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Microsoft Word - storiran2017-18handout.docG.P. BASELLO – Corso di
Storia dell’Iran antico e tardo-antico 2017-18 – Università
“L’Orientale”
58
Flattery, David Stophlet & Martin Schwartz (1989) Haoma and Harmaline. The Botanical Identity of the Indo-Iranian Sacred Hallucinogen “Soma” and its Legacy in Religion, Language, and Middle Eastern Folklore (University of California Publications. Near Eastern Studies, 21), Berkeley: University of California Press.
Skjærvø, Prods Oktor (2005) ‘The Achaemenids and the Avesta’, in Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis & Sarah Stewart, eds., Birth of the Persian Empire (The Idea of Iran, 1), pp. 52-84, London & New York.
Skjærvø, Prods Oktor (1999) ‘Avestan Quotations in Old Persian?’, in S. Shaked & A. Netzer (eds.), Irano-Judaica IV, pp. 1-64, Jerusalem.
Skjærvø, Prods Oktor (2009) ‘Old Iranian’, in Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), The Iranian Languages (Routledge Language Family), pp. 43-195, London – New York: Routledge.
Soudavar, Abolala (2010) ‘The Formation of Achaemenid Imperial Ideology and Its Impact on the Avesta’, in John Curtis & St John Simpson, eds., The World of Achaemenid Persia - History, Art and Society in Iran and the Ancient Near East, London: IB Tauris.
Dal Pursišnh Dal catechismo mazdeo Pursišnh (‘domande’), 59 domande e risposte in pahlavi (medio-persiano) con
numerose citazioni avestiche.
Piras, Andrea (1994-1995) ‘A proposito di antico-persiano šiyti’, Studi orientali e linguistici, 5, pp. 91-97.
L’avestico Il termine Avesta deriva dalla parola avastk in pzand (la scrittura con caratteri avestici di un testo medio-
persiano). La corrispondente parola medio-persiana è scritta ’p(y)st’k in scrittura pahlavi. È stata interpretata in vari modi; la resa più plausibile è abestg, derivata dall’avestico *upa-staka- ‘lode’ (Hintze 2009, p. 21).
Testi rituali: Yasna ‘sacrificio’ (Y) in 72 capitoli (h o hiti), Visperad (dall’avestico vspe ratav ‘tutti i patroni’) (Vr), Vendidad o Vdvdd (dall’avestico vdava dta ‘legge di coloro che rigettano i demoni) (Vd).
Testi devozionali: Yašt (Yt), preghiere e benedizioni raccolte nel Khorde Avesta ‘piccolo Avesta’.
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I testi in antico avestico sono principalmente i cinque ‘canti’ (gθ) e il ‘sacrificio dei sette capitoli’ all’interno dello Yasna; in dettaglio:
la preghiera Ahuna Vairya (Y 27.13) Ašm Voh (Y 27.14) Yeh Htm (Y 27.15) in pseudo-antico avestico 1. Ahunavait Gθ (Y 28-34) Yasna Haptahiti (Y 35.2-41.6) [breve testo in avestico recente (Y 42)] 2. Uštavait Gθ (Y 43-46) 3. Spt.mainy Gθ (Y 47-50) 4. Vohuxšaθr Gθ (Y 51) [breve testo in avestico recente (Y 53)] 5. Vahištišti Gθ (Y 53) la preghiera Aryaman Išya (Y 54.1)
Tutti gli altri sono in avestico recente o imitazioni dell’avestico antico.
Hintze, A. (2009) ‘Avestan Literature’, in Ronald E. Emmerick & Maria Macuch (eds.), The Literature of Pre-Islamic Iran. Companion Volume I to A History of Persian Literature (A History of Persian Literature, 17), London – New York: I.B. Tauris.
L’alfabeto avestico
Da Skjærvø 2009, pp. 51-52.
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Gli achemenidi e l’Avesta: confronto con passi di iscrizioni reali Un’iscrizione di Dario I da Susa su mattone (DSk)
L’inizio dell’iscrizione della tomba di Dario a Naqshe Rostam (DNa §1) – 486 a.C. ca. b-g : v-z-r-k : a-u-r-m-z-d-a : OP 1 baga vazka A.uramazd,
1.1 (il) dio grande Auramazda EL 1 dna-ap ir-šá-ir-ra du-ra-maš-da (il) dio grande Auramazda BAB 1 ⌈DINGIRMEŠ⌉ GAL-u da-u-ur-ma-az-da- BAB (degli?) dèi il più grande Auramazda
h-y : i-m-|a-m : b-u-mi-i-m : a-d-a :
OP 1-2 haya imm bmm ad, 1.2 che questa/acc terra/acc ha posto (in essere),
EL 1-2 ak-ka4 AŠmu-ru-un hi da-áš-tá
che terra questa ha posto (in essere) BAB 1 šá AN-⌈e⌉ BAB che cielo
h-y : a-v-m : a-s-m-|a-n-m : a-d-a :
OP 2-3 haya avam asmnam ad, 1.3 che quel/acc cielo/acc ha posto (in essere),
EL 2 dki-ik hu-pè da-áš-tá
(e) cielo quel ha posto (in essere),
BAB 1 u KI-⌈tì⌉ [ib]-nu-u
BAB e terra ha costruito,
h-y : m-r-t-i-y-m : a-d-a :
1.4 che l’uomo/acc ha posto (in essere),
EL 2-3 ak-ka4 DIŠSIG7
BAB 2 u UN⌈MEŠ⌉ ib-nu-ú
BAB e l’umanità ha costruito,
h-|y : š-i-y-a-t-i-m : a-d-a : m-r-t-i-y-h-y-a |:
OP 3-5 haya šiytim ad martiyahy, 1.5 che la prosperità/acc ha posto (in essere) per l’uomo/obl,
EL 3-4 ak-ka4 ši-ia-ti-um pè-ip-la-iš-tá DIŠSIG7 MEŠ-ir-ra-na
che la prosperità ha messo per l’uomo,
BAB 2 šá ⌈dum⌉-qí a-na UNMEŠ id-din-nu
BAB che prosperità all’ umanità ha dato,
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h-y : d-a-r-y-v-u-m : x-š-a-y-θ-i-y-m : a-ku-|u-n-u-š
OP 5-6 haya Drayava.um xšyaθiyam akunaš, 1.6 che Dario/acc re/acc ha fatto,
EL 4-5 ak-ka4 DIŠda-ri-ia-ma-u-iš DIŠEŠŠANA-ir hu-ut-taš-tá
che Dario re ha fatto,
BAB 2-3 [šá a⌉-na mda-a-ri-ia-muš LUGAL šá LUGAL.LUGALMEŠ ma-du-tu4 ib-nu-u
BAB che Dario re di re [plur] numerosi ha fatto,
a-i-v-m : p-ru-u-v-n-a-m : x-š-a-y-⌈θ⌉-|i-y-m : OP 6-7 avam parnm xšyaθiyam,
1.7 uno/acc molti/obl re [sing.]/acc EL 5 ki-ir ir-še-ki-ip-na DIŠEŠŠANA EL uno di molti re [sing.]
a-i-v-m : p-ru-u-v-n-a-m : f-r-m-a-t-⌈a⌉-|r-m : OP 7-8 avam parnm framtram.
1.8 uno/acc molti/obl signore/acc EL 5-6 ki-ir ir-še-ki-ip-in-na te-nu-um-da-ut-ti-ra EL uno di molti signore
Traduzioni a confronto Ein großer Gott (ist) Ahuramazda, der diese Erde schuf, ... (Weissbach 1911) A great god is Ahuramazda, who created this earth, ... (Kent 1953, OP) Un grand dieu (est) Ahuramazda, qui a créé cette terre, ... (Vallat 1977, AE) Un grand dieu (est) Ahura Mazda, qui a créé le ciel, ... (Steve 1987, AE) Ahuramazd est le grand dieu, qui a créé cette terre ici, ... (Lecoq 1997) Ein großer Gott (ist) Ahuramazd, der diese Erde schauf, ... (Schweiger 1998, OP) A great god (is) Auramazd, who created this earth, ... (Schmitt 2000, OP) Un gran dios (es) Ahuramazda, que creó esta tierra, ... (Quintana 2001-2006, AE) Der große Gott (ist) Ahuramazd, der diese Erde erschaffen hat, ... (Schmitt 2009, OP)
La morte di Dario III (estate 330)
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La campagna di Alessandro
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Da Kuhrt 2007, pp. 463-465.
