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The Sanctuary of Titicaca: Where the Sun Returns to Earth

David S. P. Dearborn; Matthew T. Seddon; Brian S. Bauer

Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 9, No. 3. (Sep., 1998), pp. 240-258.

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TH E SANCTUARY OF TITICACA: WHERE THE SU N RETURNS TO EARTH

David S. P. Dearborn, Matthew T. Seddon, and Brian S . Bauer

In 1r1knmythology tirge snridstone rock on the lslnn d of the Scrri, in Lake T itiear n, n . ~ she origin place of the slrn. It was

there that the sun first ernerged nnd desigrlnted the Irikn ns his children . U nde r Inkcr rlrle, and perha ps bef or e, this rnck was

c destinnrion of pilgrit~iswh o went t o ~r.or.ship nid riiake offerin gs t o the slrri. We present eriderlce that set of solar r~icirkers

existed on tr ridg e 17orthit.est o f t h e scrcred rock. T hes e structlrres,frnrrled the slrnser for gro ~r ps f nn rch ers o n the Jlrrle sol-

stice, rietrr the tittle o fr ke slit1 festil,n l, Irlti Rcryrni. H i~ ro ri c r7forrnntiorl couoled ~r .ithhe orgcrni:nriori of nrchneologicnl sites

within the snrictlror? a reo on th e isltrrld s~r gge sts hat elite s nnd cornrilon pilgririis nln ho1.e obser1,ed the s~rn setrom differ-

ent /ocatioris.

Seglirl In riiirologin Inka, 1 1 1 1 0 grciri r~ cc r rreriisctr sobre la Isln del S ol eri el Lcrrgo Titicnctr ern el I~ rgcir. e or ige n d el So l. Flieeri este rl~isr~ioitio qlre el prir~ierSol se opo rec id, eritonces riornhrd a 10s iricns con70 S L I A hijos. EI I In 4p ocn d el rririo de 10s

11ikns. .qlri,-d trntes, esrtr rvc o err1 del desr ino de perig rinos , 10s c~ ra les legrrror~ nrtr trdorcrr .hocer ofiendtrs nl Sol. Nosotros

nq ~r ipr ese r~ tan ios de rnnrcadores solnres fireron plresros sobre Irn cerro cercarlo hrrcio el rioro e~re1,idericin qlre 1 17 cor~j~rriro

de la roctr sngrtr do. Esros rtrsgos rrrquitectdriicos tiltr,~c rrvn o 1,isttr tle tr bnjtrdtr del Sol crlrudedor del festirn l sol ar de In ti

Rnytni. Ln i11forrr7ncidri istdricn , jutito corl el ptrrrdn del In orgcit~i,-ticidn le 10s sirios trrq ~reo ldgiro s enr ro tie drvn del snrl-

rlrnrio en Itr islo slrgiere qlre 1o.r oereg ri17o s .In elite podrinr~obser~,trrn prrerttrs de l Sol er Itr rtrrde de sd e ~rbi coc ior les ifr r-

elites de ltr gerirr corn~iri.

n the early decades of the sixteenth century, used to support the elite claim to power. Most

the Inka empire, Tahuantinsuyu, encomp assed specifically, we combine historical material with

muc h of the And ean world. In just a few gen- newly discovered archaeological e vidence fro m

erations, the people of C usc o had created the the Island of the Sun to illuminate a mec hanism

largest state in the Americas. transforming their by which the sun appeared to participate in Inka

city from a mountain village into an imperial cap- ritual during the June solstice and compare that to

ital (Figure 1). The noble class of Cusco claimed activities that took place in the Inka capital.

a mandate to rule the empire through their direct

descent from Inti, the powerful Sun God. As the The Solar Cult n Cusco

empire expan ded across the Andean world, it was The importan ce of the solar cult in Inka social

not necessary for the Inka to introduce a new organization was unmistakable, and, as might be

deity into occupied regions, they needed only to expec ted, the most complex man ifestation of this

assert successfully and demonstrate their relation- cult develop ed in Cusco. Because of the concen-

ship to this widely recognized god. In this article, tration of literate Sp aniards in Cusc o, its solar cultwe discuss how the Inka empire expanded into also is the best documented (Baue r and Dearborn

the Lak e Titicaca region and usurped the Island of 1995). The mo vem ents of the sun across the hori-

the Sun, the mythical origin place of the sun. We zons of the Cusc o Valley served to organize the

also explore how state-sponsored solar rituals, ritual calendar of the imperial capital. This sun

both in Cusco and on the Island of the Sun, were watching was augmented by a system of solar

