daisy tam - slow journeys - what does it mean to go slow

Independent scholar

Slow Journeys

Daisy Tam

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO GO SLOW?

06FCS11.2 Tam:04FCS10.3/Karaou 9/5/08 10:36 Page 207

Food,Culture

&Society

208 :: Daisy Tam DOI: 10.2752/175174408X317570

ABSTRACT

: :Established in the late 1980s, the Slow Food movement stated its interest in defending

the pleasures of the table from the homogenization of fast food and fast lives. Because

of this it has often been disregarded as yet another food and wine club, or

misunderstood as a nostalgic desire for bourgeois living. By addressing this partial

understanding of the movement, I wish to illustrate, through a case study of Marks and

Spencer, the qualitative differences between fast and slow food cultures. I continue to

reflect on slow food and draw out some of the resources the movement offers for the

understanding of a wider practice of slow or slow living in general.Through a

Foucauldian reading of care this piece aims to illustrate how slow can be cultivated

and developed into a wider praxis that goes beyond the dinner table.

Keywords: fast, slow, nostalgia, care

Slow Journeys: :

When the new high-speed walkway opened in Montparnasse station in Parisin 2001, its design sparked international interest; professionals from all aroundthe world flew in to witness this magic carpet in action. I was curious to findout what it felt like traveling at 9 km/h, three times the normal walking speed,through the 185-meter tunnel in the depths of the underground transportationsystem. As I approached the travelator, I was slightly anxious to join the crowdof other expectant passengers. Members of staff in high-visibility jackets werewaving people on while instructing passengers to align their feet onto therollers in the acceleration area so that they would then be transferred safelyonto the moving walkway. The state of anticipation was not unlike a wait for aroller-coaster ride where anxiety is mixed with the heightened expectation ofan exhilarating but inevitably scary journey. Once on the moving walkway, theonly reference I had was the stream of billboards on the side of the tunnel andI was amazed at the speed at which they were moving across my field of vision.By the time I had adjusted to the pace at which we were being transported,the journey was over. As I stepped off the walkway, I was both nervous andrelieved that I had not created chaos by falling over, but most of all I wasfrustrated at the slowness of my own two feet.

My experience of the high-speed walkway in Paris is similar to, but perhapsless noteworthy than, the experience of the first passengers on the steamengine that replaced horse-drawn carriages in the early nineteenth century.The technology marked the beginning of a new era for traveling, but itssignificance lay in the way it revolutionized the way we encounter andexperience the nature of time and space. Victorian passengers who traveled


vol. 11 :: no. 2june 08

Slow Journeys :: 209

on trains experienced such exhilaration that they announced it was theannihilation of space by time (Thrift 1996). Harvey (1989) uses the termtime-space compression to signal the processes that so revolutionize theobjective qualities of space and time that we are forced to alter, sometimes inquite radical ways, how we represent the world to ourselves (Harvey 1989:240).

As fast food and fast life characterize living in the twenty-first century, weare accustomed to an always ready-to-go worldinstantaneous information,prt porter fashion, ready-made meals. In fact, waiting in a queue isconsidered to be such a waste of time that most people would try to occupythat space with other activities, such as checking phone messages and mails,to justify and fill that space of idling. Such behavior indicates an impatientway of living; one where time is always running out. The Parisian travelator isdeemed a success in the context of being a great time-saver as it has beencalculated that the average passenger will save up to eleven and a half hoursover the course of a year.

