create

more resilient institutions.

Hence, organizational behaviours adopted by

institutions to remain capable and relevant

during significant disruption is effectively

building “institutional resilience”. This effort

varies according to the status, inherent capacity,

leadership decisions and historical record of

such entities. Well-established institutions that

maintain qualities of inclusivity, accountability,

legitimacy, transparency, equitability, efficiency

and effectiveness are deemed more resilient

because they enforce regulative, normative, and

cultural-cognitive elements that endure, even

after a disaster. After a major disturbance,

prevailing institutions still provide actors with

information, strategies and plans of action and

organizational structures, thereby preventing

complete institutional collapse and facilitating

revival in such a way that fragile institutions are

not able to. For this reason, institutional

resilience implies that institutions are equipped

with internal mechanisms to strengthen their

resilience to allow them to be less affected by

and recover after a disruption, or to adapt to

its consequences.

It follows that investing in building the resilience

of organizations should, therefore, be

everyone’s priority, and resilience-building, as a

concept and a practice, can be learned and

developed. However, there is a tendency to

think of resilience only when an event or shock

happens. This should not be the case as there is

a need to invest in preparedness and

anticipation of disruptions, particularly in the

institutions that help societies mitigate, respond

to and overcome shocks and disruptions.

While resilience capacities are manifested

in a huge variety of actions, there are some

qualities of those responses and actions that

are common to all types of entities in existing

and emerging contexts. Furthermore, the

concept of “institutional resilience” should

not be seen in isolation from other discussions

on organizational development. Instead,

11

it should offer a deeper analysis of the factors

that contribute to allowing institutions to

flourish, rather than taking a technocratic

approach, or imposing a ‘one size fits all’

model for NWMs.

The varying political contexts in which NWMs

operate may also pose major challenges.

As early as 2002, the Arab Human Development

Report highlighted the centrality of reforming

public administrations in the Arab region.15

In many Arab States, state institutions are

foundationally weak and therefore easily

manipulated or altered. Furthermore, they have

been in a continuing state of frailty due to

corruption, political influence, weak rule of law,

lack of transparency and ineffective governance

and accountability mechanisms. Recent ESCWA

publications have also noted that although

economic and political challenges are

dominating priorities in regional and national

agendas, the legacy of weak institutions

exacerbates the situation and limits the success

of public policies intended to address these

challenges.16 The political context, political

and bureaucratic leadership, and institutional

design are also important considerations that

explain the limits is achievable through

existing institutions.

Due to the many disruptions experienced in the

Arab region since 2010, economic systems have

become more heavily burdened, governance

structures strained, and social cohesion stressed

and repeatedly tested. Although accurately

quantifying the cost of disruption is rather

challenging, the immense toll on States

should not be underestimated. Moreover,

the disproportionate impact of these political

and socioeconomic challenges on women and

girls requires a gender-focused approach. This

is particularly relevant given the increasing

needs of women in the region following political

instabilities. To a large extent, such needs are

based on pre-conflict gender discrimination in

both law and in practice, for example issues

relating to violence against women and child

marriage, which are exacerbated by conflict.

On the other hand, other conflict-related

challenges faced by women are freedom of

movement, political imprisonment and the

inability to register children during internal

displacement or when a refugee. Strengthening

resilience becomes a valid option that allows

NWMs to deliver on their mandates and

respond to the emerging needs of women in

situations of conflict, occupation, instability

and/or political transition.

B. History and typology of National Women’s Machineries

The global movement to develop national

machineries for gender equality and the

advancement of women emerged from several

United Nations conferences and gatherings,

particularly in the mid-1970s during the United

Nations Decade for Women (1975-1985).

Notably, a handful of States had developed

national machineries prior to this event; these

include contexts as diverse as Europe (UK),17

Africa (Liberia, Tunisia and Egypt),18 Asia

(Vietnam, Philippines) and the Caribbean

(Jamaica).19

The First World Conference on Women in

Mexico in 1975 recommended that all

Governments establish a machinery to promote

the status of women, as institutionalizing

women’s interests at all levels of policy was a

goal of women’s movements worldwide. The

impetus for such machineries came out of the

Women in Development (WID) and Gender and

Development (GAD) paradigms of the 1970s and

1980s. The creation of a specific machinery

12

attached to government was a way to

develop “more formal governmental and

non-governmental infrastructure that could

begin to serve as the basis of an international

gender equality regime”.20 According to Manjoo,

“The transformation of society required the

improvement of women’s position, relative to

men, in order to achieve equity and respect for

the human rights of both women and men.

The empowerment of women was a crucial

component of a model that challenged the

system of power, status and privilege in the

quest for justice and equity for women”.21

By the Second World Conference on Women in

Nairobi in 1985 gender mainstreaming was a key

strategy for national machineries, as outlined in

the Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies.22

Mainstreaming served as a form of

institutionalization, rather than the ad hoc gender

integration as called for by the WID/GAD policies.

Gender mainstreaming aimed to look “beyond

the promotion of projects and programmes for

women, to the consideration of gender issues

across all sectors, ministries and departments.

This, in turn, may imply transformation of the

institutional structures of government and the

state and requires close attention to the links

between National Women’s Machineries and

other areas of government”.23

Momentum grew for creating such institutions

and, by the end of the United Nations Decade

for Women in 1985, “127 Member States had

created national machineries… In accordance

with the recommendations of the platform

for action, steps to improve the status of

women included public policy change, legal

and legislative change, institutional change,

programmatic change, and change in

generation and dissemination of knowledge

and data disaggregated by sex”.24

The Fourth World Conference on Women in

Beijing (1995) set the stage for the official call for

NWMs within a larger framework of the Beijing

Declaration and Platform for Action (BPfA) under

articles 201 and 202 (box 1). The Platform for

Action emphasised the importance of NWMs

“to be given ‘primary responsibilities for ensuring

the integration of gender into the policies,

programmes and plans of government at all

levels.’”25 Specifically, Strategic Objective H of the

BPfA outlines the need for national institutional

mechanisms, such as NWMs, that ensure the

mainstreaming of gender equality and the

advancement of women. Ideally, they function as

“a set of coordinated structures within and

outside government, with the aim of achieving

equality for women…”.26 This should involve the

creation or strengthening of national machineries

and other governmental bodies; integration of a

gender perspective in legislation, public policies,

programmes and projects; and generation and

dissemination of sex-disaggregated data and

information for planning and evaluation.

The establishment of NWMs came to fill an

institutional gap and to serve as the institutional

mechanism for gender equality and the

advancement of women. They also served

to implement international agreements and

conventions that called for their establishment

such as the BPfA and CEDAW, which enabled

governments to adopt necessary strategies

for the advancement of women’s rights. Hence,

NWMs were expected to be positioned at a

high level within the Government, have adequate

resources, commitment and authority for the

following purposes: (a) Advise on the impact of

all Government policies on women; (b) Monitor

the situation of women comprehensively;

(c) Help formulate new policies and effectively

carry out strategies and measures to eliminate

discrimination.

13

Box 1. Strategic objective H of the Beijing Platform for Action on National Women’s Machineries

201. A national machinery for the advancement of women is the central policy-coordinating unit inside

government. Its main task is to support the government-wide mainstreaming of a gender-equality perspective in

all policy areas.

The necessary conditions for an effective functioning of such national machineries include:

(a) Location at the highest possible level in the government, falling under the responsibility of a Cabinet

minister;

(b) Institutional mechanisms or processes that facilitate, as appropriate, decentralized planning,

implementation and monitoring with a view to involving non-governmental organizations and community

organizations from grassroots upwards;

(c) Sufficient resources in terms of budget and professional capacity;

(d) opportunity to influence development of all government policies.

202. In addressing the issue of mechanisms for promoting the advancement of women, Governments and other actors

should promote an active and visible policy of mainstreaming a gender perspective in all policies and programmes so

that, before decisions are taken, an analysis is made on the effects on women and men, respectively.

Strategic Objectives

H1. Create or strengthen national machineries and other governmental bodies.

H2. Integrate gender perspectives in legislation, public policies, programmes and projects.

H3. Generate and disseminate gender-disaggregated data and information for planning and evaluation.

The work of NWMs enables governments

to adopt the necessary strategies, policies,

programmes and plans, while working closely

with other State institutions to ensure that

gender concerns are mainstreamed in the

work of the government.27 Box 2 explains the

centrality of gender mainstreaming as a key

vehicle for addressing gender concerns and

advancing women’s rights. While NWMs

must be complemented by effective national

human rights institutions and a strong civil

society, NWMs serve a unique role in their

intergovernmental position and dedicated

gender mainstreaming mandate.

NWMs can take different shapes depending

on the context; they can range from ministries

to desks, from departments or directorates.

Accordingly, “Some may be located within

the President’s or Prime Minister’s office;

others may be a portfolio within a state ministry

or local administration; yet others may be

ministries in their own right. The mandates,

responsibilities and resources of these

machineries vary as well”.28 In most States,

NWMs are part of the government structure;

in other States, they may be located outside

government but are still acknowledged and

assume the responsibility of a NWM in national

and international fora. As such, “These bodies

might be considered more autonomous, or less

influential, depending on how they are able to

negotiate political boundaries, to become

effective in improving the status of women”.29

Thus, there is no ‘one-size-fits-all approach’ to

creating NWMs.

14

Box 2. Gender mainstreaming

“[We call upon] States, the United Nations system and all other actors to implement the Platform for Action, in

particular by promoting an active and visible policy of mainstreaming a gender perspective at all levels, including

the design, monitoring and evaluation of all policies, as appropriate, in order to ensure effective implementation

of the Platform”.

General Assembly resolution 50/203, follow-up to the Fourth World Conference on Women

“Mainstreaming a gender perspective is the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any

planned action including legislation, policies or programmes, in all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy for

making women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension in the design,

implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal

spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated”.