I popoli delle montagne dagli achemenidi ad Alessandro17 B1. Strabo, Geography, XI.13.6 (first quarter of the 1st cent. CE) Ναρχος δ φησι τεττρων ντων λστρικν θνν, ν Μρδοι μν Πρσαις προσεχες σαν, Οξιοι δ κα λυμαοι τοτοις τε κα Σουσοις, Κοσσαοι δ Μδοις, πντας μν φρους πρττεσθαι τος βασιλας.
Nearchus says that there were four predatory tribes and that of these the Mardi were situated next to the Persians; the Uxians and Elymaei next to the Mardi and the Susians; and the Kossaeans next to the Medians and that whereas all four exacted tribute from the kings.
B2. Strabo, Geography, XVI.1.17 πρς ω δ στ κα τος κ Σοσων ες τν μεσγαιαν τς Περσδος δι τς Οξας κα τος κ τς Περσδος ες τ μσα τς Καρμανας. τν μν ον Καρμαναν γκυκλοται πρς σπραν κα ρκτον Περσς πολλ οσα: τατ δ συνπτει Παραιτακην κα Κοσσαα μχρι Κασπων πυλν, ρειν κα λστρικ θνη: τ δ Σουσδι λυμας κα ατ τραχεα πολλ κα λστρικ: τ δ λυμαδι τ περ τν Ζγρον κα Μηδα.
The road from Susa into the interior of Persis, through the territory of the Uxii, and from Persis into the middle of Carmania, leads also towards the east. Persis, which is a large country, encompasses Carmania on the [west] and north. Close to it adjoin Parætacene, and the Cossæan territory as far as the Caspian Gates, inhabited by mountainous and predatory tribes. Contiguous to Susiana is Elymaïs, a great part of which is rugged, and inhabited by robbers. To Elymaïs adjoin the country about the Zagrus and Media.
B3a. Herodotus, Histories, III.91.4 (ca. 440 BCE) (in the list of the twenty provinces of Darius I) π Σοσων δ κα τς λλης Κισσων χρης τριηκσια: νομς γδοος οτος.
the eighth was Susa and the rest of the Cissian country, paying three hundred talents.
B3b. Herodotus, Histories, V.49.7 χεται δ τοτων γ δε Κισση, ν τ δ παρ ποταμν τνδε Χοσπην κεμενα στ τ Σοσα τατα, νθα βασιλες τε μγας δαιταν ποιεται, κα τν χρημτων ο θησαυρο νθατα εσ: λντες δ τατην τν πλιν θαρσοντες δη τ ι πλοτου πρι ρζετε.
Adjoining these you see the Cissian land, in which, on the Choaspes, lies that Susa where the great king lives and where the storehouses of his wealth are located. Take that city, and you need not fear to challenge Zeus for riches.
B3c. Herodotus, Histories, V.52.6 κ δ τατης ς τν Κισσην χρην μεταβανοντι νδεκα σταθμο, παρασγγαι δ δο κα τεσσερκοντα κα μισυ στ π ποταμν Χοσπην, ντα κα τοτον νηυσιπρητον: π Σοσα πλις πεπλισται.
When this country is passed, the road is in the Cissian land, where there are eleven stages and forty-two and a half parasangs, as far as yet another navigable river, the Choaspes, on the banks of which stands the city of Susa.
17 Texts and translations from Perseus Digital Library (<www.perseus.tufts.edu>) and LacusCurtius (<penelope.uchicago.edu/
Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/>) by Bill Thayer. Old Persian after R. Schmitt.
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B4. Achaemenid royal inscriptions (ca. 520-465 BCE) B4a. DNa/Old Persian:22 (§3) Mda, ja, Parθava, ... (These are the countries that brought me tribute:) Media,
Elam, Partia, ... B4b. DPe/Old Persian:10 (§2) ja, Mda, Bbiruš, ... (These are the countries that brought me tribute:) Elam,
Media, Babilonia, ... B4c. DSaa/Babylonian:20-21 pa-ar-suKI ELAM.MAKI KURma-da-a-aKI ... Persia, Elam, Media, ... B4d. XPh/Old Persian:19-20 (§3) Mda, ja, Harauvatiš, ... (These are the countries that brought me tribute:) Media,
Elam, Aracosia, ... B5. Herodotus, Histories, VII.62.2 (in the description of the ethnic groups fighting for the Achaemenid king, after the Persians and the Medes) Κσσιοι δ στρατευμενοι τ μν λλα κατ περ Πρσαι σκευδατο, ντ δ τν πλων μιτρηφροι σαν. Κισσων δ ρχε νφης τνεω.
The Cissians in the army were equipped like the Persians, but they wore turbans instead of caps. Their commander was Anaphes son of Otanes.
B6a. Strabo, Geography, XV.3.4 ε δ δι τς χρας Χοσπης ες τν ατν τελευτν παραλαν, π τν Οξων τς ρχς χων. παρεμππτει γρ τις ρειν τραχεα κα πτομος μεταξ τν Σουσων κα τς Περσδος, στεν χουσα δυσπροδα κα νθρπους λστς, ο μισθος πρττοντο κα ατος τος βασιλας κατ τν κ Σοσων ες Πρσας εσβολν.
The Choaspes flows through Susis, terminating on the same coast, and has its source in the territory of the Uxii. For a rugged and precipitous range of mountains lies between the Susians and Persis, with narrow defiles, difficult to pass; they were inhabited by robbers, who constantly exacted payment even from the kings themselves, at their entrance into Persis from Susis.
B6b. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XIX.17.3 (ca. 60-30 BCE) ατο δ τς δυνμεις ναλαβντες ρμησαν π τν Τγριν ποταμν, πχοντα Σοσων δν μρας, τς ρεινς κρε τς π τν ατονμων κατεχομνης, ος Οξους προσαγορεουσι, πλτος μν κατ πολλος μν τπους τριν σταδων, στι δ τε κα τεσσρων.
He (= Eumenes) himself with his forces set out for the Tigris River, which is a day’s march from Susa at the place where it flows out of the mountainous country that is occupied by the unconquered tribesmen called the Uxii. Its width in many places is three stades, and in some places even four.
B7a. Strabo, Geography, XVI.1.18 κοσσαοι μν ον εσι τοξται τ πλον, καθπερ κα ο συνεχες ρεινο, προνομεοντες ε: χραν γρ χουσιν λγην τε κα λυπρν στ κ τν λλοτρων νγκη ζν: νγκη δ κα σχειν: παντες γρ εσι μχιμοι: τος γον λυμαοις συνεμχουν μριοι κα τρισχλιοι πολεμοσι πρς τε Βαβυλωνους κα Σουσους.
The Cossæi, like the neighbouring mountaineers, are for the most part archers, and are always out on foraging parties. For as they occupy a country of small extent, and barren, they are compelled by necessity to live at the expense of others. They are also necessarily powerful, for they are all fighting men. When the Elymæi were at war with the Babylonians and Susians, they supplied the Elymæi with thirteen thousand auxiliaries.
λυμαοι δ κα μεζω τοτων κκτηνται χραν κα ποικιλωτραν. ση μν ον γαθ γεωργος χει τος νοικοντας, δ ρειν στρατιτας τρφει τοξτας τος πλεστους: πολλ δ οσα πολ κα τ στρατιωτικν παρχεται, στε κα βασιλες ατν δναμιν κεκτημνος μεγλην οκ ξιο τ τν Παρθυαων βασιλε παραπλησως τος λλοις πκοος εναι: μοως δ κα πρς τος Μακεδνας πρτερον τος τς Συρας ρχοντας δικειτο.
The Elymæi occupy a country larger in extent, and more varied, than that of the Parætaceni. The fertile part of it is inhabited by husbandmen. The mountainous tract is a nursery for soldiers, the greatest part of whom are archers. As it is of considerable extent, it can furnish a great military force; their king, who possesses great power, refuses to be subject, like others, to the king of Parthia. The country was similarly independent in the time of the Persians, and afterwards in the time of the Macedonians, who governed Syria.
B7b. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XVII.67.2-3 ς ων π τς Οξων ρεινς τ μν πρτον φρεται δι χρας τραχεας κα χαρδραις μεγλαις διειλημμνης π σταδους χιλους, πειτα διαρρε χραν πεδιδα, πρανμενος αε μλλον, κα διελθν σταδους ξακοσους ξησιν ες τν κατ Πρσας θλασσαν. [3] διαβς δ τν Τγριν προγεν π τν Οξων χραν, οσαν πμφορον κα δαψιλσιν δασι διαρρεομνην κα πολλος κα παντοδαπος κφρουσαν καρπος: δι κα τς ρμου ξηραινομνης πρας παντοδαπ πλσματα χρσιμα πρς πλαυσιν ο τν Τγριν πλοντες μποροι κατγουσιν ες τν Βαβυλωναν.