Harvey argues that time-space compression, as a distinct condition ofpostmodernity, gives an overwhelming sense of compression of our spatial andtemporal worlds (Harvey 1989: 240). The technologies that allow us to be inmore than one space at any given timethe internet, mobile phones just toname two that bridge distance through a virtual worldmake everythingavailable to hand immediately. Boulding (1978) uses the term temporalexhaustion to express the experience of being mentally out of breath all thetime in dealing with the present. Jameson (1984) regards the condition ofpostmodernity as a crisis because we fear that we cannot keep pace. It wouldtherefore seem bizarre that instead of inventing even newer and better waysto keep up we should choose to slow down. But with the event of every newtechnological innovation that takes place with time-space compression, aparallel process of slowing is always taking place elsewhere. These processesare reflected in various movements; for example, romantic art was hugelypopular in the nineteenth century with painters such as Constable offeringromantic scenes of quiet country landscapes, bringing a comforting nostalgiato the population (Thrift and May 2001). The need to search for comfort ina slower-moving past can be understood as a response to a certain anxietywhich accompanies periods of acceleration in the pace of living. Just as someof the twenty-first century users of the travelator were reported to be elated,others felt relieved to get off. As my slightly shaking legs suggest, the after-effects of the experience are often overwhelming and unsettling. Theacceleration of time creates an angst that has to manifest in a space whereslower rhythms provide a sense of security. Not only are speeding up andslowing down concepts that acquire meaning through their relation with eachother, but it is apparent that these concepts are manifested equally in tangiblemovements such as art or living.


Food,Culture

&Society

210 :: Daisy Tam

It is in such context that I situate the Slow Food movement. Established in1986, it came as a timely response to the unease created by the fast-pacedway of life and aims to protect the pleasures of the table from thehomogenization of modern fast food and life (Petrini and Padovani 2006).Ideas of hospitality and sharing are key to members of the Slow Foodmovement. Cooking and eating, along with other examples of good and slowliving, promote a way of living that emphasizes quality rather than quantity.Slow food opens up certain questions of time and space. In this light, thedining table becomes a physical and mental refuge from a fast-paced life ofwork characterized by rhythms of efficiency and productivity. This paperexplores the qualities of the movement in order to understand what it meansto go slowa form of traveling where destinations are perhaps secondary tohow we make the journey. How can one imagine occupying a space slowly?What does it mean to do so? What qualities does the slow of slow foodoffer that one cannot have in a fast life?

The Slow Food movements insistence on quality has made it an easy targetfor charges of elitism but I will argue that this is a result of a partialunderstanding of the movement. This limited knowledge allows for the rise ofslow fast food and counterfeit slow food in the food market. This will bediscussed with a case study in the section on slow fast food.

The subsequent section then seeks to examine the idea of slownessthrough the notion of pleasure and care. It offers a theoretical model throughwhich to better understand the qualities that are imbued in a slow culture, asa partial basis for developing a practice that is ethical and sustainable andwhich extends beyond the dinner table.

Slow Fast Food: :

It is apparent that the difference between slow food and fast food is not aquestion of temporal duration. Fast food is bad not because it is fast and by thesame token the qualities of slow food do not lie in the duration of a meal. I willstart by looking at a case study, which will illustrate the changing faces of fastfood. Slow fast food is a term I use to describe food with modes of production,distribution and consumption similar to those of fast food chains, but whichuses a variety of methods to disguise these modes in order to associate itselfwith slow food. To illustrate this, I chose the Christmas Lunch advert fromthe Marks and Spencer (M&S) Simply Food advertising campaign as a casestudy. My analysis will consider first the visual representation used in itsadvertisements, then the techniques by which it associates its products withwealth, and finally its ways of evoking and exploiting nostalgia.

The images of the Christmas Lunch advertisement are narrated by a rich,velvety, female voice backed by the slow guitar music of Santana and feature


vol. 11 :: no. 2june 08


vivid close-ups of translucent pieces of smoked salmon swept into a mustardsauce and roasting parsnips sizzling and spitting in the oven tray. Theexaggerated visual representation can only be described as a form of a gastro-porn (Smart 1994: 1701) where fine photographic images heightenexpectations, but as with porn, the gratification is never met. The foodadvertised becomes secondary; satisfaction no longer lies in tasting and eatingas the ornamentalization of food is so complete that the consumption, asBarthes (1973: 79) observes, can now be perfectly accomplished simply bylooking. The clever juxtaposition of the camera shots glamorize what are inreality just ready-made TV dinners. M&S food can therefore be described asslow fast food. The slow, pornographic images of well-prepared food providea safe smokescreen behind which its aluminum-wrapped processed food canbe soldat a higher price than its counterparts at any general supermarket.This type of slow marketing not only corrupts our time and space of leisure,it also distorts the image of slow food.