ECOSOC Agreed Conclusions 1997/2

However, while NWMs can take many

shapes and have varying mandates, Rai has

outlined five elements that are critical for all

NWMs, regardless of context, for their

effective functioning:

• Location [at a high level] within the

decision-making hierarchy [and authority]

to influence government policy;

• Clarity of mandate and functional

responsibility;

• Links with civil society groups supportive of

the advancement of women’s rights and

enhancement of women’s status;

• Human and financial resources;

• Accountability of the national machinery

itself.30

These criteria have also been supported by the

United Nations in the agreed conclusions

adopted by the Commission on the Status of

Women in 1999 (1999/2) on the institutional

mechanisms for the advancement of women in

the recommendations. However, context

matters as NMWs face varying challenges based

on location, economic wealth, government

structure, political stability and sociocultural

variations. This is especially true of NWMs

working in challenging environments where

conflict, occupation and/or formal political

transition are daily realities and the need for

gender mainstreaming and a gender-sensitized

response to events is even more necessary.

Thus, NWMs in volatile or transitional settings

will have a different set of constraints and

opportunities that must be taken into

consideration compared with machineries that

operate under conditions of relative stability.

C. National Women’s Machineries in the Arab region

The Fourth World Conference on Women in

Beijing left an enduring impression on women’s

rights activists, civil society and Governments in

the Arab region, bringing them together

to develop different iterations of NWMs to

work with member States on gender equality

and women’s empowerment through the

adoption of the BPfA and CEDAW (despite

several reservations).

15

Prior to the Beijing Conference, NWMs presence

in the Arab region was primarily limited to

departments, directorates or units under

ministries with broad mandates such as

Ministries of Social Development. A report on

NWMs from 2010 refers to the gradual growth

of such entities since 1967, when the Syrian

Arab Republic established the General Union

for Women Syria as part of the executive and

legislative authority.31 Egypt followed in 1970

with the establishment of Women’s Affairs

Directorate in the Ministry of Social Affairs.

Other countries in the region followed suit

as a response to the international women’s

conferences beginning in 1975.32

However, since 1995, there have been stronger

commitments from governments in the Arab

region to support the establishment of NWMs,

including several that have been upgraded from

commissions or councils to ministries. These

establishments had, on many occasions, strong

ties with power structures in their countries

given that in many cases NWMs were chaired

by the countries’ First Ladies, which ensured a

stronger political support. According to an

ESCWA study in 2010, out of the 15 established

NWMs, eight were presided by First Ladies.33

Currently, NWMs in the Arab region assume

different structures. In some States, NWMs

function as full ministries either with stand-

alone mandates specifically dedicated to gender

equality and the empowerment of women

(for example, the State of Palestine) or have

broader and/or combined portfolios that

include women’s affairs among other mandates

(such as in Tunisia and Morocco). In other

Arab States, NWMs take the form of quasi-

governmental institutions (Bahrain, Egypt,

Jordan, Kuwait, and Yemen).34 In Lebanon,

uniquely, the Ministry of State for the Economic

Empowerment of Women and Youth35 and the

National Commission for Lebanese Women

(NCLW), divide the gender equality portfolio.

Nonetheless, by and large, the capacity of

NWMs, compared to other institutions, is

limited, a concern that is also faced by NWMs

in contexts outside the Arab region as well.

National Women’s Machineries have difficultly

carrying out their mandates for a number of

reasons: their work may be isolated and

sidelined; the existence

of heavily patriarchal structures; and given

economic crises and conflict a number of

Arab States face, women’s issues are

increasingly pushed aside.36 In some contexts,

NWMs are merely tokenistic, which is reflected

from the outset in the purposefully weak

design of NWMs within the greater institutional

structure. In the Arab region, NWMs have

faced various challenges since their

establishment, including confronting

entrenched socioeconomic contexts, weak

internal institutional structures, limited human

and financial resources and cultural and societal

resistance, among others.37 NWMs have had

to grapple with a lack of adequate support,

expressed though a dearth of funding and

abundant legislative obstacles.

Despite their varied forms and challenges,

NWMs in the Arab region have been

instrumental in reporting on State efforts to

implement CEDAW and the BPfA and have

advocated for gender-sensitive legal reform,

such as the passage of laws addressing violence

against women (VAW) and economic

empowerment initiatives. Because of their

unique nature and the limited resources

allocated to them compared to other

governmental entities, NWMs rely significantly

on their relationships with donors, civil society,

multilateral institutions and other governmental

mechanisms to support their work.

16

Table 1. List of designated National Women’s Machineries in ESCWA region

State NWM Type

Bahrain Supreme Council for Women State agency

Egypt National Council for Women State agency

Iraq Higher Committee for Iraqi Women State agency

Jordan Jordanian National Commission for Women State agency

Kuwait Supreme Council for Family Affairs State agency under the Ministry

of Social Development

Lebanon Minister of State for Economic Empowerment of

Women and Youth

Minister of State

The National Commission for Lebanese Women State agency

Libya Department for Empowerment of Women, Cabinet Government department

Mauritania Ministry of Social Affairs, Family, and Childhood Ministry

Morocco Ministry of Family, Solidarity, Equality, and Social

Development

Ministry

Oman Ministry of Social Affairs Ministry

State of Palestine Ministry of Women’s Affairs Ministry

Qatar Qatar Social Work Foundation State agency

Saudi Arabia Family Affairs Council State agency under the Ministry

of Social Development and

Labour

The Sudan Ministry of Welfare and Social Security Ministry

Syrian Arab

Republic

Syrian Commission for Family Affairs and

Population

State agency

Tunisia Ministry of Women, Family, Children and the

Elderly

Ministry

United Arab

Emirates

General Women’s Union State agency

Yemen Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour Ministry

Source: Data taken from ESCWA’s list of National Women’s Machineries.

As of the date of this publication, all 18 ESCWA

member States had designated NWMs (table 1).

They are sometimes dedicated State agencies

with the specific mandate to work for the

advancement of women and sometimes

government ministries with joint mandates

17

to work on the advancement of women among

other priority areas. Both structures are at the

highest level of government and State, exercising

noteworthy recognition and influence. There are

advantages to both structures. On the one hand,

State institutions might have a degree of

autonomy outside government changes

associated with political cycles. For instance,

while there have been eight Cabinet reshuffles in

Jordan since 2011, the leadership of the

Jordanian National Commission for Women

remained untouched during the period, allowing

for a degree of predictability and continuity.

On the other hand, ministries with a mandate

for the advancement of women have a voice at

the cabinet level and may be better positioned

to propose policy changes and engage in a

whole-of-government dialogue on relevant

issues. However, given the joint mandates of

most ministry-related NWMs, issues for the

advancement of women often must compete

with other social priorities and may not receive

the space or attention they deserve at the

cabinet level.

The mandates of NWMs are further determined

by their location in the government/State.

For instance, independent State agencies tend

to focus more on policy advice and advocacy,

while ministries play a leading role in policy

development and implementation. Mandates for

this action are guided by national legislation,

obligations under international human rights

law, government strategies, political priorities

and expressed needs. National Women’s

Machineries’ ownership of these mandates and

their expressed responsibility for their

advancement is critical to achieve success in

their work. This includes efforts dedicated to

addressing manifestations of gender-based

discrimination and VAW, as well as efforts to

mainstream gender competence in the work of

various government entities to achieve equality

in law and practice for both women and men,

girls and boys.

In the Arab region, CSOs, where they exist, are

an important stakeholder and partner for

NWMs. Civil society, by definition, represents

social groups that seek to advance common

interests, usually emanating from common

values.38 Linkages with civil society therefore

represent an important repository of support

and influence that NWMs can work with to

implement their mandate, strengthen their

influence, and extend their programming and

support, as need be.

Table 2. National Women’s Machineries that revised their mandates

Type of Revision

Responses

Yes No

No

answer

They revised and redefined the political and organizational foundation of the NWM 8 2 1

They defined the legal foundation of the NWM 8 1 2

They defined the role of the NWM in policy, planning and supervisory roles 9 1 1

There is legislation that defines the role and responsibilities of NWM 8 1 2

They defined accountability frameworks 7 2 2

18

Mechanisms for linkages with civil society vary

across the region. For instance, civil society has

representatives on the board governing the

National Council for Women in Egypt,39 while

relevant ministries often establish ad hoc

structures to work on specific tasks of mutual

interest among the NWM and CSOs, such as the

design of a National Action Plan for Women,

Peace, and Security in Yemen.40

Across the board, the various manifestations of

civil society structures reveal important

accomplishments and opportunities.

In Lebanon, for instance, civil society is

identified as an anchor of stability, with

noteworthy contributions to electoral processes,

environmental issues and in assisting

refugees.41 Many of these issues resonate with

the mandate and priorities of NWMs.

Notwithstanding the above, many of the NWMs

in the region have gone through several

changes since 2010. A 2018 survey organized by

ESCWA captured some of these developments.

For example, out of the 11 NWM respondents to

the survey, many indicated that they have

revised their mandate. Table 2 highlights the

key features of these revisions. However, these

changes may have an adverse impact on the

role and status of the NWM. A further in-depth

and qualitative analysis would allow for a good

assessment on this subject.

The political changes that emerged in 2010

spread across the Arab region and toppled

some of the most long-serving leaders in the

world. Despite the shifts in power, slow and

ineffective public sector reforms continue to

pose a serious threat to the effectiveness and

responsiveness of administrative structures.42

Since the time of the Arab uprising, some

NMWs in the region have been called upon to

demonstrate their ability to respond to changes

in the local political, economic, geographic and

sociocultural landscapes and their impacts on

women and girls.

2. National Women’s

Machineries and the Changing

Operating Context of the

Arab Region

21

2. National Women’s Machineries

and the Changing Operating Context

of the Arab Region

As discussed in the previous chapter, advancing

gender equality and the rights of women across

the Arab region is a daunting task, made even

more complex in the past decade because of

numerous geopolitical and geo-economic

shocks, as well as cascading social strife.

For example, the 2014 plunge in oil prices

caused the region’s gross oil revenues to drop

from US$697.3 billion in 2014 to $322.7 billion

in 2016.43 As a result, Arab States had to make

dramatic, across the board cuts in public

spending and subsidies given the shrinking

fiscal space. For instance, the cost of heavy

fuel oil went up by 40 per cent for bakeries

and food producers in Egypt,44 a cost that was

transferred on to consumers and contributing

to the cascading social strife.