David S P Dearborn niversity of California, Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. Livermore. CA 94550

Matthew T. Seddon niversity of Chicago. Department of Anthropology, Chicago. IL 60637

Brian S. Bauer he University of Illinois at Chicago, Department of Anthropology . Chicago. IL 60607

Latin American Antiquity, 9(3 ), 1998. pp. 240-258.Copyright by the Society for American Archaeology



D e a rb o rn S e d d o n a n d B a u e r ] TH S A N C T U A R Y O F T l T l C A C A

lnka Roadsodern bounderies r

Importan t cities or sites o

Figure 1. Inka em pire; at its height, the Inka empire stretched from m odern day Colom bia to Chile (after H slop

1990) .



2 4 2 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol . 9 No.3 1998

horizon markers (pillars) between which the sun

rose and set during specific ceremonial periods.

Unfortunately, while the pillars were seen and

mentioned by a variety of early Colonial writers,

the descriptions of the pillars differ markedly

(Figure 2). There is no consensus on how many

pillars surrounded the city, the distances that sep-

arated them (their precision for specifying a date),

or the dates that they marked (other than solstices

and a planting ceremony in August). Never-

theless, it is important to review the major

descriptions of the Cusco solar markers to under-

stand the variety of the descriptions.'

The earliest detailed description of Inka solar

observations comes from Juan de Betanzos, anearly Spanish settler in Cusco. In one section of

his chronicle, Betanzos (1987:73-74 [1557: Pt. 1,

Ch. 151) describes eight pillars arranged in two

groups of four on the hi l ls around Cusco.

Although the calendrical use of the pillars is not

known with certainty, it is clear that one group

marked sunrises and the other sunsets. Th e pillars

were rectangular, and each group consisted of two

large oute r pillars framing two sm aller inner ones .

Betanzos states that the outer pillars were larger

than the inner ones and that they stood approxi-

mately 5 m apart. He claims that the smaller inner

pillars were separated by only about 1 m.

Garcilaso de la Vega also wrote of the solar

pillars of his native city. He states that there were

a total of 16 pillars, arran ged in four sets of four

on the Cu sco horizon (two sets of four to the east

and two sets of four to the west). Garcilaso de la

Vega (1966:116 [1609:Vol. 1, Bk. 2, Ch. 221)

asserts that the smaller pillars stood about three

times the height of a man a nd that the pillars wereseparated by about 6 to 7 m. He states that these

pillars were used to mark the solstices.

Bernabt Cobo (1980:25, 27, 59 [1653:Bk. 13,

C h. 13; Bk . 13, Ch . 161) a Jesuit priest and natu-

ralist, also provides detailed descriptions of the

solar markers of Cusco. He indicates that there

were at least three se ts of paired pillars to the west

of Cusco. The first set marked the June solstice

sunset, and the second recorded a ritual planting

date for maize. The third pair also were said to

mark a planting date, but seem to have recordedthe Dece mber solstice sunset (Aveni 1981 ). While

Cob o indicates that the pillars were built in pairs,

he does not state how far apart they were. He also

suggests that there may have been other, individ-

ual pillars in the Cu sco region marking the beg in-

ning of each month.

The most detailed description of the Cusco

solar pillars is provided by an anonymous chron-

icler (1906:15 1, 158 [ca. 15701) in a man uscript,

Discurso de l sucesidiz y gobierno de 10s yizgas.

This is the only account from Cusco that

describes fou r critical features for the solar obser-

vations, including (1) the approxim ate location of

a set of pillars, (2) the location from which the

observation was made, (3) the approximate date

of the observation, and (4) the separation of the

markers. According to this writer, sometime in

August the Inka gathered around the usrzo a stonein the central plaza of Cusco, to begin the plant-

ing season. As part of this ritual cele bration, they

watched the sun set between two pillars on a

nearby hill (now called Picchu). This chronicler

describes four pillars spread along 200 paces of

the ridge with two inner pillars separated by 50

paces. The sun was observed to set between the

inner pillars during this ceremony.

From these descriptions it can be concluded

that the Cusco solar pillars were rectangular

structures, large enoug h to be seen against the set-

ting sun at a distance of 15 km. They were w ell

constructed, as they remained visible on the hori-

zon for at least 100 years after the conquest.