In our post-industrialist society, rising levels of per capita income haveproduced a new demographic group of nouveau bourgeoisie. They belongneither to Veblens leisure class nor the factory owners of Marxist times.Characterized by its abundance of disposable income, this new, affluent groupof the twenty-first century is rich in financial and cultural capital. The nouveaubourgeoisie work long hours but earn a good living to compensate for the lackof leisure time. This opens up a very profitable niche in the consumer market.Thousands of ready-made, instant, pre-worked commodities are churned outevery day, targeted specifically at this money-rich, time-poor community.

These modern elites with their long working hours have precious little timefor leisure. Leisure starts when work ends, it is the time left over from work.As Appadurai (1993) points out, it becomes recognized logically as a rewardfor production time well used. Characterized by various forms ofentertainment such as going to the cinema or the restaurant, leisure time isoften associated with the time of consumption: one spends to entertain or torelax. Appadurai writes:

there is little escape from the rhythms of industrial production, forwhen leisure is reliably available and socially acceptable, what isrequired is not only free time, but disposable income. (Appadurai1993)

How you spend and where you spend then becomes an index for ranking anddistinguishing work, class and occupation. Slow time therefore becomes aclass marker and a commodityto mark and sell a lifestyle of refinement,sophistication and taste. It is in this context that Slow Food is criticized forbeing elitist.

The M&S Simply Food Campaign has been hugely successful byassociating the companys ready-made meals with the idea of slowness. The


Food,Culture

&Society

212 :: Daisy Tam

adverts highlight the time consumed in the making of these products, sellingthe image of a leisurely lifestyle that appeals to the over-worked yet affluentpopulation in search of sophistication. This is indeed more than just food:M&S food sells the complete lifestyle that can be now be obtained vicariouslythrough the polystyrene-sealed, glossy cardboard packaged, ready-mademeals. This packaged lifestyle offers the illusion or appearance of wealth, asMarx points out in the first volume of CapitalThe wealth of societies inwhich the capitalist mode of production prevails appears as an immensecollection of commodities (Marx 1990: 125, my emphasis). Wealth in sucha context is only the pursuit of a mirage; it can never be achieved as a marketeconomy instigates scarcity. The market produces and flaunts a vast array ofproducts always within mans reach but never all within his grasp. As cost isdefined as an alternative forgone in economics, consumerism is therefore adouble tragedywhat begins in inadequacy will end in deprivation.

M&S not only sells us images of illusory wealth, it even provides us with acollective memory. The technique of associating M&S products with animaginary past has brought the company good financial rewards. The goodold days, as it were, offer up romantic notions of a way of life that washealthier and better. M&S presents its products as uniquely produced byindividual farmers where animals are reared using traditional farmingmethods. A further inspection of food labels reveals that names of farmersare included to encourage the impression that the food sold at their storecould be sourced to a farmer, thereby ensuring quality and freshness. Yet theimages and information used in such labeling are often misleading: theLochmuir salmon, for example, is a creation of M&S marketing. As revealedby The Scotsman, Lochmuir is in fact a fictional place, the name having beencoined by marketing experts as part of a branding exercise for their salmonbecause it sounded Scottish (Jamison 2006). The combination ofindividuality, of sourcing and of information creates an image of tradition andauthenticity that feeds a current need in the social life of commodities. Theyevoke and anchor nostalgia for an imaginary pasta syndrome that Proustimmortalized with his madeleine. It is in fact fantasy, as the above exampleclearly illustrates, a creation of modern merchandising to lure in consumers.Appadurai (1993: 25) calls this armchair nostalgia, where forms of massadvertising such as the ones used by M&S create experiences of duration,passage and loss for consumers. Appadurai notes:

rather than expecting the consumer to supply memories while themerchandiser supplies the lubricant of nostalgia, now the viewer needonly bring the faculty of nostalgia to an image that will supply thememory of a loss he or she has never suffered. (Appadurai 1993: 25)

The perceived loss is not a personal loss of something we have everexperienced. The past where crops were grown in farms rather than in


vol. 11 :: no. 2june 08


laboratories belonged to a past that was not ours. Armchair nostalgia istherefore nostalgia without lived experience or collective historical memory(Appadurai 1993: 25).