In response, the mandates, capacities, and

working space for NWMs continued to change

and evolve. National Women’s Machineries

had to identify ways to be effective and offset

negative repercussions of shocks and instability,

while also having to undertake this work with

fewer resources, constrained capacities and in a

fragile working environment increasingly hostile

to their mandates. More often than not, new

institutional arrangements were deemed

necessary and alterative operational approaches

had to be enacted. This chapter considers the

issues facing institutions in general during

occupation, conflict and political transition,

with reference to NWMs. It touches on select

contextual factors that have affected the

functioning of these institutions, such as

political dynamics and fragility, austerity

measures and their impact, public perceptions

and accessibility of NWMs to their key

constituencies and stakeholders.

A. Context of political fragility

Key consequences of the regional instability

since 2010 have been the exacerbation of

grievances, deepening of pre-existing fragility

and weakened State institutions. These

transitions and conflicts in the Arab region have

taken various forms, including civil resistance,

intra-State violence, post-conflict power-sharing

agreements, the establishment of security States

as well as shifts towards greater democratization.

These can have profound long-term impacts,

as it becomes increasingly challenging for State

institutions to respond to their mandates in

fragile operating contexts. Even in relatively

stable societies, such dynamics can spill over

through inflows of refugees, cross-border

security issues, geopolitical instability concerns

as well as opportunity costs due to lost trade

and investment.

Responding to such regional instability is also a

reason for concern, as it results from additional

22

costs to mitigate effects and prevent direct

spillover. Furthermore, heavy-handed security

responses often come at the expense of space

for civic activism, free expression and freedom

of assembly, all of which are vital components

of any good governance framework. Such

responses can increase the complexity of

the political landscape and strain the

relationship between governments and civil

society, as well as among civilian and non-

civilian government agencies, resulting in a

vicious cycle of political fragility that can be

progressively harder to reverse.

In Tunisia, for instance, one of the key

demands during the uprising of 2010

was further advancement for the gender

equality and women’s empowerment agenda,

which was already well established and

advanced compared to other States in the

region. It also had a relatively progressive

legislative framework relating to personal

status or family law, and an impressive

array of policies to address gender-based

discrimination and promote the advancement

of women. Tunisia is also one of two Arab

States to have ratified CEDAW’s Optional

Protocol, which establishes a complaint and

inquiry mechanism through the Convention.

It has also undertaken a national audit relating

to the national implementation of the BPfA.

The Tunisian feminist movement saw

opportunities in the uprisings of 2011 and the

associated political transition to demand further

reforms and draw attention to women’s issues.

In response, Tunisia’s transitional Government

withdrew all reservations to CEDAW in 201145

and established a stand-alone Ministry for

Women. Furthermore, the Tunisian Higher

Council for the Realization of the Goals of the

Revolution, Political Reforms and Democratic

Transition approved decree 35/2011 that

required gender parity and rotation-based

electoral lists in the future Constituent

Assembly. This set a precedent in the history

of the women’s rights movement, not only in

Tunisia, but in the Arab region as a whole,46 and

was an important gain for Tunisian women.

A frequent challenge for women engaged in

revolutions worldwide is the post-transition

disregard for the women’s rights agenda that

had been promised during protests. However,

in Tunisia it appears that the women’s rights

agenda was able to maintain momentum and

influence the incoming Ennahda Party, a socially

conservative but overall moderate Islamist

group. In 2014, Tunisia launched a Truth and

Dignity Commission to shed light on the torture

and other human rights abuses conducted

between 1955 and 2013, particularly against

Islamist communities and dissenting women’s

rights activists.

Post-revolution, Tunisia implemented gender

parity on electoral lists. As a result, the increased

representation of women and success of female

candidates brought crucial, gender-sensitive

input into the development of the new

Constitution. Currently, women make up one

third of Tunisia’s Parliament.47 The Parliament

recently passed a groundbreaking law to protect

women from sexual harassment and to simplify

procedures for the prosecution of domestic

violence. In 2017, President Beji Caid Essebsi

rescinded a ban on the marriage of Muslim

women to non-Muslims in Tunisia and proposed

a bill to give women equal inheritance rights.

In contrast, the situation in Yemen has been

particularly dire for women. Yemen is one of the

least developed countries, with a multitude of

socioeconomic challenges made even more

precarious by the regional conflict ongoing

since March 2015. Even prior to the conflict,

23

Yemen had close to the lowest gross domestic

product (GDP) per capita in the region,

no Yemeni parliamentarians were women,

and 32 per cent of Yemeni women were

married before the age of 18.48 Notably, Yemen

has consistently occupied last place in the

World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap

Index for most of the last decade.49

Yemen is currently in the midst of the world’s

largest humanitarian crisis, with approximately

22.2 million people (over three quarters of the

population) in need of assistance or protection.50

The conflict is estimated to have returned

Yemen to 1998 levels of development, reversing

recent gains made to the Sustainable

Development Goals.51 Since the start of the

conflict, 10 per cent of the population has

become internally displaced. Additionally, 8.4

million Yemenis are severely food insecure, the

majority of whom are women and children. The

degradation of the health system has had a

devastating impact on the health of women and

girls. Food shortages and malnutrition have left

approximately 1.1 million women malnourished

and threatens the lives of 75,000 women who

are likely to develop complications during

childbirth.52 Epidemics such as cholera and

diphtheria can result in premature and

low-birth weight babies, as well as severe

post-partum bleeding.

Moreover, the conflict has only exacerbated

highly entrenched, preexisting gender

inequalities within Yemen. The chaos of the

crisis, in tandem with pervasive marginalization,

has left women and girls exceedingly vulnerable

to violence and exploitation. Women and

children comprise 75 per cent of those displaced

by the crisis. As men leave their communities to

fight in the war, women are left to manage

households, as well as protect the wellbeing

and physical security of their children and

elderly family members a duty that becomes

increasingly challenging without access to basic

economic and social services. Rape and sexual

violence have reportedly increased by 271

per cent,53 and there was a 36 per cent increase

in women seeking gender-based violence

services in 2017. Rates of child marriage have

also escalated, as 66 per cent of girls married

under the age of 18 in 2017 compared to 52

per cent in 2016.54 Even with the unique and dire

needs of women during the crisis, women have

largely been excluded from recent peace

negotiations. However, since 2015, Yemeni

women have sought engagement with the peace

process through the UN-supported Yemeni

Women’s Pact for Peace and Security.

While locked out of the formal positions of

power, the protracted conflict has resulted in the

increased participation of women at the family,

local, national and international levels to

respond to the acute societal needs. Women are

at the forefront of sustaining communities and

families during the conflict and addressing its

devastating effects. They are contributing to

informal peace processes; mediating between

armed parties; and contributing to the economy.

However, despite the largely gendered impact of

the conflict, there has been little to no attention

given to women’s issues.

The conflict has also significantly damaged the

functioning and integrity of State institutions,

with the collapse of revenue, administrative

systems, and governance pyramid structures, as

well as a split between Sana’a, the official

capital, and Aden, the temporarily-designated

capital. Yemen’s former NWM, the Women’s

National Committee (WNC), had monitored the

impact of the conflict on women and girls in the

beginning of the conflict in 2015, working

closely with humanitarian partners. However,

due to the financial crisis stemming from the

24

conflict, the WNC effectively became paralyzed

and ceased most of its operations in late 2015.

For a brief period in early 2018, the Aden branch

of WNC was able to revive some of its

operations and engage on matters relating to

monitoring the status of women. Shortly

thereafter the mandate of women’s

advancement was taken up by the Women and

Children Department in the Ministry of Social

Affairs and Labour.

Jordan is yet another country affected by

regional political violence, given its shared

borders with the occupied State of Palestine and

conflict-affected Iraq and Syria. A report by the

United Nations High Commissioner for

Refugees (UNHCR) in June 2018 indicated that

“Jordan is one of the countries most affected by

the Syria crisis, with the second highest share of

refugees compared to its population in the

world, 89 refugees per 1,000 inhabitants. The

majority of Syrian refugees in Jordan live in

urban areas and in poverty: over 85 per cent live

below the poverty line”.55 The refugee

population imposes a demographic reality that

has inevitably impacted the country’s

developmental status and social infrastructure,

alongside the increasing financial, non-financial

and opportunity costs of responding to the

refugee crisis. This has led to acute deprivation

in terms of overcrowding, as well as concerns

relating to access to nutrition and water for

Jordan’s most vulnerable segments.56

While many women report the desire to

contribute to a household income, they often

have difficulties accessing employment

opportunities.57 Some families turn to child

marriage to ensure greater financial security

for their daughters and for themselves.

Furthermore, Syrian children are facing a

number of issues related to the quality of

education available, bullying and unaffordable

school costs.58 Many Syrian refugee women

experience GBV in both the private and

public spheres, impeding their mobility.

The financial stress and household tensions

of displacement tend to exacerbate

domestic violence.59

The flow of refugees into Jordan has placed

a great strain on Jordan’s already-fragile

economy and over-stretched resources.

Tensions are on the rise between host

communities and the refugee population, as

host communities who are themselves

vulnerable feel threatened by competition for

employment, and government or international

NGO support. The challenges associated with

the refugee influx are particularly acute; several

studies point to various forms of economic and

social deprivation that spillover between the

refugee population and host communities.60

Addressing these issues puts an additional

strain on social infrastructure and the efforts of

Jordanian institutions and CSOs working to

alleviate socio-economic hardships of all

vulnerable population groups.

In the State of Palest ine, women in the West

Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza are

subjected to the daily obstacles and pervasive

oppression of life under the Israeli occupation.

Within Gaza, the 12-year blockade and

consistent military assaults have destroyed

livelihoods, effectively crippling the economy

and leading to high levels of poverty. In 2014,

61 per cent of women were unemployed.61

Furthermore, 47 per cent of the population faces

food insecurity in Gaza an issue that

disproportionately affects female-headed

households.62 Poverty is a major determinant of

food insecurity. The 2017 Household

Expenditure and Consumption Survey found

that the poverty rate in Gaza had increased from

25

38.8 to 53 per cent since 2011.63 In addition to

violence from their own communities, women

are subjected to violence from Israeli forces.

During Israel’s attack on Gaza in 2014, 260

women were killed and 2,088 injured.64

Countless women were also left widowed

from the violence, leaving them with mass

trauma and the responsibility of serving as

primary caretakers for their families. The

occupation has also devastated the health

care system within Gaza; during the 2014

military assault, more than 40,000 women

were deprived of access to basic reproductive

health services.65

Within the West Bank in particular, some of the

major challenges faced by women include

restrictions on movement; excessive use of

force by Israeli forces; forced displacement

and house demolitions; settler violence and

the increasing construction of settlements;

the detention of minors; and the further

construction of the wall.66 Women face

harassment, assaults and shootings by settlers.