Including sunrise and sunset pillars, there may

have been as few as eight or as many as 16 of

these towers on the Cusco horizons. There were

certainly sets of pillars recording the sunset on the

June solstice, the December solstice, and a mid-

August planting date. There may have been others

marking the sunrises on these dates, as well as forthe equinoxes, and perhaps even individual

months (Bauer and Dearborn 199550-53).

Why did the Inka build towers to mark the

motion of the sun along the ho rizons? An individ-

ual can easily make the observations necessary

for accurate timekeeping without the construction

of monumental architecture, and there are

accounts that describe the activities of such

Andean sky-watching specialists. For example,

an indigenous chronicler from L ucanas, Guam an

Poma de Ayala (1980:830 [1615:884 (898)l)describes an astrologer, who measured the way

light entered a window.' Another document by an

anonymous author, the Huarochiri Manuscript



Dearborn S eddon and Bauer] THE SANCTUARY OF TlTlCACA

V

outer pillars are 3 estados high and separatedby 2.5 brazas

0

la Vega Four pillars mark asolstice. The outer pillars are 4 estados high

and separated by about 20 m.

2

Altitude - Anonymous chronicler: Four pillars; the outerpillars are 200 paces apart and the inner ones 50paces apart. A sunset between the inner pillars- was viewed from Haucaypata, marking anAugust planting date.

5 ~ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 , 1 1 12900 2950 3000

of pillars mark the solstice; otherpillars mark the sun s motion for months ofapproximately equal length.

5 o J 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ,

2950 300029 Azimuth

Figure 2. The motion of the sun along the horizon of C usco was marke d by pillars. Although mentioned by many ea rlychroniclers, the description of these pillars vary dramatically (1 estado is approximately the height of a man, andbr z is the span of a man s arm s, approximately a fathom).

(1991:72 [ca. 1608]), refers to a local specialist Cusco was a different case. The horizons sur-

called a yanca who watched the way sunlight fell rounding the imperial capital held a series of large

on a walL3 These individuals were local special- solar markers, visible to e veryon e, that w ere used

ists who monitored the motion of the sun to as part of enormou s public rituals held in the cen-

obtain specific dates for planting an d harvest fes- tral square of the city. Most accou nts describe the

tivals. It is important to note, however, that the pillars as existing in pairs, or in sets of four. Theytime, the derivative of these observatio ns, was were structured to frame a sunset or sunrise, not

passed on to the village without large-scale public simply to mark a single point on the horizon. The

demonstrations. exact number of people who could watch the sun



245Dearborn Seddon and Bauer] THE SANCTUARY OF T IT ICACA

eru

Figure 3 Lake Titicaca; pilgrims approach the Island of the Sun through Yunguyu and along the CopacabanaPeninsula

porated into the empire (Jul ien 1983) .

Furthermore, Titicaca w as or becam e im portant in

Inka mythology. Like the Colla, the Inka held it to

be the origin place for the sun. However, in Inka

mythology, the ancestors of the ruling Inka played

a significant role in this event. Crist6bal de

Molina , priest, Quechua scholar, citizen of Cusco,

and author of a number of documents, gives the

following account (Molina 198952 [ca 15751 for

Titicaca as an origin place:

They say that it was at night and that there he [the

Creator] made the Sun and Moon and Stars, and that

he ordered the Sun and Moon and Stars to go to the

Island of Tit icaca that is near there, and from there

they rose to the sky. And at that t ime, the Sun who

wanted to rise in figure of a very flamboyant man

called to the Inka and to Manco C b a c , as the ir supe-

rior and said: You and your des cendants will be Lords

and will subjugate many nations; take me as our

father ... and at that point he ordered the Sun, Moo n,

and Stars to rise to the sky and put each one in their

place (translation by Bauer).

This myth is similar to those recorded by C ieza de

Le6n and Cobo; however, there is the additional

element of the sun adopting Manco Capac as his

descendant. The se accou nts suggest that, even

though solar worship may have preceded the

arrival of the In ka in the La ke Titicaca region, the

rulers of Cusco successfully established the sun

as their direct ancestor and were thus seen to have

a uniq ue relation with it.

Historical sources are not in complete agree-ment as when the Lake Titicaca region was

incorporated into the Inka empire, but they over-

whelmingly suggest that the sanctuary on the



LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 9 No.3 1998

Figure 4. The Island of the Sun; after crossing the narrow straits from the C opacabana Peninsula pilgrims broughtofferings to the sanctuary housing the Sacred R ock.