In Search of Slow: :

The idea of taking time highlighted in the slow of slow food or slow livingdoes not merely refer to speed or duration. To explore the idea of fastness andslowness in linear time is as limiting as it is futile. The real essence of slowdoes not lie in a Newtonian or chronological understanding of time, wheretime serves as a unit of measureas quantity or duration, length ofperiodicity, age or rate of acceleration (Smith 2002: 47). Rather, theunderstanding of slow should lie in a qualitative character that the concept ofchronos does not embody. The counterpart of chronos is the Greek termkairos, which is most commonly defined as the opportunistic or propitiousmoment. I am therefore arguing that a slow meal should be one that offersmoments of kairos: slow is a moment of timelessness, where opportunities toshare, reflect and be convivial give time its quality.

There is, however, a need for a more careful laying out of theunderstanding of kairos. Kairos is often represented by a young nude man infleeting movement, with wings both at the shoulder and at the heels andcarrying a pair of scales balanced on the edge of a shaving knife. Moreover,his head often shows the proverbial forelock by which bald-headedOpportunity can be seized. After the eleventh century, this figure mergedwith the figure of Fortune, this fusion being favored by the fact that theLatin word for kairos, viz., occasio, is of the same gender as fortuna(Panovsky 1972: 712). Fortune carries the meaning of chance, hap, luck orfate but these are qualities that should not be associated with kairos, as theopportunistic moment cannot rely on chance. Opportunus originates fromthe denotation of having a favorable wind blowing towards the harbor (fromob- in the direction of and portus harbor) and from this it extends to meanadvantageous (OED eleventh edition). Kairos requires a certain skill andknowledge for it to be able to grasp the right moment to the do right thing.The sailor who has a favorable wind that blows towards the harbor has stillto use his skill and knowledge of maneuvering the sails in order to sail backto port. Perhaps the Chinese word for opportunity offers a betterinterpretation of the idea, as it includes two characters, the first of which istime (si) and the second is opportunity or opening of a possibility (gay); theword for fortune or luck (wun) is not normally used interchangeably. Thefact that two characters are needed to express opportunity also suggests thatknowledge or skill understood through timeliness is as important as theopening or possibility.


Food,Culture

&Society

214 :: Daisy Tam

The ninety-second burger of McDonalds offers not only value for moneybut also value for time: the standardized design of menus and outlets ensuresthat the customer does not have to think too much about the food or theenvironment in which they are eating. In fact, their thoughts might very wellbe on what they could do in the time saved by having a quick bite. The focusof their thoughts is not on the moment of eating but on the moments tocome. If we were to understand the experience of fast and slow food in termsof qualitative rather than quantitative time, then the consumption of fast foodcan be seen as a missed opportunity to reflect and repose. By the same token,a meal that is slow is one that offers the opportunity to reflect. To take time,is to take time out of a regular routine dominated by work and characterizedby productivity. One reflects how to spend that moment so that the tablebecomes a focal point for affiliation and association, and ultimately becomesan experience that enhances the social wellbeing of the group.

Moreover, to read fast and slow in linear terms is to equate fast with bad, andslow with good. Fast food is bad not because it is fast but because it is carelessor as Parkins (2004) puts it, mindless. In the case of fast-food industries, forexample, McDonalds is careless with regard to the effects of homogenizationwhich privilege profit over environment, animals, consumers and employees.Fast food companies are only concerned about the merits of fastness, highturnovers and their own gross profit. However, in the wider social context, thelack of sustainability in the way food is produced results in an irretrievabledestruction of the agricultural, social, cultural and economic landscapes. By thesame principle, slow food is good not because it is slow, but because itembodies a careful way of living. As a movement, it aims to protect, sustain andrepair the damage done to the environment, animals, culture and people.