The demolition of homes entails the loss of

Palestinian families’ main economic asset,

which forces women to seek work, possibly

straining familial relations. The loss of a

home is also detrimental to the psychological

health and physical security of women.67

Families are split apart, and women are

frequently unable to access basic services

due to the lack of mobility and the restricted

movement of people and goods. While the

political transition in Tunisia, conflict in Yemen,

occupation in the State of Palestine, and the

refugee crisis in Jordan are taking place in the

present, it is important to remember that these

situations will have far-reaching consequences,

reverberating well into the future, particularly

for girls and women.

B. Austerity measures

An analysis of 284 International Monetary Fund

country reports across the Middle East and

North Africa region indicated a wide range of

austerity measures implemented in eight Arab

States,68 as illustrated in table 3. It serves as an

indication that the fiscal space for service

delivery and social protection is shrinking,

thereby reducing the benefits of those who need

it the most. Such austerity measures limit the

resources available for State institutions to

respond to their functions.

On occasion, such measures result in the

abolition of some State institutions. In Iraq,

for instance, four ministries were abolished in

2015, including the Ministry of Women’s Affairs,

while another eight ministries were merged.69

This was attributed to the limited fiscal space

associated with the military operations against

the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and the

collapse of oil prices in 2014. Although Iraq is

gradually recovering from its deep economic

strains of the past three years, it continues

to reform its public finances to create the needed

fiscal space to finance economic recovery plans.70

Similarly, the uprising in Tunisia strained

productivity and growth in the country with

the economy contracting 1.8 per cent in 2011,71

with the industrial production and tourism

sectors contracting the most. Furthermore, the

conflict in neighbouring Libya is estimated to

have cost Tunisia a 2 per cent loss in its GDP

between the years 2011 and 2015, including a

welfare cost of $880 million per year during that

period.72 This has, in turn, affected the fiscal

space available for the Tunisian Government,

resources available for service delivery and the

overall socioeconomic ecosystem.

26

Table 3. Austerity measures adopted in select Arab States between September 2012 and February 2015

Country

Subsidy

reduction

Wage bill

cuts/caps

Safety net

targeting

Pension

reform

Labour

reform

Health

reform

Consumption

tax increases Privatisation

Algeria • • • •

Egypt • • • •

Iran • • • • •

Jordan • • • • • •

Lebanon • • • • •

Morocco • • • • •

Tunisia • • • • •

Yemen • •

Total 8 6 4 4 6 1 6 1

Table 4. The National Women’s Machinery in Tunisia, 2011-2018

Cabinet date NWM

4 Jan 2011 Ministry of Women, Family, Children and the Elderly

17 Jan 2011 – 06 Mar 2011 Ministry of Women and Family

7 Mar 2011 – 23 Dec 2011 Ministry of Women’s Affairs

24 Dec 2011 – 12 Mar 2013 Ministry of Women and Family

13 Mar 2013 – 28 Jan 2014 Ministry of Women and Family

29 Jan 2014 – 5 Feb 2015 Ministry of Youth, Sports, Women, and Family

6 Feb 2015 – 26 Aug 2016 Ministry of Women, Family, and Children

27 Aug 2016 – current Ministry of Women, Family, Children and the Elderly

Source: Compiled by ESCWA from Tunisia, Official Printing Office, 2019; and Tunisia, Presidency of the Government Portal, 2019.

Against this background, the transitional

government in Tunisia had to identify areas

where it could reduce public expenditures and

turned to restructuring government entities,

including returning the portfolio of family affairs

to the Ministry of Women and, for a brief period,

merging the Ministry for Women and Family

Affairs with the Ministry of Youth and Sports,

as table 4 details.

Austerity measures are also coping mechanisms

for Arab States with other challenges.

27

For instance, Jordan had to enact several public

expenditure realignments to address the impact

of climate change on the agriculture sector,

effectively diverting resources from other areas.

Indeed, climate change-induced volatility has

caused wheat productivity per hectare to

decrease by 38 per cent between 2010 and

2014,73 while tomato production decreased by

41 per cent between 2013 and 2016.74 This

affected local incomes across the agriculture

value chain, revenues from agricultural experts,

and overall food security.

C. Public perceptions

The generalized perception that an institution’s

presence, actions, and contributions to society

are accepted and constructive is key to

maintaining and strengthening its resilience.

Such perceptions are central for popular

cooperation with such institutions and positive

engagement. In the case of Tunisia, visible efforts

were exerted to address popular demands and

showcase genuine attempts to rectify grievances.

For instance, the Truth and Dignity Commission

(L’Instance Vérité et Dignité) was established on

1 June 2014. The aim of the Commission was to

ensure a space for victims and survivors of gross

human rights violations committed between

1955 and December 2013 to access justice.

It registered nearly 65,000 claims by victims,

almost a quarter of whom were women. It also

conducted 49,000 individual hearings and

14 public hearings. During 2018, it referred the

first 10 cases to the Specialized Criminal

Chamber. After nearly five years, the

Commission issued its final report in March 2019.

Likewise, the establishment of the Peer Council

for Equality and Equal Opportunities in May 2016

was received positively by stakeholders and

constituencies. This Council is an independent

institution tasked with introducing a gender-

based approach to planning, programming,

evaluation and budgeting to eliminate all forms

of discrimination between women and men. The

Council is chaired by the Head of Government,

and its deputy is the Minister for Women, Family,

Children and the Elderly. It is formed of

representatives from several ministries, other

relevant state institutions and civil society. The

council adopted a national action plan (NAP) for

mainstreaming and institutionalizing gender in

June 2018 and focuses on: creating a system of

accountability for VAW by 2020; increasing the

participation of women in political and public

bodies at the central and local levels; creating

policies and plans for the economic

empowerment of women; adopting gender-

sensitive public policies, plans and budgets by

2020; and carrying out gender mainstreaming

awareness-raising campaigns.

Other parallel efforts include the establishment

of gender units in relevant ministries. As of

October 2018, such units were established in

the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of Social

Affairs, with plans to roll out such units in the

Ministry of Youth and Sports and the Ministry

of Education, among others. Tunisia’s National

Action Plan on the Implementation of Security

Council Resolution 1325, adopted in May

2018, was developed through a consultative

process involving the Ministry for Women,

Family, Children and the Elderly, civil

society, United Nations agencies and

international donors.

In the State of Palestine, the Cabinet of

Ministers established the High National

Committee for the implementation of Security

Council resolution 1325, headed by the Ministry

for Women’s Affairs. Its membership includes

a wide range of ministries, State institutions

and CSOs. This Committee serves as a

28

collaborative and participatory mechanism

for dialogue and the joint development of the

NAP on WPS, among various government

agencies and civil society partners. Upon its

endorsement in 2016, the NAP included

particular emphasis on the protection of women

and girls from the impacts of the Israeli

occupation and ensuring accountability for

violations stemming from the occupation.

This resonated among several civil society

actors because there is a perception that the

WPS agenda does not appropriately address

instances of occupation. Furthermore, the State

of Palestine ratified CEDAW without

reservations and amended the Palestinian

Elections Law to secure a 20 per cent quota

representation in local councils and the

Legislative Council.

This chapter has discussed the changing

operating context across the region and how

these changes affect the abilities of national

institutions, including NWMs, in delivering

on their mandates. These changes are often

cascading and driven by long-term structural

factors, categorized under the preceding

discussion as relating to political fragility,

austerity and access to resources, as well as

popular perception and engagement with

stakeholders. Regardless of the extent that

these changes affect the institutions, there

are some tools and strategies that these

institutions can utilize to maintain their

relevance, identify new and revisited methods,

and work with and through its partners and

constituencies to maintain previous gains,

mitigate the consequences of these changes

to continue working to advance women’s

rights and gender equality. These tools and

strategies are the founding premise behind

the forthcoming resilience discussion in the

next chapter.

3. Characteristics that can Build

Resilient National Women’s

Machineries

31

3. Characteristics that can Build Resilient

National Women’s Machineries

Within the broader framework of human rights,

the promotion of gender equality has unique

challenges, sensitivities and potential for

backlash in any context. National Women’s

Machineries, as they advocate for greater

gender equality and the empowerment of

women, are engaged in work that is by its

nature, innovative, transformative and, above

all, challenging. This work becomes even more

difficult in contexts impacted by conflict,

occupation and formal political transition. The

expertise and role of NWMs is needed in these

specific situations to assist the government in

prioritizing gender concerns, ensuring gender-

mainstreaming through its work, including

strategic planning and budgeting within a

context of very limited budgets and other

resources. Therefore, NWMs need to be able

to maintain internal strength while responding

to these difficult contexts. However, it is also

important to note that NMWs should not bear

the onus of responding to such challenging

and dynamic conditions alone; indeed,

governments, political leaders, donors,

intergovernmental organizations, civil

society and other actors must also

respond accordingly.

National Women’s Machineries are often the

main catalyst for gender equality at the State

level. Their role extends to influencing decisions,

strategies, plans, policies, budgetary allocations

and to mainstreaming other relevant decisions

on gender equality with the government.

A resilient NWM builds the trust of government

authorities through its ability to communicate

and reflect the experiences of women and girls

on the ground. Collaborating with State

structures to prepare competent and effective

implementation of laws and policies to promote

women’s human rights may entail reporting

annually at United Nations treaty bodies, such as

the Human Rights Council or the CEDAW

Committee, on the government’s actions to

promote women’s human rights or help

governments to prepare gender-competent

budgets. Furthermore, NWMs can ensure that

local women leaders are consulted on

government strategies, plan, and policies to

ensure they reflect the experiences of women

and girls on the ground.

To achieve this, NWMs must remain agile

regardless of their context and resources.

In The Resilience Dividend (2014), Judith Rodin

presents a framework composed of five

characteristics that can be developed, to a

greater or lesser degree, by any individual,

community or organization to build resilience.