Island of Titicaca w as dedic ated to the sun in pre- by the Inka, and a series of structures were built

Inka times.8 Cobo 1990:92 [1653:Bk. 13, Ch. there. If we c an believe the early Co lonial writers,

181) is very direct on this point, Wh atever the the island was of such importance that it was vis-

origin of this shrine may have been, it was very ited by all the ruling Inkas following its incorpo-ancient and highly venerated by the people of the ration. It is said that Pacha cuti, Topa In ka, and his

Collao before they were subjugated by the Inka successor, Huayna Chpac, all visited the island.

kings. Th e sanctuary was accepted and enhanced Even H uisca r, who lost the empire in a civil war



Dearborn Seddon and Bauer] THE S NCTU RY OF TlTlC C 47

to his brother Atahualpa on the eve of European

contact, is reported to have made a trip to the

island (Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui 1950:267

([16131).

rchaeological and stronomical Research

on the Island of the Sun

Th e first archaeologica l research on the Island of

the Sun was conducted by Adolph Bandelier in

1894. Bandelier excavated more than 20 sites,

concentrating largely on ceme teries. As B andelier

himself (1910: 165) notes, he made no systematic

attempt to record all of the prehistoric sites on the

island, but visited only those that interested him.

Between 1994 and 1996 we conducted a multi-

stage research program to define the com plex pre-

history of the island and inv estigate the antiquity

of solar cults in the Andes. We completed a sys-

tematic survey of the island, locating more than

160 prehispanic sites that span the time from at

least 1800 B.C. to the fall of the Inka em pire, and

we con ducted test excavations at a se ries of sites

across the island. As part of this archaeological

project, we surveyed the prehistoric remains of

the island for evidence of astronom ical activities.

Th e descriptions of solstice observations around

Cusco that used large rectangular horizon pillars

provided information on the type of structure tolook for and sug gested where to look.

Pilg rim age s to the sland of the Sun

Th e most de tailed descriptions of pilgrimages to

the Island of the Sun com e from two priests who

worked along the shores of Lake Titicaca. The

first account is provided by Alonso Ramos

Gavilfin. He was a resident of Copacabana in

1618 and comp leted his work three years later in

1621. The second report was written by BernabC

Cobo, who was in the region in 1616. Cobo was akeen obse rver of Inka rem ains; however, he also

relied on the works of earlier writers, such as

Ramos Gavilfin. He did not finish his account

until 40 years later in 1653.

Accord ing to Ram os G avilfin (1988: 127-1 28,

172 [1621:Ch. 20, 281) and Cobo (1990:91-99

[1653:Bk. 13, Ch. 18]), the pilgrims first arrived

at the town of Yunguyo, about an hour s walk

from Copacabana. Access beyond Yunguyo was

Figure 5 The sanctuary wall; a small rubble mound marks the remains of a wall that limited access to the sanctuaryarea



48 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 9 No.3 1998

restricted and available only to pilgrims, priests,

and those who maintained fields on the island. To

gain access, the pilgrims had to speak with a con-

fessor and do penance. They also abstained fromsalt, meat, and chili peppers, after which they

could proceed to Copacabana where a second

confession was made. They then traveled by boat

from the ma inland to the island and wa lked to its

northern end where the Sacred Rock was located.

The chroniclers seem to suggest that many of

the pilgrims were not allowed to enter the imme-

diate sanctuary, but a mv ed at one or more gates

where they handed their offerings to the priests of

the shrine (Figure 5).9 Ramos Gavilfin

(1988:93-95 [1621:Ch . 131) and Cobo (1990:97[1653:Bk. 13, Ch. 181) both describe a large

architectural comp lex in the sanctuary area that is

today called the Chincana and noted the presence

of another small set of buildings that was later

called Mama Ojlia by Bandelier (1910:216).10

Furthermore, they describe a flat area in front of

the Sacred Rock that already had been looted for

offerings. Ramos G avilfin and Cobo also tell of a

round altar stone in front of the rock that no

longer exists. This round stone had a hole into

which large amounts of chich (corn beer) werepoured d uring ceremonies.

The sanctuary area on the Island of the Sun is

still readily iden tifiable and has been v isited and

described by a number of explorers (Bandelier

1910; Hyslop 1990; Squier 1877). This area is

separated from the rest of the island by the

remains of a wall (Figure 6), and contains two

separate clusters of Inka buildings (Mama Ojlia

and the Chincana) as well as the plaza area near

the Sacred Rock (Figure 7). There also is evi-

dence of a large Tiwanaku occupation in the sanc-tuary area at the site of Ch ucaripupata, suggesting

that the ritual use of the area predates the Colla.