The Slow Food movements philosophy gave rise to the new concept of eco-gastronomy, which is based on the belief that every person has a fundamentalright to pleasure and that the plate and the planet are interconnected. The ideaof connection forms a bridge between the individual and the cosmic world,and this belief brings an ethical dimension to food through temporality. Slowis a particular way of viewing the world: by paying attention to how and whatwe eat, we are reflectively positioning ourselves in a world which we are partof, adopting a worldview which a capitalist worldview eschews. This care, fromthe notion of being careful, starts with oneself but then extends to a widercommunity. This care is a Foucauldian care of the self. It is interesting to notethat Foucaults third volume of the History of Sexuality is originally publishedunder the title of Le Souci de Soi; souci in contemporary French is used toconvey the idea of concern or worry, but rather than simply the idea ofbeing upset or concerned because of something, souci is more an idea ofworrying about, or concerned for someone or something. The self is thereforeunderstood in the identification with the other, or the other as present in eachof us. This is the reason I believe that the English translation uses care rather


vol. 11 :: no. 2june 08


than concern. It is also the reason I choose to explain Slow Food as a carefulway of living as opposed to Parkins mindful (Parkins and Craig 2006).Montanari (1996) also identifies in the editorial Slow that care lies at the coreof a slow culture, that care gives a capacity to understand and assess ourexperiences. It is a mode of attention directed towards everyday practices.

It would appear that at the core of slow lie two conflicting qualities, thoseof pleasure and carepleasure being a selfish concern for oneself, and care,a concern for another. I would argue that this is not the case. In Care of theSelf, Foucault characterizes the cultivation of the self as an art of existenceand that the principle one must take care of oneself must preside over thedevelopment and organization of the practice (Foucault 1990: 44). This ideais derived from an ancient Greek notion (heautou epimeleisthai), a drive tocare for the soul. Foucault quotes from Platos Apology of Socrates to make thepoint that one cannot hope to govern a city or manage its affairs without firstattending to oneselfto the cultivation of the self. What lies behind such aclaim is not a mere selfish internalization of attention that privileges the selfover another, rather, it is being aware of oneself as part of a whole. As apractice, it requires one to start with oneself but always with an eye for theother, and this should be where a development of a form of praxis should bebased. Slow Food, or the cultivation of a slow culture, therefore transcendsthe private domain of the kitchen and extends to a wider form of politics, aself-generated, perhaps more organic and sustainable way of developmentthat rests upon care. Slow Food therefore does not merely mark thedifference of what we eat or the way we eat. It seeks to situate the individualwithin a network of local relationships, family ties, economic dependencesand relations of patronage and friendship. For example, rather thanunderstanding the consumers as separate from the producers, Slow Foodoffers the possibility of reading consumers as co-producers. I would like tobelieve that this is more than just a mere choice of words, as identifying us asco-producers places us in a position where we are responsible for the other.The choice of what to buy and where to buy it is directly linked to thelivelihoods of those working in agriculture. It is a philosophy that reconnectsthe alienated individual to a wider community. Hadot (1995) rightly pointsout that Foucaults Care of the Self is based on a mode of being in the world,which stems from a feeling of belonging, belonging to the whole, constitutedby the human community, which in turn is constituted by the cosmic whole.

The Slow Food movement defines its food as good, clean and fair, meaningthat the food we eat should taste good; that it should be produced in a cleanway that does not harm the environment, animal welfare or our health; andthat food producers should receive fair compensation for their work. Forexample, their project, the Ark of Taste, aims to preserve biodiversity byidentifying species of animal breeds, fruit and vegetable varieties and localrecipes that have been marginalized or sometimes driven to extinction


Food,Culture

&Society

216 :: Daisy Tam

because of mass production. They aid the producers in cultivating andpromoting these lesser known varieties and reintroduce them to our plates.The Filder Pointed Cabbage of Germany for example, or the Poire Sarteau ofFrance or the aritsanal Somerset Cheddar of the UK are only few of the fivethousand varieties the movement has helped to preserve.