Based on a study of public authorities,

institutions and businesses responding to

diverse pressures, such as natural disasters, the

breakdown of public utilities and climate

change, characteristics were assessed for

institutional resilience and the five

characteristics deemed most important for

resilient entities were: awareness, diversity,

integration, self-regulation and adaption.75

32

These characteristics are mutually reinforcing

as they jointly enhance the capacity of an entity

to fulfil its goals, engage flexibly with the

external environment and maintain the internal

capacity to be productive. Moreover, these

characteristics are complementary and

interrelated; resilience is enhanced when all five

are present. Each aspect of

resilience can be developed

independently, but they must

function concurrently to obtain

the maximum impact.

This chapter seeks to examine

whether NWMs in the Arab

region have applied any of these

five characteristics of resilience

and whether such application

contributed to ensuring their

continued effective operation and

the ability to conduct institutional

work during difficult conditions.76

It documents some of the ways in

which NWMs from the region

have navigated challenging

contexts, demonstrating their use

of resilient characteristics. The

chapter is based on data

gathered through interviews with

representatives of NWMs and

other entities that collaborate

NWMs to achieve gender

equality and women’s empowerment. That

chapter also seeks to understand the

intersection with the larger framework of

strong NWMs as proposed by Rai (2003) and

adopted by the United Nations.

A. Awareness

Situational awareness is an essential aspect

of resilience and requires that institutions

develop systems for information gathering to

assess strengths and assets, liabilities and

vulnerabilities, threats and risks, to ensure

consistent work, as well as ensure a positive

impact on beneficiaries and/or constituents.

Ensuring a situational awareness can entail

regular meetings with constituents, partners

and/or government officials or

developing some type of

monitoring and/or assessment

system. It also means that

NWMs should maintain their

ability to respond to all issues of

concern to women and girls

especially in times of conflict,

occupation or formal political

transition. Admittedly, it is not

always easy to develop

situational awareness,

particularly when a disruption is

sudden, very severe, long-

lasting or widespread. This is

also true when conditions

continue to change rapidly so

that reliable information is not

accessible and reliable feedback

loops are cut off, meaning that

awareness must be cultivated

over time to ensure its

application both in times of

stability and disruption.

Awareness can also derive from mindfulness

and the ability to be open-minded and receptive

to change. This means that the institution takes

pains to see situations as they are, rather than

formulate a view based on preconceived

assumptions, preferences or recent history.77

Finally, to ensure the community’s enhanced

awareness, institutions are invited to focus on

processes as well as on outcomes. This may

not always be possible given the need to quickly

AWARE

The entity has

knowledge of its

strengths and assets,

liabilities and

vulnerabilities, and

the threats and risks

it faces. Being aware

includes situational

awareness, i.e. the

ability and willingness

to constantly assess,

take in new

information, and

adjust understanding

in real time.

Source: Rodin, Judith

(2014). The Resilience

Dividend: Being Strong in a

World Where Things Go

Wrong. New York: Public

Affairs.

33

implement and be accountable, particularly in

conflict-affected or humanitarian contexts.

However, with a focus on processes, the

institution can further refine their work and

response, which will not only improve

deliverables, but will increase overall

responsiveness to the real needs of women

and girls.

For example, the Jordanian National

Commission for Women (JNCW) embarked

on developing its first NAP for the

implementation of the WPS agenda and

its revision of the National Strategy for the

Advancement of Women through a

consultative and participatory process that

allowed for meetings with women in the

different parts of Jordan. The process allowed

the incorporation of the particular needs of

women and girls in the Jordanian National

Action Plan (JONAP) for advancing the

implementation of UN Security Council

resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security

(UNSCR 1325), aligning its objectives with the

situational needs and building on an in-depth

understanding of the context.

Ultimately, an institution’s self-awareness

translates to knowledge of its abilities and

limitations within the context in which it

functions. When an institution is aware, it is

more able to understand situations as they are,

exercise foresight, revisit assumptions and

ideally respond more quickly and appropriately

to change. This is evidenced by JNCW’s role

as a commission rather than a ministry, which

demonstrates its astute awareness of its abilities

and the need to maintain its linkage and unified

work agenda with civil society. The JNCW has

chosen to continue functioning as a commission

and to deflect attempts to convert it to a

ministry. Discussions with representatives from

JNCW acknowledged that while aspiring to a

ministry may be desirable in other contexts, this

is not the case in Jordan where the Commission

seeks to maintain its independence from the

Government. Attesting to the power of

partnering with civil society, particularly

women’s organizations, there is the belief within

the JNCW that if the Commission becomes a

ministry, civil society will view it as an executive

arm implementing the Government’s agenda

rather than as an ally and advocate to the

Government. In this vein, the JNCW also

believes that it should not compete with civil

society in work or for funding. In addition to civil

society, the JNCW also has several partnerships

with United Nations agencies, NWMs from

various parts of the world and with donors. Its

relationship with UN Women is fundamental for

ensuring the strategic positioning of gender

equality issues in Jordan.

In contrast, there is the Palestinian Ministry of

Women’s Affairs (MoWA), which was created

by a decree in 2003 and mandated to ensure

gender mainstreaming in the work of the

Government and the services it delivers,

as well as provide capacity-building and foster

coordination on gender-related work amongst

governmental bodies and institutions. It has

managed to do so not just under occupation,

but also amid an ever-changing political climate

and under threat of limited funding throughout

the Government. Notably, while the Ministry is

responsible for several frameworks and policies

to address VAW, the situation of women with

disabilities, women’s economic empowerment,

women’s political representation and the

implementation of the WPS agenda,78 it does

not provide direct services to Palestinian

women and girls. The reason for not engaging

with direct services relates to an internal study

carried out by MoWA that concluded that

various direct services are provided by other

ministries, such as the Ministry of Social

34

Development and the Ministry of Health, in

addition to civil society, and hence MoWA

would be in a better position to capitalize on

these efforts and not to duplicate services

or compete with others. Thus, MoWA

positioned itself with the primary focus on

developing policies and strategies that build

on other services.

These two examples highlight

how each institution – the JNCW

and MoWA – acknowledged

their limitations, but also their

strengths and assets in their

specific contexts. The JNCW has

aimed to keep its commission

status to ensure a level of

independence from the

Government as well as maintain

strong relations with civil

society. In the case of MoWA, it

has assessed its ability to

provide direct services and

acknowledged that others are in

a better position for providing

such services, so it chose to

serve as a partner to ensure that

such services are empowering

and gender sensitive. In both

instances, each institution has

exhibited awareness of its

mandate and its abilities and the

landscape in which it operates, allowing them to

maximize their work, particularly when

underresourced or enduring instability.

B. Diversity

Diversity means that an institution does not rely

completely on any one element for critical

function; thus, critical or core components or

activities can be replaced by others, whether

they are based at the same institution or with

partners. This should entail cultivating different

sources of capacity, internally and externally.

One example is ensuring alternative backup

elements (akin to having a backup generator),

including several alternatives or backups to

ensure flexibility in several different scenarios,

so it can call upon reserves

during a disruption or switch

over to an alternative

functioning mode. The result is

an institution that can withstand

stress or even continue

functioning during a crisis or a

period of instability. According

to Rodin, diversity can manifest

in the form of hard elements,

such as infrastructure and

systems, and soft elements,

such as people and ideas.

Diversity also entails the action of

diversifying – that is, moving

away from a monoculture.

As the examples below reveal,

different NWMs have sought

involvement in various

governmental and civil society

activities. In doing so, they seek

to expand their scope and

influence, while also ensuring

that some institution is working

on a gender-sensitive approach at the local and

national levels. The following section provides

examples from Jordan, Tunisia and Yemen,

highlighting how each NWM has diversified its

partnerships to ensure addressing the broadest

number of concerns impacting women and girls.

In Jordan, the JNCW engages with a variety of

stakeholders to ensure that its voice is heard at

different levels. It builds alliances with civil

society and actively represents gender concerns

DIVERSE

The entity has different

sources of capacity,

so it can successfully

operate even when

elements of that

capacity are

challenged: there are

redundant elements or

assets. The entity

possesses or can draw

upon a range of

capabilities, ideas,

information sources,

technical elements,

people, or groups.

Source: Rodin, Judith

(2014). The Resilience

Dividend: Being Strong in a

World Where Things Go

Wrong. New York: Public

Affairs.

35

in interministerial committees and fora. The

JNCW became a member of the Interministerial

Committee for Women, headed by the Minister

of Social Development, engaging in its

discussions and utilizing it as a channel through

which to present some of its initiatives. In this

way it seeks the support of the Committee

which, in turn, presents agreed upon actions to

the Cabinet for adoption. The JNCW participates

in various initiatives of the Government to

ensure gender mainstreaming including the

development of the financial policy, the national

plan for general statistics, and the High

Committee for Sustainable Development. The

JNCW also leads the Interministerial Gender

Equality Taskforce, a cross-sectoral body that

includes all line ministries as well as

representatives from civil society, which is

tasked with reviewing and updating the

strategy for women. The links with various State

bodies ensures that gender mainstreaming

continues, regardless of political changes within

government, and illustrates the importance

of building institutional structures.

At the beginning of the conflict in Yemen, the

former National Women’s Committee took the

lead in working on an agenda for women’s

advancement and became the official NWM.

The National Women’s Committee in Yemen

worked closely to build the capacity of and

coordinate the national work on the

advancement of women with women’s

departments in different service ministries.

However, due to the conflict, the Committee

ceased operating in 2015. Furthermore, except

for the Department of Women and Children at

the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour, the

role of women’s departments within various

ministries was also weakened with the

escalating conflict and closures of central

Governmental offices. The Department of

Women and Children at the central level in Aden

and at the governorate level in areas under the

control of the Government continued to provide

humanitarian and social services to women

constituents and carried on the work of the

National Women’s Committee. The effect of this

was seen at the governorate level where the

Department provides services for women.