This (= Tigris) flows down from the mountains of the Uxii and passes at first for a thousand furlongs through rough country broken by great gorges, but then traverses a level plain and becomes ever quieter, and after six hundred furlongs empties into the Persian sea. [3] This he (= Alexander) crossed, and entered the country of the Uxii, which was rich, watered by numerous streams, and productive of many fruits of all kinds. At the season when the ripe fruit is dried, the merchants who sail on the Tigris are able to bring down to Babylonia all sorts of confections good for the pleasures of the table.
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B7c. Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, V.3.16 (1st-4th cent. CE) Uxiorum dein gentem subactam Susianorum satrapa contribuit divisisque cum Parmenione copiis illum campestri itinere procedere iubet, ipse cum expedito agmine iugum montium cepit, quorum perpetuum dorsum in Persidem excurrit.
Then Alexander incorporated the subdued race of the Uxii in the satrapy of the Susiani, and having divided his forces with Parmenion, he ordered him to go on by the road through the plains, while he himself with a light-armed band took the ridge of the mountains whose back runs without interruption into Persia.
B7d. Arrian, Anabasis, III.17.1 (2nd cent. CE) ρας δ κ Σοσων κα διαβς τν Πασιτγριν ποταμν μβλλει ες τν Οξων γν. Οξων δ ο μν τ πεδα οκοντες το τε σατρπου τν Περσν κουον κα ττε λεξνδρ σφς νδοσαν: ο δ ρειοι καλομενοι Οξιοι Πρσαις τε οχ πκοοι σαν κα ττε πμψαντες παρ λξανδρον οκ λλως παρσειν φασαν τν π Πρσας ντα ξν τ δυνμει λαβεν, σα κα παρ το Περσν βασιλως π τ παρδ λμβανον.
He (= Alexander) now set out from Susa, and, crossing the river Pasitigris, invaded the country of the Uxians. The Uxians who inhabited the plains had obeyed the Persian satrap, and now surrendered to Alexander, but the Uxian hillmen, as they were called, were not subject to Persia, and now sent a message to Alexander that they would only permit him to take the route toward Persia with his army if they received what they used to receive from the Persian king on his passage.
B8. Arrian, Anabasis, III.17.2-3 ατς δ ναλαβν τος σωματοφλακας τος βασιλικος κα τος πασπιστς κα τς λλης στρατις ς κτακισχιλους τς νυκτς ει λλην τν φανερν γησαμνων ατ τν Σουσων. [3] κα διελθν δν τραχεαν κα δσπορον ν μι μρ πιππτει τας κμαις τν Οξων, κα λεαν τε πολλν λαβε κα ατν τι ν τας ενας ντων πολλος κατκτεινεν: ο δ πφυγον ς τ ρη.
He (= Alexander) then took the royal body-guards, the shield- bearing infantry, and 8,000 men from the rest of his army, and, under the guidance of the Susians, marched by night along a different road from the frequented one. [3] Advancing by a route rough and difficult, on the same day he fell upon the villages of the Uxians, where he captured much booty and killed many of the people while still in their beds; but others escaped into the mountains.
B9. Arrian, Anabasis, III.8.5 (composition of the army of Darius III) Οξιοι δ κα Σουσιανο γεμνα παρεχοντο ξθρην τν βουλτου. Βουπρης δ Βαβυλωνων γετο.
The Uxians and Susianians acknowledged Oxathres son of Aboulites as their leader, and the Babylonians were commanded by Boupares.
B10. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XVII.67.4 καταλαβν δ τς παρδους φυλαττομνας π Μαδτου, συγγενος μν ντος αρεου, δναμιν δ χοντος ξιλογον, κατεσκψατο τν χυρτητα τν τπων. παροδετων δ ντων κρημνν τν γχωρων τις νρ, Οξιος μν τ γνος, μπειρος δ τν τπων, πηγγελατο τ βασιλε δι τινος στενς τραπο κα παραβλου ξειν τος στρατιτας, στε περδεξους γενσθαι τν πολεμων. [5] δ λξανδρος προσδεξμενος τος λγους τοτ μν συναπστειλε τος κανος στρατιτας, ατς δ τν δοδον κατασκευσας φ ν ν νδεχμενον κ διαδοχς προσβαλε τος π τν παρδων φεστηκσιν. νεργς δ το κινδνου συνεσττος κα τν βαρβρων περισπωμνων περ τν γνα παραδξως ο πεμφθντες φνησαν περδξιοι τος τν προδον φυλττουσι. καταπλαγντων δ τν βαρβρων κα πρς φυγν ρμησντων γκρατς γνετο τς διεξδου κα ταχως πασν τν κατ τν Οξιανν πλεων.
[4] Alexander found the passages guarded by Madetes (governor of the Uxians), a cousin of Dareius, with a substantial force, and he saw at once the difficulty of the place. The sheer cliffs offered no passage, but an Uxian native who knew the country offered to lead soldiers by a narrow and hazardous path to a position above the enemy. [5] Alexander accepted the proposal and sent off with him a body of troops, while he himself expedited the move as far as possible and attacked the defenders in waves. The assault was pressed vigorously and the Persians were preoccupied with the struggle when to their astonishment above their heads appeared the flying column of the Macedonians. The Persians were frightened and took to their heels. Thus Alexander won the pass and soon after took all the cities in Uxianê.
B11. Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, V.3.15 Moderationem clementiamque regis, quae tunc fuit, vel una haec res possit ostendere: non Medati modo ignovit, sed omnes et deditos et captivos et libertate atque inmunitate donavit, urbem reliquit intactam, agros sine tributo colere permisit. A victore Dareo plura mater non inpetrasset.
The moderation and clemency of the king (= Alexander), as it was at that time, even this act alone could make clear; he pardoned not only Medates (= Madetes), but to all, both those who had been taken prisoner and those who had surrendered, he granted both freedom and even immunity, left the city intact, and allowed it to cultivate its fields without tribute. If Darius had been victor his mother would not have obtaneid more from him.
B12. Arrian, Anabasis, III.17.6 τατα τ γρα παρ λεξνδρου λαβντες χαλεπς εροντο δεμενοι παρ ατο τν χραν τν σφν χοντες φρους σα τη λεξνδρ ποφρειν.
Having received these gifts of honour from Alexander, they (= the Uxians) with difficulty, after much entreaty, procured from him the privilege of retaining possession of their own
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Πτολεμαος δ Λγου λγει τν αρεου μητρα δεηθναι πρ ατν λεξνδρου δονα σφισι τν χραν οκεν. φρος δ συνταχθες ν πποι ς τος κατν κα ποζγια πεντακσια κα πρβατα τρισμρια. χρματα γρ οκ ν Οξοις οδ γ οα ργζεσθαι, λλ νομες ατν ο πολλο σαν.
land on condition of paying him an annual tribute. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that the mother of Darius, on their behalf, entreated Alexander to grant them the privilege of inhabiting the land. The tribute agreed upon was a hundred horses, five hundred oxen, and 30,000 sheep a year; for the Uxians had no money, nor was their country fit for tillage; but most of them were shepherds and herdsmen.
B13. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XVII.111.6 δι κα τ καθ ατος πιτρψαντες τγχανον ερνης σν τ ποιεν τ προσταττμενον τ βασιλε. δ λξανδρος ν μραις τας πσαις τεσσαρκοντα καταπολεμσας τ θνος κα πλεις ξιολγους ν τας δυσχωραις κτσας νελμβανε τν δναμιν.
They (= the Cossaeans) placed themselves in Alexander’s hands and were granted peace on condition that they should do his bidding. In forty days at most, he had conquered this people. He founded strong cities at strategic points and rested his army.
B14. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XIX.19.6 ο δ περ τν ντγονον πειδ ποθ κον π τς δυσχωρας, βοηθτοις κινδνοις περιπιπτον. ο γρ γχριοι τν τπων μπειροι καθεσττες κα τος κρημνος προκατειληφτες πεκλιον τος δοιποροσι πτρας συνεχες κα μεγλας: μα δ κα τος τξοις πυκνος χρμενοι κατεττρωσκον τος μτε μνασθαι μτ κκλναι τ βλη δυναμνους δι τν δυσχωραν τν τπων.
As for the troops led by Antigonus, whenever they came to these difficult passes, they fell into dangers in which no aid could reach them. For the natives, who were familiar with the region and had occupied the heights in advance, kept rolling great rocks in quick succession upon the marching troops; and at the same time, sending arrows thick and fast, they wounded men who were able neither to turn aside the missiles nor to avoid them because of the difficulties of the terrain.
