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DIALOGUE

QUARTERLY

Volume-19 No. 2 October-December, 2017

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DIALOGUEQUARTERLY

Editor

J.N. Roy

Associate Editor

Pranav Kumar

ASTHA BHARATIDELHI

The views expressed by the contributors do not

necessarily represent the view-point of the

journal.

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DIALOGUE, Volume-19 No. 2 5

Contents

Editorial Perspective 7

AAP : End of A Dream

The Modi-BJP Juggernaut Marches on

Jammu & Kashmir : Reconciling the Opposites

1. North-East Scan

Meghalaya & Nagaland Elections 2018:

Does Anyone Care About Issues? 15

Patricia Mukhim

Liberating Northeast India from its Geographical Isolation:

The Unfinished Agenda 19

Professor M. P. Bezbaruah

If Answer is Impossible, the Naga Question

Must be Changed 22

Pradip Phanjoubam

2. J&K: What Next? 25

A.S. Dulat

3. Kashmir, Dialogue is the Key 29

Bashir Manzar

4. The Idea is the Enemy 34

David Devadas

5. Kashmir At a Threshold: Recovery of Integrity or

Surrender to Violence 41

Rajiv Vora

6. Youth Radicalization in Kashmir 51

Mushtaq Ul Haq Ahmad Sikander

6 DIALOGUE, Volume-19 No. 2

7. Jammu Down with Complex of

Least Priority Area and People 57

Binoo Joshi

8. Kashmir, What Next! 66

Sajjad Hussain Kargili

9. An Essay on the Rohingya Crisis 73

Jayanta Kumar Ray

10. Vision for Developing Andaman and Nicobar Islands 90

Air Marshal (Retd.) P. K. Roy

11. Nature and Implication of Radhakrishnan’s Idealism 102

Sanjay Kumar Shukla

12. The Political Frame of the Bhagavadgita 123

Dr. Binod Kumar Agarwala

13. Quest for Academic Autonomy and the

Making of Public Intellectuals: Some Reflections

on Martha Nussbaum’s Humanity Project 143

Vaibhav Shah & Ravi Saxena

14. Configuring Kibithoo as an Entrepot in India-

China Border Trade 159

Jajati K. Pattnaik


Editorial Perspective

AAP: End Of A Dream

It is too early to write the obituary of AAP as a political party. But with

the recent developments within the party, the last being the two

nominations (January 2018) to the Rajya Sabha and manhandling

(February 2018) of the Chief Secretary, Delhi government by party

MLAs in a meeting, in the presence of the Chief Minister, Arvind

Kejariwal, one can with confidence say that the dream which gave

birth to it has ended rather ignominiously. Born out of a successful

anti-corruption movement led by Anna Hazare since 2011 against the

hubris that the second UPA had become, it promised to usher in an

alternative political discourse in which people would be participants

and determinants. It was a promise of a new paradigm of governance

with the citizens at the core. Tired of the shenanigans of the UPA

government people, particularly the urban new generation, middle class

and those on the margins embraced it. Nothing else explains its prompt

success. It was a dream and promise of a change that drove it, despite

dire warnings of the simple Anna Hazare to avoid the cesspool of

political mess.

Many thought that the AAP leaders led by Kejriwal betrayed Anna

by entering politics (November 2012) to realize the cause of anti-

corruption dreams. Within a short while of three years, the AAP ended

up betraying the dream itself. Besides the internal bickerings and break-

ups, the nomination of two Gupta’s as its Rajya Sabha nominees and

manhandling of the Chief Secretary in an official meeting by party

MLA’s will prove the last nail in its coffin. The irony is what began as

an anti-corruption drive has ended, in popular perception, in money

bags. It may or may not survive as a political party, but the popular

trust it has betrayed will rankle for long and people will be loathe to

extend their support easily to a similar social/political movement for

sometime. The last one was the Total Revolution of Jayaprakash Narayan


in the 1970’s with similar philosophy but collapsed due to conflicts,

ambitions, and petty power politics of the Janata Party leaders. Recent

efforts of Anna Hazare to revive his movement is unlikely to enthuse

the common man in this background.