In Tunisia, the Women’s Department in the

Ministry of Women, Family, Children and the

Elderly was re-established in December 2011,

after the uprising. This was a significant step

given the role that activists and women’s

movements had in the initial protests and

transitional phase. Within the Ministry, the

Women’s Department is mandated to

mainstream gender equality; evaluate and

propose gender-sensitive legislation; adopt

early warning systems while monitoring the

situation of women; and develop mechanisms,

policies and programmes for the empowerment

of women. The Department functions in the

context of several other gender mechanisms

and strategies in Tunisia, including a special

Committee on Women and Development that

contributes to the elaboration of development

strategies, national strategies to promote

women’s situation in Tunisia and the special

national programme to promote gender

equality. The Ministry does this work through

the Peer Council for Equality and Equal

Opportunities, which has been active since

March 2017. This Council is tasked with

introducing a gender-based approach to

planning, programming, evaluation and

budgeting to eliminate all forms of iscrimination

between women and men. The Council is

chaired by the Head of Government and its

deputy is the Minister of Women, Family,

Children and the Elderly. It comprises

representatives of several ministries, other

relevant state institutions, and civil society; the

Ministry acts as its Secretariat. This highlights

36

how the Ministry of Women, Family,

Children and the Elderly has diversified

its portfolio to ensure its impact across a

spectrum of initiatives, but also to ensure

that it has the support of other relevant

entities in government.

C. Integrated

Integration ensures that

elements of a system are well

coordinated and harmonized not

only within the institution, but

with other entities functioning in

the context, particularly

women’s rights activists and

CSOs. In companionship with

diversity, integration seeks to

ensure the use of diverse actors.

While diversity may bring

disparate ideas/options/

alternatives, integration means

to engage proactively with

different actors to analyse and

explain these variables and

present a new working

mechanisms and solutions.

Therefore, many NWMs reach

out to and work closely with

other gender mechanisms;

national human rights

institutions; CSOs; community leaders,

including women leaders; academics and

research centres; political parties; trade unions;

the media; the private sector; as well as regional

and international organizations to ensure that a

response is appropriate and multifaceted.

Jordan utilized an integrated approach to repeal

article 308 of the Jordanian penal code (the so-

called “marry your rapist” law). Repealing article

308 was a prominent campaign that involved

the JNCW, CSOs, the media and others, and

was carried out at the grassroots level. Initially,

there were very few members of Parliament

who gave their guaranteed support to repealing

the article. However, this changed with the

campaign. More support was gained after the

JNCW and CSOs hosted debates on the topic.

Additionally, the Royal Court

was in favour of repealing the

provision, a position that was

eventually adopted by the

government.

One of the important outcomes

of this campaign was the

strengthened relationship

between the JNCW and CSOs.

The JNCW acknowledges that

the momentum for change is

based on an accumulation of

several years of work and

partnership between CSOs and

the JNCW. Coordination with

CSOs also allows the JNCW to

benefit from efforts and

expertise by these organizations.

To emphasize the collective

nature of the efforts, slogans,

letters, and billboards did not

carry the logo of any specific

group or organization. This

resulted in buy-in from many

groups and organizations at different levels,

which increased the legitimacy of the demands

of the campaign. Notably, the campaign also

served to build momentum in the region:

following the campaign, both Lebanon and

Tunisia abolished their own versions of the

“marry your rapist” laws.

The Palestinian MoWA has worked with the

Ministry of Social Development and the Ministry

of Justice on the draft Family Protection from

INTEGRATED

The entity has

coordination of

functions and actions

across systems,

including the ability to

bring together

disparate ideas and

elements, work

collaboratively across

elements, develop

cohesive solutions and

coordinate actions.

Information is shared,

and communication is

transparent.

Source: Rodin, Judith

(2014). The Resilience

Dividend: Being Strong in a

World Where Things Go

Wrong. New York: Public

Affairs.

37

Violence Law, which was prepared with the

participation of non-governmental women’s and

human rights organizations. The Ministry of

Social Development, which runs shelters for

women victims of violence and provides

services to women and girls with disabilities

and to older women, also benefited from

discussions raised during MoWA’s consultation.

Furthermore, a National Observatory on VAW,

which collates data and information provided

by the Government and civil society, was

established and is managed by the Ministry.

As for the WPS agenda, the National Action

Plan for the Implementation of United Nations

Security Council resolution 1325 for the State of

Palestine (2017-2019)79 was developed through a

coordinated and consultative process, led by

MoWA and supported by United Nations

agencies and the European Union; this was

done after extensive advocacy by the

Palestinian Women’s Coalition on Security

Council resolution 1325. The Coalition is

comprised of a range of civil society

organizations, including women’s rights

organizations from the West Bank and Gaza,

and functions under the leadership of the

General Union of Palestinian Women. In 2015,

the Palestinian Cabinet instructed Government

ministries and other institutions to include WPS

in their plans and to allocate funding. This was

based on a policy of gender-responsive

budgeting adopted by the government in 2013,

due to the efforts of MoWA and several CSOs.

In Tunisia, the Ministry of Women, Family,

Children and the Elderly works closely with

other ministries, including the Ministry of Social

Development, the Ministry of Youth, and the

Ministry of Education, among others. The

Ministry has also created gender units in

relevant ministries; as of October 2018,

implementation began in the Ministry of

Defence and Ministry of Social Affairs. Outside

of Government entities, there is collaboration

with CSOs. For example, Organic Law no.

2017-58 on the Elimination of Violence against

Women was proposed and prepared by the

Ministry in coordination and partnership with

national stakeholders, including civil society.

Furthermore, the recently approved budget by

the Parliament included a large emphasis on

activities related to women. The budget

allocation targets the Ministry for Women,

Family, Children and the Elderly as well as other

ministries that implement activities relating to

women. This enhances the central role of the

Ministry given that other ministries rely on its

presence and expertise to implement the

various activities.

Integration requires more than just partnership;

it requires NWMs to ensure thorough and

strategic collaboration with several diverse

entities that are both governmental and

non-governmental, national and international.

This ensures that a diverse set of actors will

provide checks and balances along the way so

that implementation is effective and credible.

Notably, it appears that combating VAW serves

as common ground for NWMs and other entities

to come together. While commendable, the

scope of interventions must be expanded for

NWMs to respond to the diverse needs of the

government and women and girls.

D. Self-regulating

Disruption is more easily managed when an

institution is self-regulating. It does not guard

against failure; rather, it ensures that there is no

institutional implosion or meltdown when

adversity strikes. As Rodin argues, a self-

regulating system prevents disruptions from

causing a multiplier effect when it suffers severe

38

dysfunction.80 The best example of self-regulation

entails the development of monitoring and

evaluation mechanisms to ensure that work is

effective, and that successes and failures may be

accurately captured to develop lessons learned.

Regular evaluation of the work of NWMs is also

necessary to enable NWMs to self-reflect and

strengthen their resilience. Specifying

benchmarks and indicators

through project cycles is very

important to measure progress.

In that regard, the national

statistics office may be an

important partner to design such

benchmarks and indicators and

measure progress.

In other cases, due to conflict

and/or political instability,

institutions may have to reinvent

themselves or develop

temporary structures to pick up

where the previous institution

left off. Yemen has been

involved in a multifaceted

conflict since 2015, paralyzing

several institutions, including

the NWM. As the structures of

the Government started to

weaken, the role of the Women’s

Departments in the various

ministries was greatly affected. Most of these

departments were closed. However, the main

ones located at the Ministry of Social Affairs and

Labour in Aden and at the governorate level in

areas under the control of the Government,

continued to function. As of October 2018, the

Women’s Departments at the Ministry of Human

Rights, the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry

of Information are also functioning. An

additionally devastating consequence of the

conflict is the loss of archives, studies and data

from these departments. An important body to

have emerged during the conflict in Yemen is

the National Commission to Investigate Alleged

Violations to Human Rights. As of December

2018, the Commission has issued five reports

citing violations, and has carried out a gender

analysis of the impact of the conflict on women.

It also keeps a database of its documentation.

The information gathered is relevant for the

work of Yemen as it engages

with the WPS agenda; it serves

as background analyses for the

NAP and future strategies.

To properly function, NWMs

must be fully funded. A lack of

funding not only impacts NWMs

in the Arab region, but also has

historically impacted NWMs

worldwide (including in stable

contexts).81 To build resilience,

NWMs must have autonomy

over their planning and priority

setting, to ensure their capacity

to respond to the needs of

women and girls. Their

mandates need to allow them to

recruit and retain appropriate

staff, including leadership; to

organize their work according to

the most important priorities

and needs; and have control of

their internal budgeting and other processes to

take effective action relating to staff well-being,

safety and training. Indeed, while there are

cases of NWMs relying on the impactful work of

volunteers, this does not offer a sustainable

path for the institution.

In Jordan, the JNCW has prioritized building an

internal structure that reflects its priorities,

as reflected in its three-year strategic plan that

is fully budgeted. Seeking to institutionalize its

work, the JNCW has worked to build

SELF-REGULATING

The entity can regulate

itself in ways that

enable it to deal with

anomalous situations

and disruptions

without extreme

malfunction or

catastrophic collapse.

Cascading disruptions

do not result when the

entity suffers a severe

dysfunction; it can

fail safely.

Source: Rodin, Judith

(2014). The Resilience

Dividend: Being Strong in a

World Where Things Go

Wrong. New York: Public

Affairs.

39

institutional capacities and relations with

different actors. Financial resources are

one of the main challenges facing the JNCW.

In 2016, the Commission received a

considerable funding increase from the

Government, giving it more stability. However,

the JNCW continues to need to

seek external funds to ensure

continuity. The fact that the

JNCW can raise its own funding

is very important as this enables

it to implement its own plans

according to priorities emerging

from the situation in Jordan.

E. Adaptive

The ability to respond effectively

and flexibly according to

changing circumstances –

adaptability – is the final

element of a resilient institution.

Being adaptive means making

improvements and

transformations to counter a

disruption or instability; it also

implies the ability to change in

advance of the disruption, or to

avoid or mitigate the effect of

the disruption. Adaptability is a

broad concept and can be

applied to all facets of work

within an institution. Essentially, it is the

accumulation and intersection of the previous

four characteristics of resilience – Awareness,

Diversity, Integration and Self-regulation.

An adaptive institution can make use of the

resources and abilities at hand and deliver as

needed, even if that means it reinvents its work.

Different contexts require different adaptive

responses. For example, the Palestinian UNSCR

1325 NAP for the period of 2017-2019 focuses

on the protection of women and girls from the

Israeli occupation, seeks to ensure

accountability for violations by the Israeli

occupation, aims to increase the participation of

women in peacebuilding and conflict resolution

at all levels and is presented in a

clear logical frame that includes

strategic goals, policies,

interventions, activities,

outcomes, explanation and

responsibilities. However, the

NAP does not include internal

concerns and measures related

to prevention and protection

within Palestinian society.