This, in my understanding, is what differentiates slow food from fast food.Where fast food is read as an embodiment of negative traits of alienation,homogenization and globalization, slow food returns our attention tointegration, diversification and localization. Were the Slow Food movementsimply nostalgic for a lifestyle of luxury and leisure then it could be criticizedfor trying to bring back a form of bourgeois living that Veblen, Bourdieu andmany others have criticized. But it goes beyond that: the value of slow foodlies in a reflective way of positioning the self. The practice of slow living is anexercise, a model of life, a way of being in the world. This mode of praxisbrings an ethical dimension to pleasure. Through a practice of self-examination, reflection and monitoring, one seeks to form a subjectivity thatis thought through ethics and which can apply to everyone regardless of theirsocial status. It also highlights the interconnectedness of the community inwhich a society is formed of connected rather than alienated individuals. Byrecognizing the other in us, one starts caring for the community by beingaware that the effects of ones actions have bearings on the lives of others.The process of cultivating oneself would therefore result in an intensificationof social relations (Foucault 1990).

The metaphor used in the cultivation of the self obviously lends itself to theidea of the cultivation of the land. But more importantly, cultivation implieswork, the care of the self cannot be a rest cure, but it should be a constantpractice. The philosophy as such should not rest in a rhetorical discourse andthe reason I believe Foucaults work is applicable to understanding somethingas everyday as eating is because it returns philosophy to antiquity. Hadot(1995) makes an interesting point that modern philosophy has becomealmost entirely a theoretical discourse and has forgotten the tradition ofancient philosophythat philosophy is also an art, a style and mostimportantly a way of life.

Critics of Slow Food have challenged on various levels and to differentextents, the movements ability to change the food system on a local as wellas national or global level. As Donati (2005) observes, the position of thesecritics ranges from cautious optimism to deep skepticism when it comes tothe question of how committed the movement is to bringing about changeand if indeed these changes can be sustained. On a local level, Gaytn (2004)draws on her own experience of attending a Slow Food convivium andcriticizes the meetings lack of political agenda. Chrzan (2004) recounts herencounter with Slow Food as she tried to launch her project to develop andcreate a food education curriculum for middle and high school students on a


vol. 11 :: no. 2june 08


national scale. Chrzan states that she received minimal aid from themovement and associates the failures of Slow Food in general with its self-positioning as a movementan organizational form which she regards as tooabstract to induce any real changes in society.

While I do share the frustration of these writers and understand theircriticisms, I would hesitate to declassify Slow Food as a movement. I wouldargue that the level of abstraction a movement embodies is precisely whatis positive about it. Slow Food is not a program; therefore there is not aprescriptive way of doing. This is not to say that a local convivium should bereduced to a recipe-sharing quail egg nibbling middle-class dinner partybutnor should we understand Slow Food as attempting to offer recipes for socialtransformation. Rather by treating consumers as co-producers, it rendersresponsibility back to the individual. If the members are complacent and stopcaring, it is not because Slow Food is a movement but because membersthemselves have forgotten to politicize the everyday. Such examples only goto show that a difference has to be made between lifestyle changes and a wayof life.

On the other hand, Chrzans article does mention that although Slow Foodshowed a complete lack of commitment to her project, it did finally take offwith the help of the University of Pennsylvanias Urban Nutrition Initiative(Chrzan 2004). Examples such as this are encouraging: Chrzans projectachieved positive and potentially sustainable changes through working withschools and local communities. Despite not being related to Slow Food, thisproject can be understood as being in the spirit of the movement, and indeedSlow Food can learn from the success of such projects.