The northern end of the sanctuary area is defined

by a small ridge, Tikani, that forms the north-

western horizon. As part of the archaeological

project, we examined the sanctuary area for evi-

dence of large, rectangular pillars like those used

Figure6. Sanctuary area as seen from the sanctuary wall and gateway. In the foreground are the ruins of Mama Ojliain the center is the Sacred Rock and Tikani Ridge is in the upper right.



Dearborn Seddon and Bauer] THE SANCTUARY OF TlTlCACA 249

une

iset .

Sacred

Rock

ake

iiticaca

Figure 7. The north end of the Island of the Sun held a sanctuary area. A trail led to the sanctuary, through a gate-way. Within the sanctuary there are three sets of Inka rema ins, Mam a Ojila, the Sacred Rock Titikala) with its adja-cent plaza, and the Chincana. There also is a platform Site 19 adjoining the sanctuary wall and two small structureson Tikani Ridge.

in Cusco, as well as any structure suited to spe-cialized astrono mical activities. The highlights of

that inspection are presented below.

The Sacred Rock Titi kala )

The Sacred Rock (also called Titikala) from

which the sun rose is a large exposed slab of red-

dish sandstone (Figure 8) that lies near the center

of the sanctuary area (Figure 9). roughly rec-

tangular plaza was constructed adjoining this

rock. The northeast side of this plaza is formed by

a vertical rock face that rises nearly 5 5 m andruns for about 80 m. The northwest side of the

plaza, about 35 m long, is largely formed by the

remains of an Inka wall, with multiple, small,

trapezoidal windows and a door. The southeastedge of the plaza is defined by a slightly shorter

terrace. The southwest side of the plaza is cro ssed

by a road tha t leads from the san ctuary gateway to

the Chincana. It was in this plaza near the rock

that the round stone was located into which

chicha was pou red as an offering to the sun.

The far side of the rock descends down to the

lake. Ramos Gavil6n (1988:115-116 [1621:C h.

171) and C obo (1990:97-98 [1653:Bk . 13, Ch.

181) call this broad descending side, the con vex

side of the stone, and state it was covered incumbi, a finely woven cloth. They indicate that

the plaza side of the rock was faced w ith sheets of

gold and that an altar was loca ted in a prominent




Approximate region fromwhich the Junesolstice sun sets between the two structures \on Tikani Ridge

Figure 9. The Sacred Rock Plaza; a shallow roughly rectangular plaza is formed by the Sacred Rock an Inka wall a

low terrace and the major trail of the sanctuary area. People standing in a large portion of the plaza can see the June

solstice sunset between the two ridge structures.

separation of the foundations was approximately

2.75 ; from the spot where the measurement was

made, the June solstice sunset position is shown

in Figures 12 and 13.

Because the ridge is relatively close, the pre-

cise spot beyond which the sun disappears

changes visibly as one moves about the plaza.

The physical separation of the foundations is

approximately 32 m. This separation maps to a

plaza area in which the sun will be seen to set

between these ridge (Figure 9 . Everyone located

in the plaza on the June solstice could see the sun-

set between the ~tructures.'~

Following the observation that the June sol-

stice sun sets between the two ridge structures,

excavations were undertaken to determine

whether these structures served as (1) a set ofJune solstice sunset markers as seen from the area

of the Sacred Rock, (2) an occupation site with

two structures, or (3) two aboveground tombs

( c h ~ l l p a s ) . ~he excavation results did not sup-

port the latter two of these possible functions. The

complete absence of any refuse in or around the

two structures indicated that this was not a typical

domestic site. Furthermore, excavations within

the structures revealed that they were entirely

filled with rock rubble, gravel, and sand that con-

tained no cultural remains. The solid form of the

structures and the absence of human osteological

material rule out the possibility that they served

as aboveground tombs (Figure 14).

Alternatively, several lines of evidence suggest

that these structures served as markers. First, each

structure was packed with rubble. Structure2 was

entirely filled with a matrix of cobbles, gravel,

and sand; the lower section of Structure 1 also

was constructed in this way. This fill would havemade it impossible to carry out any activities

inside the structures. Second, selected external

parts of the structures, particularly those facing



252 LATIN AMER ICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 9 No.3 1998

Figure 10 Structures on the Tikani Ridge. Two rubble filled structures flanked the June solstice sunset position asviewed from the plaza area.

the Sacred Rock area, were constructed of well- Rock area. There is ab undant historical evidence

fitted stone, while those parts that faced away associating the June solstice with the Inka solar

from the Sacred Rock were given less detailed fes t ival cal led In t i Raymi; Ramos Gavi lan

attention. This selective construction suggests 1988: 153-154 [1621:B k. 1, Ch . 41) suggests that

that the walls facing the Sacred Rock were the this festival was observed on the Island of themost important. Finally, they are the only struc- Su n. As a result, we propos e that these structures,

tures on the ridge, and they flank the June solstice like those described in Cusco, served as solar

sunset position when viewed from the Sacred markers.