However, MoWA argues that

there is no need for these as

they are included under other

strategies and NAPs, including

the Palestinian General National

Plan on Gender Equality and

Women Empowerment for 2017-

2022. At the same time, the NAP

is being incorporated in to other

plans, including those on VAW

and political participation.

Being adaptive means that

NWMs need to be aware of and

prepared to address a variety of

concerns at the legal and policy

levels in an innovative way,

including women and girls’ humanitarian needs;

security for women and girls; acting on

predatory economies that exploit women and

girls while promoting economic and social

rights for women; and transitional justice and

reparation. Particular groups of women and

girls – including female-headed households,

former combatants and women and girls who

were associated with armed groups, women

with disabilities and adolescent girls, to name a

ADAPTIVE

The entity has the

capacity to adjust

to changing

circumstances by

developing new plans,

taking new actions, or

modifying behaviours.

The entity is flexible: it

has the ability to apply

existing resources to

new purposes or for

one element to take on

multiple roles. This

includes having control

over work plans,

staffing, and budget.

Source: Rodin, Judith

(2014). The Resilience

Dividend: Being Strong in a

World Where Things Go

Wrong. New York: Public

Affairs.

40

few – also have particular needs which may not

be immediately obvious but should fall under

the rubric of the mandate of NWMs. Thus, it is

imperative that NWMs are not only adaptive in

terms of action/mandate, but also in terms of

population served.

Resilience also comes from assessing, planning

and, if necessary, providing immediate assistance,

through assessing humanitarian needs of women

and girls. This may include finding out the needs

for shelter, sanitation, food and water and health

services. With the right expertise and experience

in humanitarian assistance, NWMs are more able

to advocate to the government for mainstreaming

gendered services, strategies and plans and

develop needed policies so that such services

are available, accessible, affordable and of

good quality.

In Jordan, there are more than 1.4 million Syrian

refugees though only 660,000 are registered as

persons of concern with UNHCR.82 Furthermore,

there are only three official refugee camps in the

country, however most refugees live outside

these camps in urban areas or in informal

settlements. The JONAP (2018-2021) on Women,

Peace and Security was developed to respond to

the country’s challenges, including the situation of

refugee women, something not addressed by the

National Strategy for Women (2013-2017).83

The process began in 2010 with the establishment

of the National Coalition to develop a National

Strategy for advancing the implementation of

United Nations Security Council resolution 1325

on Women, Peace and Security. However, with

the uprisings in the region, the JNCW conducted

a comprehensive review of the National Strategy

and the National Coalition’s mandate, to respond

to conflicts in neighbouring countries and the

spillover of refugees. The Commission then led

an inclusive and participatory process that

brought together over 60 representatives from the

security sector, the Government, CSOs, youth

organizations, media and international

organizations to aid in drafting the JONAP.

A High-level Steering Committee was then

formed by cabinet decree. National and local

consultations resulted in the adoption of several

priorities that served as the foundation for the

JONAP. Notably, the JONAP has a dedicated

pillar on preventing violent extremism.

Women are not a homogenous group and

different contexts call for different measures to

ensure equality. To ensure adaptability, NWMs

and their regional offices need to be prepared

to do targeted work that may vary between

communities. This involves working in the field

in the various localities, through establishing

local offices, and ensuring that NWM staff can

travel and develop a conducive working relation

with local governments, local civil society,

grassroots organizations and local communities.

This connection to the community is vital to the

resilience of NWMs – allowing them to not only

to build expert knowledge of the situation

across the country, of the realities and priorities

on the ground, but also to solicit the support of

the different communities they serve. This way

of working will ensure that the NWM can

promote effective policies, strategies and

solutions that respond to reality in the places

where decisions are made.

In Tunisia, to ensure that women have access to

services in both urban and rural areas, the

Ministry for Women, Family, Children and the

Elderly has 24 regional offices that serve as

mini-outposts of the Ministry (also known as

Regional Delegate for Women, Family and

Children). They each have a head for women’s

affairs. The delegations implement the

programmes of the Ministry, while considering

local realities. They initiate programmes to suit

local needs, including specific actions on human

41

trafficking, or girl child labour and school drop-

outs. They also oversee childcare centres and

women’s shelters. The Ministry also runs a

hotline for reporting cases of violence against

women, children and the elderly.

The examples highlight how NWMs in Jordan,

Tunisia and Yemen continued to remain

relevant amid diverse challenges and instability.

In the case of Yemen, this meant altering the

mandate of the Women’s Department to ensure

an appropriate response to the nation’s

humanitarian crisis. In Jordan, which is

experiencing spillover from the crisis in

Syria, this resulted in developing a NAP on

Security Council resolution 1325 that was

consultative and inclusive – the JONAP

addresses the needs not just of Jordanian

women but also refugee women. Lastly, in

Tunisia, the Ministry of Women, Family,

Children and the Elderly has sought to localize

its services through regional offices, responding

to needs on the ground as opposed to a one-

size-fits-all approach.

4. Conclusions and Policy

Recommendations

45

4. Conclusions and Policy Recommendations

This study comes as the major international

women’s rights frameworks of our time the

BPfA, CEDAW, the WPS agenda, and the 2030

Agenda for Sustainable Development all reach

significant milestones. The convergence of

these policies offers a powerful opportunity

to guide States’ approaches to the work and

role of NWMs within the context of such

frameworks, especially during periods of

conflict and transition.

National Women’s Machineries are important

institutions within State structures that are

mandated to ensure gender-mainstreaming

across government. One can hardly imagine

how a State might ensure that its laws, policies

and programmes are gender-sensitive without a

mandated and enabled specialized institution.

Without these institutions, the State may

struggle to ensure that it responds to the needs

and demands of all of those living under its

jurisdiction, including the specific needs of

women and girls. The State may also struggle to

ensure that gender equality is guaranteed,

particularly in times of instability or disruption.

This study has focused on how conflict,

occupation and transitions affect State

institutions with a particular focus on NWMs.

Institutions are normally established during the

pre-conflict or a phase of relative stability.

During periods of upheaval, institutions are

under pressure to operate during shocks that

challenge their normal functioning. Instability or

disruption may cause the institution to change

its focus or cease to exist. It is therefore

paramount that institutions, such as NWMs, are

enabled to be resilient from the outset, to

minimize risks and shocks due to conflict,

occupation and transition.

Available experiences from NWMs in Jordan,

the State of Palestine, Tunisia, and Yemen show

how employing some elements of the five

characteristics of resilience allowed these

institutions to cope and continue to deliver on

their mandates in challenging circumstances.

The tactics employed by MoWA in the State of

Palestine has allowed it to gain legitimacy

through its linkages with CSOs, which have

protected it from attempts to question its

usefulness and the nature of its work as a non-

service provider body. Establishing a strong

reputation of authority and trustworthiness is

particularly important under occupation, as local

institutions are often delegitimized by the

occupying force. This is especially important

given the political divide within the Palestinian

Government – despite this divide, MoWA

continues to be viewed as a reliable actor and

advocate for Palestinian women’s rights.

The JNCW is a very good example of an NWM

that is focusing on strengthening its capacities,

linkages with the civil societies and enabling the

Government to strengthen its gender

mainstreaming obligations as essential

mechanisms for delivering its mandate. The

JNCW believes that building capacities and

linkages will enable it to react to crisis, realizing

that when an emerging situation arises, this

serves as a form of resilience. Given the ever-

46

pressing strains of the Syrian refugee crisis on

Jordan, JNCW’s capacity development is highly

strategic for strengthening its ability to respond

to such shocks and to continue to deliver.

The case of Tunisia shows that NWMs’ ability to

nurture well-established linkages with various

governmental organizations and other actors

not only benefits the NWM, but also other

ministries as well. Hence, the relationship

becomes mutually supportive when responding

to women’s needs and the gender equality

agenda. Given that many of the ministries have

a budget exclusively for activities relating to

women, their implementation of these set

targets is dependent on the expertise of the

Ministry of Women Affairs, Family, Children and

the Elderly to achieve the advancement of

women and girls. The connections developed

between the Ministry and actors across the

spectrum has facilitated broad support for and

implementation of women’s rights in Tunisia.

The case of Yemen shows that having the

flexibility to change structure and to adapt

to different circumstances enables an

organization to effectively use existing spaces,

tools and resources. Hence, when the role

of the National Committee for Women was

affected by the ongoing conflict in Sana’a, the

Women and Children Department in the

Ministry of Social Affairs took the lead and

continued to effectively fulfil the mandate in

partnership with all women’s departments in the

various ministries, which served to minimize the

impact of the brutality of the conflict and its

gender-specific impact.

The resilience of NWMs is dependent on their

status, mandate, powers and roles, resources

and capacities and linkages. To be resilient,

NWMs also need to work with State authorities

to make it clear that implementing a women’s

human rights agenda is a requirement of

international human rights law and a political

priority, as well as a reflection of the fact that

women and girls are half the population and the

same proportion of Government attention and

resourcing should follow their needs. A resilient

NWM also builds trust in Government

authorities, through its ability to communicate

and reflect experiences of women and girls on

the ground.84 The previous chapter presented

how some NWMs in the region have adopted

coping mechanisms that fall under the resilience

framework developed by Rodin. Although the

choices made by NWMs to adopt a particular

response to various challenges may have

not been guided by the resilience framework

discussed above, some of these mechanisms

serve as creative ways and good practice to

ensure that NWMs meet the challenges of

conflict, occupation and/or formal political

transition. Furthermore, and while the chapter

also made clear that no NWM has employed all

five characteristics of resilience simultaneously,

tactics applied are in line with the Rodin

framework, which ensured their resilience.

Further, it is just as important that NWM’s

receive the necessary support from their

respective governments, particularly in

situations that require resilience. Political

leaders must take women’s issues and the

gender mainstreaming efforts of NWMs

seriously in order to ensure the empowerment

of their citizens and ultimately the betterment of

their States.