B15. Arrian, Anabasis, VII.15.2 εσ δ ρειοι ο Κοσσαοι κα χωρα χυρ κατ κμας νμονται, πτε προσγοι δναμις ς τ κρα τν ρν ποχωροντες θροι πως ν προχωρ κστοις οτω διαφεγουσιν, ς ποραν βλλοντες τος ξν δυνμει σφσιν πιχειροντας: πελθντων δ αθις ες τ λστεειν τρεπμενοι π τοτου τν βον ποιονται.
The Cossaeans are mountaineers, inhabiting strong positions in separate villages. Whenever a force approached them, they were in the habit of retiring to the summits of their mountains, either in a body or separately as each man found it practicable; and thus they escaped, making it difficult for those who attacked them with their forces to come near them. After the enemy’s departure, they used to turn themselves again to marauding, by which occupation they supported themselves.
B16. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XIX.19.3 ο διον δ στ τατην παρελθεν στρατπεδον νευ το πεσαι τος τν ρεινν οκοντας βαρβρους: ατνομοι γρ ντες κ παλαιν χρνων κατοικοσιν ν σπηλαοις, προσφρονται δ βαλνους κα μκητας, τι δ τεταριχευμνα κρα τν γρων ζων.
It is not easy for an army to follow this route without having gained the consent of the tribesmen who inhabited the mountain ranges. These men, who have been independent from ancient times, live in caves, eating acorns and mushrooms, and also the smoked flesh of wild beasts.
B17. Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, V.6.17-18 Vastatis inde agris Persidis vicisque conpluribus redactis in potestatem ventum est in Mardorum gentem bellicosam et multum a ceteris Persis cultu vitae abhorrentem. Specus in montibus fodiunt, in quos seque ac coniuges et liberos condunt, pecorum aut ferarum carne vescuntur. Ne feminis quidem pro Naturae habitu molliora ingenia sunt.
Then after devastating the fields of Persia and reducing many villages into his power, he (= Alexander) came to the race of the Mardi, a warlike people, differing greatly from the rest of the Persians in their manner of life. They dig caves in the mountains, in which they hide themselves with their wives and children, they feed on the flesh of their flocks and of wild animals. Not even the women have gentler dispositions, as is Nature’s way.
Elymais: a Greek name for Elam18 Amongst the objects belonging to the al-Sabah Collection in Kuwait‚ four decorated silver bowls (Carter 2015, nos. 77-80) are enriched by the engravings of Aramaic epigraphs in Elymaic script (Sims-Williams 2015). The epigraphs on nos. 77 and 78 are practically identical, corresponding to §3 of no. 80, thus referring to the same event and probably being part of a same deposit. D. Salaris has recognized that this inscription contains the first attestation of Elymais (‘yl’m) in Elymaic, the local variety of Aramaic‚ indicating that the term ‘Elymais’
18 After Salaris 2017b.
G.P. BASELLO – Corso di Storia dell’Iran antico e tardo-antico 2017-18 – Università “L’Orientale”
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(λυμας, -δος) is a Greek rendering (according to α common Greek word formation method; cf, e.g., Περσς, -δος) of the more ancient toponym ‘Elam’ which was evidently retained locally.19
Elymaic inscription on Carter 2015, no. 80, §3 20 byr tšry šnt 4-100-20-20-20-20-8 bl’w kzy kbnškbyr wrwdpr mlk’ ‘m prtwyh mn m’dy b‘yl’m ’th ‘l mlkwt’ s’m ’dyn k’s’ znh zy klh p’grh ’štr’ zy bl’w prtwyh b’b’r’ nsybw wtyb’ wrwdpr mlk’ hkmr nsyb mnhwm lklh p’grh z’ hn‘yl zy ’bwth t’wd wn’rwth thwh ‘d l‘l’m
In the month of Teshri of year 488 [177 CE], … when King Kamnaskires Orodes Phraates came with the Parthians from Media to Elam, into the kingship, then he deposited this cup [so] that all … the Parthians … King Orodes Phraates, taking … from them, brought in all that …, so that it might intercede upon his behalf and be his protection forever.
References BASELLO, Gian Pietro (in print) ‘Administrative Topography in Comparison: Overlapping Jurisdiction between the Susa
Acropole Tablets and the Persepolis Fortification Tablets’, in Jan Tavernier, K. Abraham, V. Boschloos, Elynn Gorris (eds.), Topography and Toponymy in the Ancient Near East: Perspectives and Prospects (Publications de l’Institut orientaliste de Louvain, 71), Louvain.
BASELLO, Gian Pietro & François BRIDEY (in print) ‘Two Neo-Elamite Inscribed Vessels in the Louvre Museum’. BASELLO, Gian Pietro & Adriano ROSSI (2011) ‘I colori nell’Iran antico’, handout for the workshop La comunicazione tra
visualità e scrittura: approcci e contesti a confronto, 2011, April 15, “L’Orientale” University of Naples, available at <www.academia.edu/1706506/I_colori_nell_Iran_antico>.
BRIANT, Pierre (1982) État et Pasteurs au Moyen-Orient ancien, Paris – Cambridge. BRIANT, Pierre (1990) ‘The Seleucid kingdom, the Achaemenid empire and the history of the Near East in the first millennium
BC’, in P. BILDE, T. ENGBERG-PEDERSEN, L. HANNESTAD & J. ZAHLE, eds., Religion and Religious Practice in the Seleucid Kingdom (Studies in Hellenistic Civilization, 1), pp. 40-65, Aarhus.
CARTER, Martha L. (2015) Arts of the Hellenized East. Precious Metalwork and Gems of the Pre-Islamic Era, with contributions by Prudence O. HARPER & Pieter MEYERS, London: Thames & Hudson.
GORRIS, Elynn (2014) Power and Politics in the Neo-Elamite Kingdom, 2 vols., PhD diss., Université catholique de Louvain, Louvain- la-Neuve.
HENKELMAN, Wouter (2003) ‘Persians, Medes and Elamites. Acculturation in the Neo-Elamite Period’, in Giovanni B. LANFRANCHI, Michael ROAF & Robert ROLLINGER (eds.), Continuity of Empire (?). Assyria, Media, Persia (History of the Ancient Near East. Monographs, 5), Padova: S.a.r.g.o.n., pp. 181-231 and pls. 9-15.
HENKELMAN, Wouter F.M. (2011) ‘Of Tapyroi and Tablets, States and Tribes: The Historical Geography of Pastoralism in the Achaemenid Heartland in Greek and Elamite Sources’, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, 54/2, pp. 1-16.
Kal.: inscriptions attested on vessels pertaining to the so-called “Kalmakarra hoard” according to the survey in Henkelman 2003, p. 223, table 2.
MAHBOUBIAN, Houshang (2002) The Art of the Medes, London: Philip Wilson Publishers [new edition, with a new pagination and several additions; 1st edition 1995].
MDP9: Elamite administrative tablets from the Acropolis of Susa published in Scheil 1907. PLISCHKE, Sonja (2014) Die Seleukiden und Iran. Die seleukidische Herrschaftspolitik in den östlichen Satrapien (Classica et
Orientalia, 9), Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. SALARIS, Davide (2017a) ‘A Case of Religious Architecture in Elymais: The Tetrastyle Temple of Bard-e Neshandeh’, Annali
[dell’Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”], 77/1-2, pp. 134-180. SALARIS, Davide (2017b) The Kingdom of Elymais (ca. 301 BC-224 AD). A comprehensive analysis (archaeological, artistic,
and textual) of one of the most important minor reigns in southern Iran, PhD diss. submitted at Macquarie University, Sydney.
SCHEIL, Vincent (1907) Textes élamites-anzanites, troisième série (Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse, 9), Paris. SIMS-WILLIAMS, Nicholas (2015) ‘Excursus: The Inscriptions on Four Silver Vessels from Ancient Elymais’, in Carter 2015,
pp 288-289. TAVERNIER, Jan (2007) Iranica in the Achaemenid Period (ca. 550-330 B.C.). Lexicon of Old Iranian Proper Names and Loanwords, Attested
in Non-Iranian Texts (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 158), Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA: Peeters. TAVERNIER, Jan (2011) ‘Iranians in Neo-Elamite Texts’, in Javier ÁLVAREZ-MON & Mark B. GARRISON (eds.), Elam and Persia,
Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, pp. 191-261. VALLAT, François (1996) ‘Le royaume élamite de SAMATI’, Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires, 1996/31, pp. 21-22.
19 Methodological note: Elymais can be retained in scientific literature as an easy way to conventionally refer to Elam after the end of
the Achaemenid empire, but it is relevant to avoid thinking of Elymais as different from Elam. 20 Transliteration and translation according to N. Sims-Williams 2015, p. 288.