The end of Aap dream after an unprecedented 67 seats out of 70

in Delhi Assembly elections in December 2014, has been a function of

several factors. Besides mainly the ineptness and lack of political

experience of the Aap leaders and an obstructionist role of the BJP- led

Central government, which did not allow them to function as an effective

government. Despite this, it must be acknowledged that it delivered

creditably on power, water, education and health fronts. But their real

failure was in managing the popular perceptions about the party and

petty ambitions of its leaders and their party management. The fact that

the party today is in tatters controlled by a faction led by the Chief

Minister, Kejriwal, lacking popular credibility is, because it betrayed

the very principles of popular participation which catapulted it to power;

backed by enthusiastic volunteers, and prominent public figures with

credibility. The crucial difference was that it was backed by volunteers

and had no party cadres worth the name. These volunteers who formed

its core and its backers had hopes and believed in them. But these were

belied and prominent credible names left one by one, including Aruna

Roy, Admiral (Retd.) Ram Das, Mayank Gandhi, Raj Mohan Gandhi,

Damania, Yogendra Yadav, Prashant Bhushan, banker Meera Sanyal

etc. The latest one to be humiliated were Ashutosh and Kumar Vishwas,

over Rajya Sabha nominations. Crucial factor was not that Kumar

Vishwas and Ashutosh were denied tickets, but who were given tickets

instead – viz., moneybags with no party links or record of service. One

cannot ignore the fact that today the disillusioned Kumar Vishwas has

an iconic following on social media as a poet, and enjoys greater

credibility than the ruling coterie in the party. It will damage the party

considerably. With the kind of majority that it has the Aap government

in Delhi may last its term till 2019 but without much popular support.

Its 20 MLAs in the Punjab Assembly will also ensure its existence as

any other political party. In retrospect, Aap is not merely guilty of

failure in political terms, but of a more serious crime of betraying a

cause and dream. That also for petty power politics. Its leaders are

becoming an object of ridicule. These leaders who earlier held popular

Mohalla meetings are reduced to issuing press statements as they cannot

face people. What a fall and what a tragedy.


The Modi-BJP Juggernaut Marches On

The election results (March 3, 2018) of three North-eastern States of

Tripura, Nagaland and Meghalaya have only confirmed that the Modi-

led BJP juggernaut marches on unimpeded. There is jubilation in the

BJP ranks as the North-east with Christian majority States, like Nagaland,

Meghalaya, Mizoram its entry was considered improbable. But now it

is in power in all the States of the North-east, except Mizoram, either

on its own or through coalition partners. These triumphs, however,

have to be seen in perspective. Smaller States like Arunachal, Nagaland,

Mizoram, Meghalaya, even Manipur, by and large, like to go with the

ruling party at the centre and hence, frequent defections and new

alignments. That’s how the Congress despite being the largest single

party in Meghalaya, and earlier in Manipur, and NPP in Nagaland it is

the BJP led or supported coalitions which formed the governments.

However, the BJP victory in Assam (2017) and now Tripura (March

2018), is remarkable. Congress has been in power in Assam for decades

and the CPM in Tripura for the last 25 years. These victories of the

BJP are the result of detailed planning, adjustments and above all

daring. There are not many Parliamentary seats from NE, but it’s a

psychological advantage for the 2019 parliamentary elections. As in all

such elections, the difficult part begins now, that of delivering on the

promises in an area with fickle loyalties, strong local identities, a

pervading belief of being neglected, and an apprehension of Hindu

agenda in the region. So far, unlike the Congress, the BJP is exhibiting

the panache to meet the challenge.