The analysis of institutional resilience of NWMs

in challenging operating settings in the Arab

region leads to policy recommendations. Most

importantly, this study recommends that NWMs

adopt a resilience framework that fits the Arab

sociopolitical context. This framework should

bring resilient elements into the various

components of NWMs’ functions and processes.

47

The suggested framework stems from the

experiences that were presented in the

discussion above and the good practices of

NWMs’ coping mechanisms and resilience

elements and builds on both Rodin’s framework

and Rai’s model of strong institutions. Such

adaptation and adoption will allow NWMs to

continue operating effectively and conduct their

institutional work during difficult conditions and

in harsh environments. Engaging with this

framework further, particularly in times of

stability, will ensure that NWMs are better able

to withstand shocks and challenges. The

features of this model are relevant to its

mandate and structure; its reporting

mechanisms; capacities and resources; linkages;

and collaboration and coordination. These are

explained further below.

Mandate and Structure: Governments should

adopt a resilience-based model upon the

establishment of a NWM by law with a clear

mandate and authority to influence decision-

making in relation to women’s rights, gender

equality, gender mainstreaming and women’s

empowerment across the government; ensure

that the mandate and work of different

stakeholders do not overlap in relation to

gender equality and women’s empowerment;

hold government institutions accountable in

their response to NWMs’ mandates according to

each State’s specific legal context; and make

sure that NWMs’ governance structures enable

the participation and inclusion of civil society

and women’s human rights defenders and

organizations representing diverse segments of

society in decision-making processes.

Report ing mechanisms: Government

institutions and NWMs should establish and

enhance independent and gender-sensitive

monitoring, evaluation and reporting

mechanisms of the institutional performance.

Governments should institutionalize gender

mainstreaming in their planning and guarantee

the generation of sex-disaggregated data.

International and regional organizations should

support efforts to build the capacity of NWMs

based on international standards and best

practices of monitoring and evaluation of

performance and impact, in addition to setting

benchmarks and indicators.

Capacit ies and Resources: Governments

should allocate the required sustainable

financial resources and budgets for NWMs for

them to be able to fully implement their

mandate. Additionally, they should ensure the

transparent recruitment of staff based on

competence, inclusion and commitment to

gender equality. International and regional

organizations should support in the provision of

technical assistance and capacity building for

NWMs’ staff and members in pertinent areas of

work, including enhancing their knowledge of

relevant international norms and standards; and

coordinate their support for gender equality and

women’s empowerment efforts to avoid

duplication and overlap.

Link ages: Experiences from around the region

have shown that gender equality may not feature

highly on the political agenda during or post-

conflict or during occupation. Thus, building

preparedness and expertise on key gender-

related practical concerns that arise pre-conflict,

during, and post-conflict is imperative for NWMs,

so that they can manage the emerging and long-

term needs of women and girls. Such efforts

should be based on established linkages and

strong working relations with civil society. The

development, adoption, resourcing and

implementation of NAPs on WPS is one example

of processes that NWMs could lead to establish a

stronger partnership with civil society in

addressing the needs of women and girls.

48

Similarly, international and regional

organizations should provide support to

NAP development processes on WPS and

facilitate the exchange of resources.

Collaborat ion and Coordinat ion: This would

also entail that NWMs ensure that the voices and

experiences of women on the ground are

communicated to various authorities and acted

upon, to build trust so that they can accompany

women and girls in the long term through times

of stability, conflict and/or occupation, and the

post-conflict, peacebuilding and or political

transition phase. In addition, establishing

linkages with community-based organizations

and grassroots initiatives of leadership and

service provision would allow for a better

understanding and responsiveness to the needs

of women and girls. Where appropriate, the

NWM can advocate with central government to

provide the appropriate support and scale up

good practice. With such coordination and

collaboration, NWMs would be positioned to

create a new vision specific to their context while

bringing the benefit of international standards

and the previous experiences of other countries

to help work with women and girls to develop

their own local solutions.

49

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Endnotes

Introduction

1. Goetz, 2003, p. 69.

2. Beijing Platform for Action, para. 196.

3. United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women, 2005.

4. See, for example, CEDAW/C/LBN/CO/4-5, para. 24(a); CEDAW/C/IRQ/CO/4-6, para. 20.

5. E/ESCWA/ECW/2017/1.

6. Sjöstedt, 2015.

7. Rodin, 2014, p. 13.

8. In October 2000, United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) was drafted and adopted; subsequently, an additional

eight resolutions were drafted to support and clarify the goals of 1325 – this is Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda.

In total, the nine resolutions of the WPS agenda seek to promote gender equality and strengthen women ’s participation,

protection and rights before, during and after conflict, and through post-conflict reconstruction. Security Council resolution

1325 affirms that peace and security efforts are more sustainable when women are equal partners in the prevention of violent

conflict, the delivery of relief and recovery efforts and in the creation of lasting peace.

9. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals are a collection of 17 global goals set by

the United Nations General Assembly to be achieved by 2030 that seek to end poverty, protect the planet and ensure that all

people enjoy peace and prosperity.

Chapter 1

10. Scott, 2008, p. 222.

11. E/ESCWA/ECRI/2017/4, p. 15.

12. Langeland, and others, 2016, p. 5.

13. Sjöstedt, 2015, p. 1.

14. Rodin, 2014, p. 3.

15. UNDP RBAS, 2002.

16. E/ESCWA/ECRI/2016/1; E/ESCWA/ECRI/2017/4.

17. Stokes, 2003.

18. Manjoo, 2005.

19. Goetz, 2003.

20. Kardam, 2002, p. 427.

21. Manjoo, 2005, p. 270.

22. A/CONF.116/28.Rev.1.

23. Byrne, and others, 1996, p. 5.

24. Kardam, 2002.

25. Manjoo, 2005, p, 270.

26. Byrne, and others, 1996, p. 5.

27. Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action.

28. Kardam and Acuner, 2003, p. 96.

52

29. Rai, 2003, pp. 25-26.

30. Rai, 2003, p. 26.

31. ESCWA, 2010.

32. Ibid.

33. Ibid.

34. E/ESCWA/ECW/2017/4.

35. On 31 January 2019, the newly formed Lebanese Cabinet established the Ministry of State for the Economic Empowerment of

Women and Youth, which replaced the Minister of State for Women’s Affairs that had been previously established in

December 2016.

36. E/ESCWA/ECW/2017/1.

37. ESCWA, 2010.

38. E/ESCWA/SDD/2015/2, p. 7.

39. Clause 3 of Law 30/2018 regarding the re-organization of the Higher Council for Women in Egypt.

40. Clause 1 of the Cabinet decree 106/2018 naming members of the National Action Plan’s Drafting Committee.

41. Karam, 2018.

42. Dixon, and others, 2018.

Chapter 2

43. E/ESCWA/EDID/2018/1, p. 23.

44. E/ESCWA/SDD/2017/Technical Paper.5, p. 10.

45. E/ESCWA/ECW/2011/3, p. 8.

46. Ibid, p. 11.

47. Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2019.

48. UNICEF and ICRW, 2017.

49. World Economic Forum, 2018.

50. UNFPA, 2018, p. 1.

51. UNDP, 2019, p. 42.

52. UNFPA, 2018, p. 1.

53. ESCWA calculations based on UNFPA and the Yemeni Women’s Union (2015) and S/2019/280.

54. UNFPA, 2018, p. 1.

55. UNHCR, 2018, p. 1.

56. E/ESCWA/EDID/2018/WP.5.

57. UN Women, 2018, p. 3.

58. Ibid, p. 15.

59. Ibid, p. 4.

60. The World Bank, 2013; E/ESCWA/OES/2015/WP.5; Regional Refugee and Resilience Framework, 2018.

61. E/CN.6/2015/5.

62. E/ESCWA/ECW/2016/Technical Paper.3, p. 12.

63. OCHA, 2018.

64. E/CN.6/2015/5.

65. OCHA, 2014.

66. UNRWA, 2018.

67. E/ESCWA/ECW/2016/Technical Paper.3, p. 8.

68. Ortiz, and others, 2015.

69. The Republic of Iraq, 2019.

70. The World Bank, 2018.

53

71. The Economist Intelligence Unit, 2013.

72. E/ESCWA/EDID/2017/TECHNICAL PAPER.2, p. iii.

73. E/ESCWA/SPDP/2019/CP.3, p. 27. Data cited is for the Madaba governorate.

74. Ibid, p. 15. Data cited is for Al Mafraq governorate.

Chapter 3

75. Rodin, 2014, p. 14.

76. The authors acknowledge that the five characteristics under discussion require a set of internal and external factors

depending on the context. Also, included in this context is the extent to which the NWM is empowered to act. Despite these

considerations, the five characteristics provide a guideline for NWMs to measure their resilience and build upon opportunities.

77. Rodin, 2014, p. 15.

78. E/ESCWA/ECW/2019/TP.2.

79. State of Palestine, 2017.

80. Rodin, 2014, p. 32.

81. UN Women, 2016.

82. UNHCR, 2019.

83. JNCW, 2018.

Chapter 4

84. This is particularly key when dealing with issues of public safety and security: for example, engaging with the Ministry of the

Interior, policing, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Defence (if the violence is perpetrated by armed forces); the Ministry of

Education (ensuring safe schools and safe transport to school so that girls can continue their education); the Ministry of Justice

(in relation to the situation of women in prisons, correctional and rehabilitation institutions); and the Ministry of Health (dealing

with victims and cases of violence, and sexual and reproductive health and rights, etc.).

The present study examines how national women’s machineries in the Arab region cultivate resilience to continue operating and delivering during conflict, occupation and formal political transitions. It defines a set of resilience characteristics, namely awareness, diversity, integration, self-regulation and adaptivity, and adopts them as a framework to examine the state of national women’s machineries in four Arab countries: Jordan, which is hosting a sizeable refugee population; the State of Palestine, which is under occupation; Tunisia, which has gone through a formal political transition; and Yemen, which, is conflict-affected. In doing so, it highlights examples of good or unique practice that can benefit other Arab countries.

The study finds that national women’s machineries in the Arab region continuously assume different forms and mandates to remain relevant in challenging contexts. They show resilience in unique and creative ways; however, no machinery in the region has all five characteristics of resilience simultaneously. The study calls upon all national women’s machineries in the region to develop a resilience framework, particularly during times of stability, to ensure that they will be better placed to withstand shocks and challenges when the need arises.

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