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Flattery, David Stophlet & Martin Schwartz (1989) Haoma and Harmaline. The Botanical Identity of the Indo-Iranian Sacred Hallucinogen “Soma” and its Legacy in Religion, Language, and Middle Eastern Folklore (University of California Publications. Near Eastern Studies, 21), Berkeley: University of California Press.
Skjærvø, Prods Oktor (2005) ‘The Achaemenids and the Avesta’, in Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis & Sarah Stewart, eds., Birth of the Persian Empire (The Idea of Iran, 1), pp. 52-84, London & New York.
Skjærvø, Prods Oktor (1999) ‘Avestan Quotations in Old Persian?’, in S. Shaked & A. Netzer (eds.), Irano-Judaica IV, pp. 1-64, Jerusalem.
Skjærvø, Prods Oktor (2009) ‘Old Iranian’, in Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), The Iranian Languages (Routledge Language Family), pp. 43-195, London – New York: Routledge.
Soudavar, Abolala (2010) ‘The Formation of Achaemenid Imperial Ideology and Its Impact on the Avesta’, in John Curtis & St John Simpson, eds., The World of Achaemenid Persia - History, Art and Society in Iran and the Ancient Near East, London: IB Tauris.
Dal Pursišnh Dal catechismo mazdeo Pursišnh (‘domande’), 59 domande e risposte in pahlavi (medio-persiano) con
numerose citazioni avestiche.
Piras, Andrea (1994-1995) ‘A proposito di antico-persiano šiyti’, Studi orientali e linguistici, 5, pp. 91-97.
L’avestico Il termine Avesta deriva dalla parola avastk in pzand (la scrittura con caratteri avestici di un testo medio-
persiano). La corrispondente parola medio-persiana è scritta ’p(y)st’k in scrittura pahlavi. È stata interpretata in vari modi; la resa più plausibile è abestg, derivata dall’avestico *upa-staka- ‘lode’ (Hintze 2009, p. 21).
Testi rituali: Yasna ‘sacrificio’ (Y) in 72 capitoli (h o hiti), Visperad (dall’avestico vspe ratav ‘tutti i patroni’) (Vr), Vendidad o Vdvdd (dall’avestico vdava dta ‘legge di coloro che rigettano i demoni) (Vd).
Testi devozionali: Yašt (Yt), preghiere e benedizioni raccolte nel Khorde Avesta ‘piccolo Avesta’.
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I testi in antico avestico sono principalmente i cinque ‘canti’ (gθ) e il ‘sacrificio dei sette capitoli’ all’interno dello Yasna; in dettaglio:
la preghiera Ahuna Vairya (Y 27.13) Ašm Voh (Y 27.14) Yeh Htm (Y 27.15) in pseudo-antico avestico 1. Ahunavait Gθ (Y 28-34) Yasna Haptahiti (Y 35.2-41.6) [breve testo in avestico recente (Y 42)] 2. Uštavait Gθ (Y 43-46) 3. Spt.mainy Gθ (Y 47-50) 4. Vohuxšaθr Gθ (Y 51) [breve testo in avestico recente (Y 53)] 5. Vahištišti Gθ (Y 53) la preghiera Aryaman Išya (Y 54.1)
Tutti gli altri sono in avestico recente o imitazioni dell’avestico antico.
Hintze, A. (2009) ‘Avestan Literature’, in Ronald E. Emmerick & Maria Macuch (eds.), The Literature of Pre-Islamic Iran. Companion Volume I to A History of Persian Literature (A History of Persian Literature, 17), London – New York: I.B. Tauris.
L’alfabeto avestico
Da Skjærvø 2009, pp. 51-52.
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Gli achemenidi e l’Avesta: confronto con passi di iscrizioni reali Un’iscrizione di Dario I da Susa su mattone (DSk)
L’inizio dell’iscrizione della tomba di Dario a Naqshe Rostam (DNa §1) – 486 a.C. ca. b-g : v-z-r-k : a-u-r-m-z-d-a : OP 1 baga vazka A.uramazd,
1.1 (il) dio grande Auramazda EL 1 dna-ap ir-šá-ir-ra du-ra-maš-da (il) dio grande Auramazda BAB 1 ⌈DINGIRMEŠ⌉ GAL-u da-u-ur-ma-az-da- BAB (degli?) dèi il più grande Auramazda
h-y : i-m-|a-m : b-u-mi-i-m : a-d-a :
OP 1-2 haya imm bmm ad, 1.2 che questa/acc terra/acc ha posto (in essere),
EL 1-2 ak-ka4 AŠmu-ru-un hi da-áš-tá
che terra questa ha posto (in essere) BAB 1 šá AN-⌈e⌉ BAB che cielo
h-y : a-v-m : a-s-m-|a-n-m : a-d-a :
OP 2-3 haya avam asmnam ad, 1.3 che quel/acc cielo/acc ha posto (in essere),
EL 2 dki-ik hu-pè da-áš-tá
(e) cielo quel ha posto (in essere),
BAB 1 u KI-⌈tì⌉ [ib]-nu-u
BAB e terra ha costruito,
h-y : m-r-t-i-y-m : a-d-a :
1.4 che l’uomo/acc ha posto (in essere),
EL 2-3 ak-ka4 DIŠSIG7
BAB 2 u UN⌈MEŠ⌉ ib-nu-ú
BAB e l’umanità ha costruito,
h-|y : š-i-y-a-t-i-m : a-d-a : m-r-t-i-y-h-y-a |:
OP 3-5 haya šiytim ad martiyahy, 1.5 che la prosperità/acc ha posto (in essere) per l’uomo/obl,
EL 3-4 ak-ka4 ši-ia-ti-um pè-ip-la-iš-tá DIŠSIG7 MEŠ-ir-ra-na
che la prosperità ha messo per l’uomo,
BAB 2 šá ⌈dum⌉-qí a-na UNMEŠ id-din-nu
BAB che prosperità all’ umanità ha dato,
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h-y : d-a-r-y-v-u-m : x-š-a-y-θ-i-y-m : a-ku-|u-n-u-š
OP 5-6 haya Drayava.um xšyaθiyam akunaš, 1.6 che Dario/acc re/acc ha fatto,
EL 4-5 ak-ka4 DIŠda-ri-ia-ma-u-iš DIŠEŠŠANA-ir hu-ut-taš-tá
che Dario re ha fatto,
BAB 2-3 [šá a⌉-na mda-a-ri-ia-muš LUGAL šá LUGAL.LUGALMEŠ ma-du-tu4 ib-nu-u
BAB che Dario re di re [plur] numerosi ha fatto,
a-i-v-m : p-ru-u-v-n-a-m : x-š-a-y-⌈θ⌉-|i-y-m : OP 6-7 avam parnm xšyaθiyam,
1.7 uno/acc molti/obl re [sing.]/acc EL 5 ki-ir ir-še-ki-ip-na DIŠEŠŠANA EL uno di molti re [sing.]
a-i-v-m : p-ru-u-v-n-a-m : f-r-m-a-t-⌈a⌉-|r-m : OP 7-8 avam parnm framtram.
1.8 uno/acc molti/obl signore/acc EL 5-6 ki-ir ir-še-ki-ip-in-na te-nu-um-da-ut-ti-ra EL uno di molti signore
Traduzioni a confronto Ein großer Gott (ist) Ahuramazda, der diese Erde schuf, ... (Weissbach 1911) A great god is Ahuramazda, who created this earth, ... (Kent 1953, OP) Un grand dieu (est) Ahuramazda, qui a créé cette terre, ... (Vallat 1977, AE) Un grand dieu (est) Ahura Mazda, qui a créé le ciel, ... (Steve 1987, AE) Ahuramazd est le grand dieu, qui a créé cette terre ici, ... (Lecoq 1997) Ein großer Gott (ist) Ahuramazd, der diese Erde schauf, ... (Schweiger 1998, OP) A great god (is) Auramazd, who created this earth, ... (Schmitt 2000, OP) Un gran dios (es) Ahuramazda, que creó esta tierra, ... (Quintana 2001-2006, AE) Der große Gott (ist) Ahuramazd, der diese Erde erschaffen hat, ... (Schmitt 2009, OP)
La morte di Dario III (estate 330)
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La campagna di Alessandro
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Da Kuhrt 2007, pp. 463-465.
I popoli delle montagne dagli achemenidi ad Alessandro17 B1. Strabo, Geography, XI.13.6 (first quarter of the 1st cent. CE) Ναρχος δ φησι τεττρων ντων λστρικν θνν, ν Μρδοι μν Πρσαις προσεχες σαν, Οξιοι δ κα λυμαοι τοτοις τε κα Σουσοις, Κοσσαοι δ Μδοις, πντας μν φρους πρττεσθαι τος βασιλας.