Figure 11 Tikani Ridge; even today the remains of two structures built on this ridge are clearly visible from the plaza

area.

Figure 12. From a position near the center of the plaza the June solstice sunset position is shown between the struc-

tures on the Tikani Ridge northwest of the Sacred Rock. The measured altitudes and azimuths with associated decli-

nations are given for the ruined structures themselves.



254 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 9 N0.3 1998

Figure 13.As seen from the plaza the June solstice sun sets between the two structures on the Tikani Ridge.

Figure 14. A comer of one of the two rubble-filledstructures located on Tikani Ridge.



Dearborn Seddon and Bauer] TH SANCTUARY O TlTlCACA 55

Pilgrims Perspect ive of the Solst ice

In Inka times the whole island was considered

sacred, and access was controlled. The chroni-clers suggest that, although most pilgrims were

permitted to cross over to the island, only a few

were allowed to approach the Sacred Rock itself.

It appears that most visitors could observe the

Sacred Rock only from a distance. Furthermore, it

is possible that even select individuals of excep-

tionally high status who were able to visit the

rock itself, like the ruling Inka, removed their

sandals before proceeding past the gate. A similar

description of social space and hierarchy can be

found in Garcilaso de la Vega s description of theapproach to the Coricancha (Temple of the Sun)

in Cusco:

... two hundred steps before they reached i t

[Coricancha] they removed their shoes, with the

exception of the king who only took them off at the

very door of the temple. The Inka and m embers of the

blood went in like natural children and worshipped

the image of the Sun. The curacas [local lords], being

unworthy o f entering the high place, since they were

not children of the Sun, stayed outside in a large

square which today stands before the temple gate.Garcilaso de la Vega 1966359 [1609:Pt. 1, Bk. 6,

Ch. 211 translated by H. V. Livermore).

These descriptions may help explain a small set

of Inka-period remains that we found next to the

sanctuary area (Figure 7 . The sanctuary wall on

the Island of the Sun is still visible, and an open-

ing where the trail to the Sacred Rock crosses the

wall was probably once a gateway. From this

opening, the wall extends downhill toward a lake

and up towards the top of a ridge. Near the crestof this ridge, the wall changes direction and pro-

ceeds down the other side.

Near the ridge summit, there is a roughly rec-

tangular platform area (Figure 15 defined by ter-

race and wall foundations. This platform contains

fragments of Inka pottery and is the only con-

120 rn to Sanc tua ry Ga teway

T o J u n e s o l s t ~ c e u n s e t a n drldge structures

Stone Foundation

Hypothesized

Figure 15 Site 19 is an Inka platform attached to the outside of the sanctuary wall. From this platform the June sol-stice sun is seen to set over the Sacred Rock Plaza and between the two structures on Tikani Ridge.



LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 9, No.3 1998

Figure 16 The sanctuary area as seen from the platform Site 19 , the only structure built along the sanctuary wall.From this platform, the June solstice sun sets over the Sacred Rock and the Plaza, and between the two ridge struc-tures.

structed feature appended to the wall. The plat-

form, located outside the sanctuary area, was pre-

sumably accessible to all pilgrims. In fact, access

may have been provided by a trail that still has

sections of paving. This trail runs above and par-

allel to the current one, at least as far as Kasapata,

a large Inka occupation most likely mentioned by

Rarnos Gavilin (1988:84 [1621: Ch. 111) and

Cobo (1990:93 [1653:Bk. 13, Ch. 181).

The Sacred Rock and Tikani Ridge are easilyvisible from the platform (Figure 16). The

frontage width of the platform is just over 30 m,

matching the separation between the foundations

on the ridge and the width of the Sacred Rock

plaza. The location and size of this platform are

such that, for dates near the June solstice, most of

the people on it would see the sun setting over the

rock and the plaza, as well as between the pil-

l a r ~ . ~e propose that, with access to this struc-

ture, pilgrims who were not allowed direct access

into the sanctuary area still could have partici-pated with priests and other elites in the plaza area

to observe the sun return to earth between the

horizon pillars.

ummary

While Cusco was the home of the Inka and the

capital of their empire, it was not the origin place

of the sun, their patron. This distinction was

accorded to the Island of the Sun in Lake Titicaca.