These developments in the North-east are only an extension of

what has been happening in other parts of the country. Ever since the

2014 Parliamentary election, Narendra Modi-led-BJP has kept up its

victorious march across the country, and now controls directly or

indirectly, 21 States and nearly 70 per cent of the population. The

Punjab and Karnataka seem small blips and the latter is in danger in

the forthcoming elections towards the end of the year. It can be said

that the BJP has replaced the Congress as a truly national party. Some

of the liberal and secular experts are aghast at the developments, and

see in it the triumph of the communal Hindutva agenda of the RSS and

fear for the future of the country as a secular State. They even feel that

the Constitution itself will be under threat. But the life and politics

have a tendency to balance itself, and in a diverse country like India,


Hindutva as philosophy is unlikely to dominate, as Hinduism as a

religion or belief system is not a monolith and there are any number of

variations. Moderation is the life-blood of Hinduism and its defining

character. Hindutva elements only represent an angry and resentful

minority among Hindus against the Muslim-British rule in the last

millennium and the post-independence marginalisation at the hands of

the secular – liberal elite, who treated them as untouchables. On their

part BJP/RSS saw themselves as fighting for the perceived Hindu past

and glory. This estrangement from power centre is at the root of the

current assertive and abrasive behaviour of Hindutva elements. As the

BJP achieves the dominant status in Indian politics, the moderation is

likely to set in. The only fear is, that with clueless opposition and the

Congress in steady decline, some Hindutva elements may entertain

dictatorial ambitions of a Hindu Raj and even try to tamper with the

Constitution. Such fears at the moment are in future, based on past

prejudices and lack of understanding of the new generation of the non-

urban and non-elite Indians.

In all these developments, two things are important for the future.

One is to understand the reasons for the success of the BJP, its strengths

and weaknesses. The second is to fashion a democratic response to

resist the future temptations of a one party-rule or making India a

Hindu State. Both are inter-connected.

The unprecedented Modi-led BJP victory in 2014, was a function

of the two factors of the people’s disillusionment with the hubris that

the second UPA regime had become, wracked by allegations of

corruption, and cronyism and the Modi, led vision of development and

new clean leadership. In comparison to the Congress, Modi and his

campaign came out as a credible alternative. Till date, the BJP’s success

in elections (the losses in the Punjab and some by-elections,

notwithstanding) is built around the sincerity and credibility of the

Prime Minister. Its surprising that nearly four years in his tenure as the

Prime Minister, Narendra Modi retains the trust of the majority of

citizens and the youth. Even controversies like demonetisation, GST,

issues of Hindu vigilantes etc., have failed to dent his image. He is

always a step ahead of his political opponents. Another factor is that

unlike the Congress in the past, the BJP never hesitates in cobbling up

coalitions, conceding seats and even playing second fiddle to regional

parties to consolidate its hold. Another factor favouring the rise of the

BJP is the ruthless shedding of the old deadwood both at the national


and State levels. The new crop does not carry any baggage and can

operate freely. The main weakness of the BJP is its total dependence

on prime Minister to garner votes. Once his image starts declining, BJP

will face great difficulty in converting Modi votes into BJP votes. It’s

a paradox that even those opposed to RSS/BJP favour Modi.

A consummate tactician, the Prime Minister constantly keeps

harping on the corruption, family-centric and caste-centric opposition

parties and the leaders in his public discourse. This is backed by widely

accepted perception of a corruption free rule at the Centre and the BJP

ruled States – which forms the core of his credibility and trust of the

people. In all this and his foreign policy initiatives he has projected an

image of a sincere person trying to do something for the country, which

remains his primary concern. This attracts even fence-sitters and some

liberals. This attribute of trust and sincerity had also impacted the

image of BJP and was one of the reasons of success in the North-east.

On his part as a clever politician, Modi never gets involved in public

debates and arguments, including in the Parliament, and never addresses

press conferences, lest he is questioned. He sticks to his discourse

agenda, including through Man-ki-Baat, which connects him to people.

The recent example of the theme of examinations connected him to

crores of students appearing in exams. In politics, where perceptions

matter, PM’s perceived sincerity covers up inadequate delivery and

related failures.

On the other hand a dispirited, divided and clueless opposition has

failed to cobble up a credible contrary narrative and programmes. It is

busy lamenting successes of the BJP without any positive response.

Psychologically, it continues to see the BJP backed by the RSS as an

evil while the people at large necessarily do not. There is obvious

disconnect between the urban liberal-left perception of the BJP/RSS

and the new generation of Indians. The core virtue of Hindu moderation

will take care of the Hindu zealots and efforts at Hindu consolidation.