Nearchus says that there were four predatory tribes and that of these the Mardi were situated next to the Persians; the Uxians and Elymaei next to the Mardi and the Susians; and the Kossaeans next to the Medians and that whereas all four exacted tribute from the kings.
B2. Strabo, Geography, XVI.1.17 πρς ω δ στ κα τος κ Σοσων ες τν μεσγαιαν τς Περσδος δι τς Οξας κα τος κ τς Περσδος ες τ μσα τς Καρμανας. τν μν ον Καρμαναν γκυκλοται πρς σπραν κα ρκτον Περσς πολλ οσα: τατ δ συνπτει Παραιτακην κα Κοσσαα μχρι Κασπων πυλν, ρειν κα λστρικ θνη: τ δ Σουσδι λυμας κα ατ τραχεα πολλ κα λστρικ: τ δ λυμαδι τ περ τν Ζγρον κα Μηδα.
The road from Susa into the interior of Persis, through the territory of the Uxii, and from Persis into the middle of Carmania, leads also towards the east. Persis, which is a large country, encompasses Carmania on the [west] and north. Close to it adjoin Parætacene, and the Cossæan territory as far as the Caspian Gates, inhabited by mountainous and predatory tribes. Contiguous to Susiana is Elymaïs, a great part of which is rugged, and inhabited by robbers. To Elymaïs adjoin the country about the Zagrus and Media.
B3a. Herodotus, Histories, III.91.4 (ca. 440 BCE) (in the list of the twenty provinces of Darius I) π Σοσων δ κα τς λλης Κισσων χρης τριηκσια: νομς γδοος οτος.
the eighth was Susa and the rest of the Cissian country, paying three hundred talents.
B3b. Herodotus, Histories, V.49.7 χεται δ τοτων γ δε Κισση, ν τ δ παρ ποταμν τνδε Χοσπην κεμενα στ τ Σοσα τατα, νθα βασιλες τε μγας δαιταν ποιεται, κα τν χρημτων ο θησαυρο νθατα εσ: λντες δ τατην τν πλιν θαρσοντες δη τ ι πλοτου πρι ρζετε.
Adjoining these you see the Cissian land, in which, on the Choaspes, lies that Susa where the great king lives and where the storehouses of his wealth are located. Take that city, and you need not fear to challenge Zeus for riches.
B3c. Herodotus, Histories, V.52.6 κ δ τατης ς τν Κισσην χρην μεταβανοντι νδεκα σταθμο, παρασγγαι δ δο κα τεσσερκοντα κα μισυ στ π ποταμν Χοσπην, ντα κα τοτον νηυσιπρητον: π Σοσα πλις πεπλισται.
When this country is passed, the road is in the Cissian land, where there are eleven stages and forty-two and a half parasangs, as far as yet another navigable river, the Choaspes, on the banks of which stands the city of Susa.
17 Texts and translations from Perseus Digital Library (<www.perseus.tufts.edu>) and LacusCurtius (<penelope.uchicago.edu/
Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/>) by Bill Thayer. Old Persian after R. Schmitt.
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B4. Achaemenid royal inscriptions (ca. 520-465 BCE) B4a. DNa/Old Persian:22 (§3) Mda, ja, Parθava, ... (These are the countries that brought me tribute:) Media,
Elam, Partia, ... B4b. DPe/Old Persian:10 (§2) ja, Mda, Bbiruš, ... (These are the countries that brought me tribute:) Elam,
Media, Babilonia, ... B4c. DSaa/Babylonian:20-21 pa-ar-suKI ELAM.MAKI KURma-da-a-aKI ... Persia, Elam, Media, ... B4d. XPh/Old Persian:19-20 (§3) Mda, ja, Harauvatiš, ... (These are the countries that brought me tribute:) Media,
Elam, Aracosia, ... B5. Herodotus, Histories, VII.62.2 (in the description of the ethnic groups fighting for the Achaemenid king, after the Persians and the Medes) Κσσιοι δ στρατευμενοι τ μν λλα κατ περ Πρσαι σκευδατο, ντ δ τν πλων μιτρηφροι σαν. Κισσων δ ρχε νφης τνεω.
The Cissians in the army were equipped like the Persians, but they wore turbans instead of caps. Their commander was Anaphes son of Otanes.
B6a. Strabo, Geography, XV.3.4 ε δ δι τς χρας Χοσπης ες τν ατν τελευτν παραλαν, π τν Οξων τς ρχς χων. παρεμππτει γρ τις ρειν τραχεα κα πτομος μεταξ τν Σουσων κα τς Περσδος, στεν χουσα δυσπροδα κα νθρπους λστς, ο μισθος πρττοντο κα ατος τος βασιλας κατ τν κ Σοσων ες Πρσας εσβολν.
The Choaspes flows through Susis, terminating on the same coast, and has its source in the territory of the Uxii. For a rugged and precipitous range of mountains lies between the Susians and Persis, with narrow defiles, difficult to pass; they were inhabited by robbers, who constantly exacted payment even from the kings themselves, at their entrance into Persis from Susis.
B6b. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XIX.17.3 (ca. 60-30 BCE) ατο δ τς δυνμεις ναλαβντες ρμησαν π τν Τγριν ποταμν, πχοντα Σοσων δν μρας, τς ρεινς κρε τς π τν ατονμων κατεχομνης, ος Οξους προσαγορεουσι, πλτος μν κατ πολλος μν τπους τριν σταδων, στι δ τε κα τεσσρων.
He (= Eumenes) himself with his forces set out for the Tigris River, which is a day’s march from Susa at the place where it flows out of the mountainous country that is occupied by the unconquered tribesmen called the Uxii. Its width in many places is three stades, and in some places even four.
B7a. Strabo, Geography, XVI.1.18 κοσσαοι μν ον εσι τοξται τ πλον, καθπερ κα ο συνεχες ρεινο, προνομεοντες ε: χραν γρ χουσιν λγην τε κα λυπρν στ κ τν λλοτρων νγκη ζν: νγκη δ κα σχειν: παντες γρ εσι μχιμοι: τος γον λυμαοις συνεμχουν μριοι κα τρισχλιοι πολεμοσι πρς τε Βαβυλωνους κα Σουσους.
The Cossæi, like the neighbouring mountaineers, are for the most part archers, and are always out on foraging parties. For as they occupy a country of small extent, and barren, they are compelled by necessity to live at the expense of others. They are also necessarily powerful, for they are all fighting men. When the Elymæi were at war with the Babylonians and Susians, they supplied the Elymæi with thirteen thousand auxiliaries.
λυμαοι δ κα μεζω τοτων κκτηνται χραν κα ποικιλωτραν. ση μν ον γαθ γεωργος χει τος νοικοντας, δ ρειν στρατιτας τρφει τοξτας τος πλεστους: πολλ δ οσα πολ κα τ στρατιωτικν παρχεται, στε κα βασιλες ατν δναμιν κεκτημνος μεγλην οκ ξιο τ τν Παρθυαων βασιλε παραπλησως τος λλοις πκοος εναι: μοως δ κα πρς τος Μακεδνας πρτερον τος τς Συρας ρχοντας δικειτο.
The Elymæi occupy a country larger in extent, and more varied, than that of the Parætaceni. The fertile part of it is inhabited by husbandmen. The mountainous tract is a nursery for soldiers, the greatest part of whom are archers. As it is of considerable extent, it can furnish a great military force; their king, who possesses great power, refuses to be subject, like others, to the king of Parthia. The country was similarly independent in the time of the Persians, and afterwards in the time of the Macedonians, who governed Syria.
B7b. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XVII.67.2-3 ς ων π τς Οξων ρεινς τ μν πρτον φρεται δι χρας τραχεας κα χαρδραις μεγλαις διειλημμνης π σταδους χιλους, πειτα διαρρε χραν πεδιδα, πρανμενος αε μλλον, κα διελθν σταδους ξακοσους ξησιν ες τν κατ Πρσας θλασσαν. [3] διαβς δ τν Τγριν προγεν π τν Οξων χραν, οσαν πμφορον κα δαψιλσιν δασι διαρρεομνην κα πολλος κα παντοδαπος κφρουσαν καρπος: δι κα τς ρμου ξηραινομνης πρας παντοδαπ πλσματα χρσιμα πρς πλαυσιν ο τν Τγριν πλοντες μποροι κατγουσιν ες τν Βαβυλωναν.
This (= Tigris) flows down from the mountains of the Uxii and passes at first for a thousand furlongs through rough country broken by great gorges, but then traverses a level plain and becomes ever quieter, and after six hundred furlongs empties into the Persian sea. [3] This he (= Alexander) crossed, and entered the country of the Uxii, which was rich, watered by numerous streams, and productive of many fruits of all kinds. At the season when the ripe fruit is dried, the merchants who sail on the Tigris are able to bring down to Babylonia all sorts of confections good for the pleasures of the table.