When the Inka empire expanded into the Titicaca

region, they took physical control of that island.

The Inka built, or enhanced, the solar temple

there and incorporated it into their own dynastic

origin myth. The remains of the Inka sanctuarystill can be seen today beside the sandstone crag

from which the sun ascended.

From a position in the sanctuary plaza, the

June sun appears to rise over the concavity of the

Sacred Rock that housed an idol to the sun. The

sun then crosses the sky and returns to earth over

a nearby ridge. There, the sunset position is

flanked by two rubble-filled structures that are

consistent in shape and scale with the descriptions

of the solar markers surrounding Cusco. It is dif-

ficult to determine how high the ridge structureswere, but even today they are easily visible from

the plaza. When they stood at full height, they

would have formed a dramatic frame for the set-



257earborn Seddon and Bauer] THE SANCTUARY OF TlTlCACA

ting sun. The 2.75' separation is consistent with

that inferred from the account of an anonymous

chronicler (approximately 2", Bauer and

Dearborn 1995:73) for a pair of Cusco pillars

used to mark the sunset for the ceremony begin-ning the planting season. This separation is too

wide to form a good m echanism for determining

a particular date an d, instead, seems to emphasize

public ritual and g roup participation.

The early Colonial writers who visited the

island seem to suggest that only the Inka elite had

access to the plaza adjoining the Sacred Rock.

Nonelite worshipers may not have been allowed

to approach the rock directly. We have found a

rectangular Inka platform immediately outside

the sanctuary area. Its dimensions and position

are such that persons standing 11 the platform

also could participate in the ma rked sunset. From

this platform the sun is seen to set between the

ridge structures and over the elites gathered ne ar

the Sacred Rock. We propose that the platform

represents the segregation of elite and nonelite

areas of sun worship. This adds a dimension to

the practice of the solar cult that was not distinctly

recorded in the accounts of state rituals in the

imperial capital. While both groups participatedin solar worship, the nonelites simultaneously

offered respect to the sun and the children of that

deity. This physical organization emphasized that

the Inka alone held direct and undisputed access

to the powers of the sun. With this authority, they

controlled time and regulated social activities

through the seasons.

Acknowledgments

The Island of the Sun Archaeological Project was codirected

by Charles Stanish and Brian S . Bauer and was supervised bythe Instituto Nacional de Arqueologia (INAR) of Bolivia

under the direction of Oswaldo Rivera and Javier Escalante

Moscoso. Funding for the project was provided by the

University of Illinois at Chicago, the Field Museum of Natural

History, the Institute for New World Archaeology, as well as

awards from the Wenner Gren Foundation and the Dudley

Observatory. Their assistance is gratefully acknowledged. We

also thank John Southon of the Center for Mass Spectrometry

at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory for his assis-

tance, as well as Monica Bames and reviewers of Latin

American Antiqrriy.

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Madrid.Aveni, A. F

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continuation), vols. 91 and 92. Ediciones Atlas,Madrid.

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and edi ted by J . H. Rowe. Nawpa Pacha

17(1979):2-80.

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edited by R. Hamilton. University of Texas Press:Austin.

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1980 [I 61 51 El primer nueva cordnica y buen gobierno.Edited by J. V. Murra and R. Adorno and Jorge I.Urioste. 3 vols. Siglo Veintiuno, Mexico City.

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vol. 15. University of California Press, Berkeley.

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1989 [ca 15751 Relacidn de las fabulas i ritos de 10s

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and P' Duvio's ' pp' 47-134' Cr6nicas deAm tric a series. Historia 16, Madrid.

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de ~ o ~ a c a b a n a .dited by I. Prado Pastor. Grafico P. LVillanueva S.A, Lima.

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del P ~ NIn Tres relaciones de antigiiedades peruanas.

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Buchhandlung, Berlin.Squier, E. G.

1877 Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the

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l lnstitut Frangais d etudes Andines 16(3-4):85-96.

otes

1. For an extensive review of Cusco solar astronomyaccounts, including those of Acosta, Cieza de Leon, Gu am ln

Poma d e Ayala, M olina, Montesinos, Murua, Polo de

Ondegardo, Sarmiento de Gamboa, Vazquez de Espinosa,

and others, see Bauer and Dearbom (1995:24-53).