Conclusion: :

The resurgence of farmers markets, the popularity of organic food and theabundance of cookery shows on television does not necessarily point to thesuccess of Slow Food. The first section of this article has hopefully made itclear that slow is not an image or a patina that one can buy or acquirevicariously through commodities. Through a Foucauldian reading of slowness,I hope to have illustrated that slow is an attitude that stems from a way ofcaring for the other and that it can be translated into practice or a mode ofliving. The aim of this piece has not been to hail the Slow Food movement asthe ultimate answer to the problems of fast-paced modernity. Rather, byreflecting on the movement, I have drawn out some of the resources it couldoffer for the development of a wider praxis of slow or slow living in general.This praxis should not be confined to the Slow Food movement; its practicecould extend beyond food culture and be applied to every aspect of our modeof living. By exploring the nuances that are overlooked in the daily usage of fast


Food,Culture

&Society

218 :: Daisy Tam

and slow, I wish to highlight the fact that there are possibilities to occupy aspace or travel through time qualitatively and that these attributes should notbe brushed off as being exclusive to a certain class or merely la mode.

Acknowledgments: :

I would like to thank: Professor John Hutnyk, who has continually andpatiently guided my work in the past three years; Professor John Eade, whogave me this opportunity to learn; my fellow colleagues at Goldsmiths Collegefor their kindness and support and in particular, James Burton, whose advicewas invaluable in the last stages of this piece.

A personal note of gratitude to my mother who gave me all. I would like todedicate my first publication to her.

References

: :Appadurai, Arjun. 1993. Consumption, Duration and History. Stanford Literature Review

10(12): 1133.Barthes, Roland. 1973. Mythologies. St Albans: Paladin.Boulding, Elise. 1978. The Dynamics of Imaging Futures. World Future Society Bulletin

12(5): 18.Chrzan, Janet. 2004. Slow Food: What, Why, and to Where? Food Culture and Society 7(1):

11732.Donati, Kelly. 2005. The Pleasure of Diversity in Slow Foods Ethics of Taste. Food Culture

and Society 8(2): 22742.Foucault, Michel. 1990. The Care of the Self. Oxford: Penguin.Gaytn, Marie Sarita. 2004. Globalizing Resistance: Slow Food and New Local

Imaginaries. Food Culture and Society 7(1): 97116.Hadot, Pierre. 1995. Philosophy as a Way of Life. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.Harvey, David. 1989. The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of

Cultural Change. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.Jameson, Fredric. 1984. The Politics of Theory: Ideological Positions in the Postmodernism

Debate. New German Critique 33 (Fall): 536.Jamieson, Alastair. 2006. M&S Lochmuir Salmon Only Lochmuir Doesnt Exist. The

Scotsman, August 19. Available from: http://news.scotsman.com/fishfarmingindustry/MS-Lochmuir-salmon-only-Lochmuir.2802986.jp (accessed February 8, 2008).

Marx, Karl. 1990. Capital Volume 1. Oxford: Penguin.Montanari, Massimo. 1996. Beware! Slow 1(2): 569.Panovsky, Erwin. 1972. Studies in Iconology: Humanistic Themes in the Art of the

Renaissance. New York: Icon Editions.Parkins, Wendy. 2004. Out of Time: Fast Subjects and Slow Living. Time Society 13(23):

36382.Parkins, Wendy and Craig, Geoffrey. 2006. Slow Living. Oxford: Berg.Petrini, Carlo and Padovani, Gigi. 2006. Slow Food Revolution. New York: Rizzoli

International Publications.Smart, Barry. 1994. Digesting the Modern Diet. In Keith Tester (ed.) The Flaneur. New

York: Routledge, pp. 15880.Smith, John E. 2002. Time and Qualitative Time. In Phillip Sipiora and James S. Baumlin

(eds) Rhetoric and KairosEssays in History, Theory and Praxis. New York: State Universityof New York, pp. 4657.

Thrift, Nigel. 1996. Spatial Formations. London: Sage Publications.Thrift, Nigel andMay, Jon (eds). 2001. Timespace Geographies of Temporality. New York:

Routledge.


daisy tam - slow journeys - what does it mean to go slow

Documents