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B7c. Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, V.3.16 (1st-4th cent. CE) Uxiorum dein gentem subactam Susianorum satrapa contribuit divisisque cum Parmenione copiis illum campestri itinere procedere iubet, ipse cum expedito agmine iugum montium cepit, quorum perpetuum dorsum in Persidem excurrit.
Then Alexander incorporated the subdued race of the Uxii in the satrapy of the Susiani, and having divided his forces with Parmenion, he ordered him to go on by the road through the plains, while he himself with a light-armed band took the ridge of the mountains whose back runs without interruption into Persia.
B7d. Arrian, Anabasis, III.17.1 (2nd cent. CE) ρας δ κ Σοσων κα διαβς τν Πασιτγριν ποταμν μβλλει ες τν Οξων γν. Οξων δ ο μν τ πεδα οκοντες το τε σατρπου τν Περσν κουον κα ττε λεξνδρ σφς νδοσαν: ο δ ρειοι καλομενοι Οξιοι Πρσαις τε οχ πκοοι σαν κα ττε πμψαντες παρ λξανδρον οκ λλως παρσειν φασαν τν π Πρσας ντα ξν τ δυνμει λαβεν, σα κα παρ το Περσν βασιλως π τ παρδ λμβανον.
He (= Alexander) now set out from Susa, and, crossing the river Pasitigris, invaded the country of the Uxians. The Uxians who inhabited the plains had obeyed the Persian satrap, and now surrendered to Alexander, but the Uxian hillmen, as they were called, were not subject to Persia, and now sent a message to Alexander that they would only permit him to take the route toward Persia with his army if they received what they used to receive from the Persian king on his passage.
B8. Arrian, Anabasis, III.17.2-3 ατς δ ναλαβν τος σωματοφλακας τος βασιλικος κα τος πασπιστς κα τς λλης στρατις ς κτακισχιλους τς νυκτς ει λλην τν φανερν γησαμνων ατ τν Σουσων. [3] κα διελθν δν τραχεαν κα δσπορον ν μι μρ πιππτει τας κμαις τν Οξων, κα λεαν τε πολλν λαβε κα ατν τι ν τας ενας ντων πολλος κατκτεινεν: ο δ πφυγον ς τ ρη.
He (= Alexander) then took the royal body-guards, the shield- bearing infantry, and 8,000 men from the rest of his army, and, under the guidance of the Susians, marched by night along a different road from the frequented one. [3] Advancing by a route rough and difficult, on the same day he fell upon the villages of the Uxians, where he captured much booty and killed many of the people while still in their beds; but others escaped into the mountains.
B9. Arrian, Anabasis, III.8.5 (composition of the army of Darius III) Οξιοι δ κα Σουσιανο γεμνα παρεχοντο ξθρην τν βουλτου. Βουπρης δ Βαβυλωνων γετο.
The Uxians and Susianians acknowledged Oxathres son of Aboulites as their leader, and the Babylonians were commanded by Boupares.
B10. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XVII.67.4 καταλαβν δ τς παρδους φυλαττομνας π Μαδτου, συγγενος μν ντος αρεου, δναμιν δ χοντος ξιλογον, κατεσκψατο τν χυρτητα τν τπων. παροδετων δ ντων κρημνν τν γχωρων τις νρ, Οξιος μν τ γνος, μπειρος δ τν τπων, πηγγελατο τ βασιλε δι τινος στενς τραπο κα παραβλου ξειν τος στρατιτας, στε περδεξους γενσθαι τν πολεμων. [5] δ λξανδρος προσδεξμενος τος λγους τοτ μν συναπστειλε τος κανος στρατιτας, ατς δ τν δοδον κατασκευσας φ ν ν νδεχμενον κ διαδοχς προσβαλε τος π τν παρδων φεστηκσιν. νεργς δ το κινδνου συνεσττος κα τν βαρβρων περισπωμνων περ τν γνα παραδξως ο πεμφθντες φνησαν περδξιοι τος τν προδον φυλττουσι. καταπλαγντων δ τν βαρβρων κα πρς φυγν ρμησντων γκρατς γνετο τς διεξδου κα ταχως πασν τν κατ τν Οξιανν πλεων.
[4] Alexander found the passages guarded by Madetes (governor of the Uxians), a cousin of Dareius, with a substantial force, and he saw at once the difficulty of the place. The sheer cliffs offered no passage, but an Uxian native who knew the country offered to lead soldiers by a narrow and hazardous path to a position above the enemy. [5] Alexander accepted the proposal and sent off with him a body of troops, while he himself expedited the move as far as possible and attacked the defenders in waves. The assault was pressed vigorously and the Persians were preoccupied with the struggle when to their astonishment above their heads appeared the flying column of the Macedonians. The Persians were frightened and took to their heels. Thus Alexander won the pass and soon after took all the cities in Uxianê.
B11. Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, V.3.15 Moderationem clementiamque regis, quae tunc fuit, vel una haec res possit ostendere: non Medati modo ignovit, sed omnes et deditos et captivos et libertate atque inmunitate donavit, urbem reliquit intactam, agros sine tributo colere permisit. A victore Dareo plura mater non inpetrasset.
The moderation and clemency of the king (= Alexander), as it was at that time, even this act alone could make clear; he pardoned not only Medates (= Madetes), but to all, both those who had been taken prisoner and those who had surrendered, he granted both freedom and even immunity, left the city intact, and allowed it to cultivate its fields without tribute. If Darius had been victor his mother would not have obtaneid more from him.
B12. Arrian, Anabasis, III.17.6 τατα τ γρα παρ λεξνδρου λαβντες χαλεπς εροντο δεμενοι παρ ατο τν χραν τν σφν χοντες φρους σα τη λεξνδρ ποφρειν.
Having received these gifts of honour from Alexander, they (= the Uxians) with difficulty, after much entreaty, procured from him the privilege of retaining possession of their own
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Πτολεμαος δ Λγου λγει τν αρεου μητρα δεηθναι πρ ατν λεξνδρου δονα σφισι τν χραν οκεν. φρος δ συνταχθες ν πποι ς τος κατν κα ποζγια πεντακσια κα πρβατα τρισμρια. χρματα γρ οκ ν Οξοις οδ γ οα ργζεσθαι, λλ νομες ατν ο πολλο σαν.
land on condition of paying him an annual tribute. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that the mother of Darius, on their behalf, entreated Alexander to grant them the privilege of inhabiting the land. The tribute agreed upon was a hundred horses, five hundred oxen, and 30,000 sheep a year; for the Uxians had no money, nor was their country fit for tillage; but most of them were shepherds and herdsmen.
B13. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XVII.111.6 δι κα τ καθ ατος πιτρψαντες τγχανον ερνης σν τ ποιεν τ προσταττμενον τ βασιλε. δ λξανδρος ν μραις τας πσαις τεσσαρκοντα καταπολεμσας τ θνος κα πλεις ξιολγους ν τας δυσχωραις κτσας νελμβανε τν δναμιν.
They (= the Cossaeans) placed themselves in Alexander’s hands and were granted peace on condition that they should do his bidding. In forty days at most, he had conquered this people. He founded strong cities at strategic points and rested his army.
B14. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XIX.19.6 ο δ περ τν ντγονον πειδ ποθ κον π τς δυσχωρας, βοηθτοις κινδνοις περιπιπτον. ο γρ γχριοι τν τπων μπειροι καθεσττες κα τος κρημνος προκατειληφτες πεκλιον τος δοιποροσι πτρας συνεχες κα μεγλας: μα δ κα τος τξοις πυκνος χρμενοι κατεττρωσκον τος μτε μνασθαι μτ κκλναι τ βλη δυναμνους δι τν δυσχωραν τν τπων.
As for the troops led by Antigonus, whenever they came to these difficult passes, they fell into dangers in which no aid could reach them. For the natives, who were familiar with the region and had occupied the heights in advance, kept rolling great rocks in quick succession upon the marching troops; and at the same time, sending arrows thick and fast, they wounded men who were able neither to turn aside the missiles nor to avoid them because of the difficulties of the terrain.
B15. Arrian, Anabasis, VII.15.2 εσ δ ρειοι ο Κοσσαοι κα χωρα χυρ κατ κμας νμονται, πτε προσγοι δναμις ς τ κρα τν ρν ποχωροντες θροι πως ν προχωρ κστοις οτω διαφεγουσιν, ς ποραν βλλοντες τος ξν δυνμει σφσιν πιχειροντας: πελθντων δ αθις ες τ λστεειν τρεπμενοι π τοτου τν βον ποιονται.