2. Structures suited to cast light along a fiducial aligned to

the June solstice have been identified at Machu Picchu and

Pisac (Dearborn and White 1983).

3. Also see Carta Annua 1609 (Taylor 1987:93).

4. If not marking a solstice, each horizon position actually

marks a pair of dates. The spacing given by Betanzos can

function only near a solstice, when the daily change in sun-

rise or sunset position is small enough to guarantee that the

sun will go between the pillars.

5. 10s antiguos afirman que habiendo carecido de luz

celestial muchos dias en esta provincia, y estando todos 10s

moradores della admirados, confusos y amedrentados de tan

oscuras y largas tinieblas, 10s que habitaban la isla

sobredicha de Titicaca vieron una mafiana salir al sol de

aquella pena con extraordinario resplandor, por lo cual

creyeron ser aquel pefiasco la casa y morada verdadera del

sol y asi se lo dedicaron y edificaron alli un templo suntu-

oso para en aquellos tiempos, aunque no lo fut tanto como

despues que 10s Inkas lo engrandecieron e ilustraron. (Cobo

3964:390 [3653:B k. 13, Ch. 181).

6. dicen que era de noche y que alli hizo el Sol y Luna y

estrellas, y que mando al Sol y Luna y estrellas fuesen a la

isla d e Titicaca que esta alli cerca, y qu e desde alli suviesen

al cielo. Y que al tiempo que se quen'a suvir el Sol en figura

de un hombre muy resplandeciente llamd a 10s yngas y a

M~~~~ capacom a mayor dellos le dixo: T t u s

decendientes av tis de ser s fior s y av tis de sujetar muchas

naciones; tenedme por pa dre . y que en aquel punto mando

al Sol, Luna y e strellas se suvieron y s e cielo a ponerse cadaU O en s lugares (Molina 1989:52 [ca 15751).

7. Cobo (1979:104-105 [1653:Bk. 12, Ch. 3]), who took

much of his information on Inka religion from the works of

Molina, provides an almost verbatim copy of this story;

Calancha (1981:832 [1638:Bk. 2, C h. 10) presents an abbre-

viated version of it. See Cob o (1979:103-107 [1653:B k. 12,

Ch. 31) for additional stories concerning the origin of the

sun.

8 . Compare , fo r example , Sarmien to de Gamboa

(1906:75-76, 81-84 [1572:Ch 37, 4 04 11 ) and Santa Cruz

Pachacuti Yamqui (1950:251 [1613]), as well as Cieza de

Le6n (1976:231-233, 244 [1554:Pt. 2, Ch. 52, Ch. 60]),Cob o (1979: 92-93, 144-145 [1653:B k. 12, Ch. 13: Bk. 13,

Ch. 18]), and Ramos Gavilin (19 88 :3 2, 39 40 [1621:Bk. I

Ch. 3 , Ch. 41).

9. Ramos Gavilan states that there were three gates, while

Cobo mentions only one.

10. We found no portion of the Chincana or Mama Ojlia to

be particularly suited for observations of the sun. Complete

descriptions of these remains and our work at them are cur-

rently under preparation.

11. Whe n Co bo visited the sanctuary in 1616, a cross had

been erected in this hole, suggesting a deliberate effort toChristianize this importan t solar shrine.

12.An alternative use of the structures, although inconsistent

with the pairing of pillars described in Cusco, is to use them

as individual markers. In this mode, each pillar would mark

a particular date that depends on the observation point. From

a spot near the concavity of the rock, the northernmost foun-

dation m arks the June solstice. From this s ame position, the

sun crosses the more southerly pillar 29 or 30 days before

and after reaching the solstice (approximately May 24IJuly

21).

13. Dating the structures proved difficult because no diag-

nostic ceramics or features (hearths, trash pits, etc.) werefound in them. Two carbon samples, both taken from inse-

cure contexts, were submitted for dating. The first sample,

recovered in a trench just outside the south wall of Structure

2, returned an ag e of 1840 f 60 B.P. (LLN L 23786 [AD 110

8 601: wood carbon). It is unlikely that this carbon actually

dates the construction of the structure. The second sample

was recovered during the wall clearing operations. The sam-

ple proved to be a m odem intrusion (Sample LLN L 23787;

wood carbon).

14. Compass m easurements were m ade from the platform to

the plaza and the ridge foundations. These were corrected to

true north and confirmed with a transit measurement from

the plaza to the platform.

Received May 26, 1996; accepted May 21, 1997; revised

June 17, 1997.

dearborn et al 1998

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