We should not forget that it is this 70 per cent of the Hindu population

that had kept the BJP/RSS at the margins for nearly 60 years. They will

not stand for the excesses of Hindu nationalists if challenged. The

PM’s popularity to a large extent covers up people’s reservations about

BJP and its political agenda.

The continuing decline of the Congress as a national party and that

of the left as a cadre based people-centric party, is equally responsible

for the non-emergence of a national level opposition group. The BJP


is today perhaps the only cadre-based (ala RSS) party. Former

communist/left leaders came from the grass-root trade-union and

farmer’s movements. Now they are produced in the campuses of the

JNU and like institutions. No wonder their ersatz revolutionary

credentials do not evoke public trust. The public discourse has shifted

from grievance to expectations and aspirations. It is a poor reflection

that nearly four years after the 2014 elections, the opposition, Congress

and others do not have any clear vision of their role in a changing

scenario. Incessant harping on threat to secularism is now an overused

and misused narrative. The role of opposition is left to the regional

parties like the, TMC, BJD, TDP, TRS and DMK/AIIDMK. BJP is

already trying to woo some of them.

The BJP is taking full advantage of the present disarray in opposition

ranks and is busy writing the obituary of the Congress and the

communists in the country. The future for the opposition parties in the

country looks bleak at least for the 2019 elections, although it is

hazardous to predict anything in politics and the dance of democracy.

But the rule is that there is never a political vacuum. It is possible that

in due course, a party or a credible coalition will emerge to challenge

the BJP domination. Presently, none of the opposition parties have

exhibited enough strength or will to fill the emerging vacuum. Gujarat

and now Rajasthan indicate that Modi’s popularity will be severely

tested. If Congress retains Karnataka, the opposition will get a leg up

for 2019. The opposition requires a different narrative to bridge the

credibility gap which the PM and BJP enjoy.

While the BJP’s efforts to electorally fashion a Hindu consolidation

is unlikely to succeed in the long run, the opposition narrative have to

move from lamentation to reflect the positivity of the nation. Protests,

boycotts and rallies are passé and now wasteful exercises. More

imaginative initiatives are needed. The first one has to reflect sincerity

and grasp of popular mood and compete. It has to be ready with a

saleable alternative post-2019 elections when the BJP will increasingly

be questioned on what it has delivered, and attempts to navigate the

post-Modi phase of transferring votes for Modi to the BJP, jettison the

lot of jetsam and flotsam it has collected in its ranks in its quest for

power. Like the BJP the opposition must also shed the old guard to

“margdarshak mandals,” and promote fresh faces; a difficult proposition

in the caste and family based parties where the patriarchy is well-

entrenched, including in the regional parties like the TDP, TRC, and


the BJD. Despite all the negative pulls of the caste, communal, regional

and linguistic divides the emerging new India, a decade hence, is likely

to be different needing a different political discourse. Both opposition

and BJP will need new idioms, around the ever present caste, communal

and regional pulls. Presently, the BJP is not being really tested because

of lack of meaningful opposition. In the Punjab and Gujarat where

credible opposition leaders surfaced the BJP faced problems.

One can only despair for the opposition but not the future. There

are no constants in politics, particularly in a diverse country like India.

But for the present electorally, it is the BJP vs the rest. As long as the

BJP does not make the mistake of converting its emerging political

monopoly into the BJP vs the people. Not a very unlikely scenario if

one remembers as to how in 1989 the dominant Rajiv Gandhi led-

Congress was humbled by hastily cobbled-up Jan Morcha, months before

the Parliamentary elections. Or the early 2004 defeat of the BJP’s

“Shining India” ploy on the back of resounding victories in State

elections of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. Politics is a

strange arena where surprises abound more than certainties.

Jammu and Kashmir: Reconciling the Opposites

In this issue we have tried to introduce the writers from the J&K to

restore balance, since earlier articles were mostly from outside experts.

In this exercise, we find amidst the despairs generated by the militant

violence and the State response, there is a glimmer of hope if both

sides react less and reflect more on the underlying positives and the

need to change their narratives. Protagonists have to outgrow the past

prejudices and shibboleths and move beyond the Islamisation and

Pak-hand etc. generalisations.