The Cossaeans are mountaineers, inhabiting strong positions in separate villages. Whenever a force approached them, they were in the habit of retiring to the summits of their mountains, either in a body or separately as each man found it practicable; and thus they escaped, making it difficult for those who attacked them with their forces to come near them. After the enemy’s departure, they used to turn themselves again to marauding, by which occupation they supported themselves.
B16. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, XIX.19.3 ο διον δ στ τατην παρελθεν στρατπεδον νευ το πεσαι τος τν ρεινν οκοντας βαρβρους: ατνομοι γρ ντες κ παλαιν χρνων κατοικοσιν ν σπηλαοις, προσφρονται δ βαλνους κα μκητας, τι δ τεταριχευμνα κρα τν γρων ζων.
It is not easy for an army to follow this route without having gained the consent of the tribesmen who inhabited the mountain ranges. These men, who have been independent from ancient times, live in caves, eating acorns and mushrooms, and also the smoked flesh of wild beasts.
B17. Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, V.6.17-18 Vastatis inde agris Persidis vicisque conpluribus redactis in potestatem ventum est in Mardorum gentem bellicosam et multum a ceteris Persis cultu vitae abhorrentem. Specus in montibus fodiunt, in quos seque ac coniuges et liberos condunt, pecorum aut ferarum carne vescuntur. Ne feminis quidem pro Naturae habitu molliora ingenia sunt.
Then after devastating the fields of Persia and reducing many villages into his power, he (= Alexander) came to the race of the Mardi, a warlike people, differing greatly from the rest of the Persians in their manner of life. They dig caves in the mountains, in which they hide themselves with their wives and children, they feed on the flesh of their flocks and of wild animals. Not even the women have gentler dispositions, as is Nature’s way.
Elymais: a Greek name for Elam18 Amongst the objects belonging to the al-Sabah Collection in Kuwait‚ four decorated silver bowls (Carter 2015, nos. 77-80) are enriched by the engravings of Aramaic epigraphs in Elymaic script (Sims-Williams 2015). The epigraphs on nos. 77 and 78 are practically identical, corresponding to §3 of no. 80, thus referring to the same event and probably being part of a same deposit. D. Salaris has recognized that this inscription contains the first attestation of Elymais (‘yl’m) in Elymaic, the local variety of Aramaic‚ indicating that the term ‘Elymais’
18 After Salaris 2017b.
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(λυμας, -δος) is a Greek rendering (according to α common Greek word formation method; cf, e.g., Περσς, -δος) of the more ancient toponym ‘Elam’ which was evidently retained locally.19
Elymaic inscription on Carter 2015, no. 80, §3 20 byr tšry šnt 4-100-20-20-20-20-8 bl’w kzy kbnškbyr wrwdpr mlk’ ‘m prtwyh mn m’dy b‘yl’m ’th ‘l mlkwt’ s’m ’dyn k’s’ znh zy klh p’grh ’štr’ zy bl’w prtwyh b’b’r’ nsybw wtyb’ wrwdpr mlk’ hkmr nsyb mnhwm lklh p’grh z’ hn‘yl zy ’bwth t’wd wn’rwth thwh ‘d l‘l’m
In the month of Teshri of year 488 [177 CE], … when King Kamnaskires Orodes Phraates came with the Parthians from Media to Elam, into the kingship, then he deposited this cup [so] that all … the Parthians … King Orodes Phraates, taking … from them, brought in all that …, so that it might intercede upon his behalf and be his protection forever.
References BASELLO, Gian Pietro (in print) ‘Administrative Topography in Comparison: Overlapping Jurisdiction between the Susa
Acropole Tablets and the Persepolis Fortification Tablets’, in Jan Tavernier, K. Abraham, V. Boschloos, Elynn Gorris (eds.), Topography and Toponymy in the Ancient Near East: Perspectives and Prospects (Publications de l’Institut orientaliste de Louvain, 71), Louvain.
BASELLO, Gian Pietro & François BRIDEY (in print) ‘Two Neo-Elamite Inscribed Vessels in the Louvre Museum’. BASELLO, Gian Pietro & Adriano ROSSI (2011) ‘I colori nell’Iran antico’, handout for the workshop La comunicazione tra
visualità e scrittura: approcci e contesti a confronto, 2011, April 15, “L’Orientale” University of Naples, available at <www.academia.edu/1706506/I_colori_nell_Iran_antico>.
BRIANT, Pierre (1982) État et Pasteurs au Moyen-Orient ancien, Paris – Cambridge. BRIANT, Pierre (1990) ‘The Seleucid kingdom, the Achaemenid empire and the history of the Near East in the first millennium
BC’, in P. BILDE, T. ENGBERG-PEDERSEN, L. HANNESTAD & J. ZAHLE, eds., Religion and Religious Practice in the Seleucid Kingdom (Studies in Hellenistic Civilization, 1), pp. 40-65, Aarhus.
CARTER, Martha L. (2015) Arts of the Hellenized East. Precious Metalwork and Gems of the Pre-Islamic Era, with contributions by Prudence O. HARPER & Pieter MEYERS, London: Thames & Hudson.
GORRIS, Elynn (2014) Power and Politics in the Neo-Elamite Kingdom, 2 vols., PhD diss., Université catholique de Louvain, Louvain- la-Neuve.
HENKELMAN, Wouter (2003) ‘Persians, Medes and Elamites. Acculturation in the Neo-Elamite Period’, in Giovanni B. LANFRANCHI, Michael ROAF & Robert ROLLINGER (eds.), Continuity of Empire (?). Assyria, Media, Persia (History of the Ancient Near East. Monographs, 5), Padova: S.a.r.g.o.n., pp. 181-231 and pls. 9-15.
HENKELMAN, Wouter F.M. (2011) ‘Of Tapyroi and Tablets, States and Tribes: The Historical Geography of Pastoralism in the Achaemenid Heartland in Greek and Elamite Sources’, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, 54/2, pp. 1-16.
Kal.: inscriptions attested on vessels pertaining to the so-called “Kalmakarra hoard” according to the survey in Henkelman 2003, p. 223, table 2.
MAHBOUBIAN, Houshang (2002) The Art of the Medes, London: Philip Wilson Publishers [new edition, with a new pagination and several additions; 1st edition 1995].
MDP9: Elamite administrative tablets from the Acropolis of Susa published in Scheil 1907. PLISCHKE, Sonja (2014) Die Seleukiden und Iran. Die seleukidische Herrschaftspolitik in den östlichen Satrapien (Classica et
Orientalia, 9), Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. SALARIS, Davide (2017a) ‘A Case of Religious Architecture in Elymais: The Tetrastyle Temple of Bard-e Neshandeh’, Annali
[dell’Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”], 77/1-2, pp. 134-180. SALARIS, Davide (2017b) The Kingdom of Elymais (ca. 301 BC-224 AD). A comprehensive analysis (archaeological, artistic,
and textual) of one of the most important minor reigns in southern Iran, PhD diss. submitted at Macquarie University, Sydney.
SCHEIL, Vincent (1907) Textes élamites-anzanites, troisième série (Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse, 9), Paris. SIMS-WILLIAMS, Nicholas (2015) ‘Excursus: The Inscriptions on Four Silver Vessels from Ancient Elymais’, in Carter 2015,
pp 288-289. TAVERNIER, Jan (2007) Iranica in the Achaemenid Period (ca. 550-330 B.C.). Lexicon of Old Iranian Proper Names and Loanwords, Attested
in Non-Iranian Texts (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 158), Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA: Peeters. TAVERNIER, Jan (2011) ‘Iranians in Neo-Elamite Texts’, in Javier ÁLVAREZ-MON & Mark B. GARRISON (eds.), Elam and Persia,
Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, pp. 191-261. VALLAT, François (1996) ‘Le royaume élamite de SAMATI’, Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires, 1996/31, pp. 21-22.
19 Methodological note: Elymais can be retained in scientific literature as an easy way to conventionally refer to Elam after the end of
the Achaemenid empire, but it is relevant to avoid thinking of Elymais as different from Elam. 20 Transliteration and translation according to N. Sims-Williams 2015, p. 288.
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<FEFF4f7f752890194e9b8a2d5b9a5efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef65305542b8f039ad876845f7150cf89e367905ea6ff0c4fbf65bc63d066075217537054c18cea3002005000440046002065874ef653ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000520065006100640065007200200035002e0030002053ca66f465b07248672c4f86958b555f3002> >> >> setdistillerparams << /HWResolution [2400 2400] /PageSize [612.000 792.000] >> setpagedevice