It appears the anger and radicalisation of the Kashmir Valley youth

is indigenous in origin and grounded in day-to-day indignities and

denials implicit in the current violent scenario in the State. It would

appear that the youth anger has been accentuating via internet, influenced

by what is happening elsewhere in the Muslim world. This generation

of the angry youth, whose age profile has been coming down since the

2010, seems to be influenced by slick video and postings on social

media eulogising the IS fighters and empathisers, with the view that

Islam world over is under siege. What should worry authorities is that

the teenage radicalization and anger has no links with the separatist


movement, Madrasas or the mosque. Hardships implicit in current spiral

of violence only provide a context to the siege mentality.

What the State has to explore is a new paradigm which can sincerely

and transparently reduce the quantum of violence and empathetically

address the legitimate concerns of the young Kashmiris, where the

citizens and they, enjoy respect, personal dignity and freedom for

peaceful protest and dissent. Engagement with them may reduce

radicalization. All this is possible only if the current phase of armed

militancy ends and people do not extend support to it. Unfortunately,

all the interlocutors etc. cast all responsibilities on the State, including

winning the heart and minds of the people of the Valley without

mentioning that it would be only possible if the people do not support

militancy and their cause. Otherwise, security forces have to respond

and the AFSPA is part of that response mechanism. Those complaining

about the day-to-day indignities and hardships faced by the people due

to security forces actions are being disingenuous. Security forces are

there because of armed militancy, and hence people’s difficulties are

inherent in the ground situation. One cannot support and sympathise

with the cause of militancy on one hand and want normalcy on the

other. These are opposites and cannot be reconciled unless interlocutors

and other critics demand stoppage of armed militancy as a precondition.

The current spiral of violence and its dynamics is the real villain.

Peace dividend is not possible in a situation fraught with violent conflict.

The Chief Minister herself has pointed out the fallacy of supporting

militants and then complaining about alleged security forces excesses.

In broader perspective, only dialogue can ease the situation. But

for that to succeed, one has to be honest and not constantantly play the

card of victimhood. The special representative Dineshwar Sharma has

his task cut out of reconciling the opposites, where some want the

peace and normalcy, yet sympathise with and support separatists. Only

peace can ensure movement towards meaningful dialogue. It cannot

happen under the shadow of the gun.

—J.N. Roy


North-East Scan

Meghalaya & Nagaland Elections 2018:Does Anyone Care About Issues?

As Meghalaya and Nagaland go to the polls today, many issues crop

up about the aftermath of the voting. What were the issues this time

that are different from the 2013 elections in both states? Undoubtedly,

this time in both states the churches have played a prominent role in

trying to influence voters not to vote a party or parties that have no

respect for religious diversity and religious minorities – in this case

the Christians. The Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) the apex

body of all Baptist churches In Nagaland have a clarion call not to vote

the BJP and the Neiphiu Rio -led National Democratic Progressive

Party (NDPP) an ally of the BJP. They reminded people of incidents

that happened on Christmas this year where carollers were attacked

and some priests were taken to the police station for questioning in

Satna District in Madhya Pradesh.

Turning Christmas Day to Good Governance Day and Good Friday

last year as Digital India Day have all added to make Christians in

these two states with a Christian majority population jittery and insulted.

While the BJP has fielded its Tourism Minister K.J. Alphons, it’s only

visible Christian face to woo the electorate here, the former civil servant

seems to have bungled big time. In Meghalaya, he publicly declared

that the Tourism Ministry assist churches with Rs 70 crore to give them

a facelift so that they become tourist destinations. Church leaders did

not take too kindly to this offer and felt that Alphons was actually

trying to woo them with money. At least two churches publicly declined

* The writer is editor, The Shillong Times and an eminent social activist, journalist

and member of National Security Advisory Board.


the offer. So a bad strategy cancels out the good intentions that Alphons

may have had.

That said, this election has seen one of the worst forms of mud-

slinging between the BJP and the Congress. When Rahul Gandhi visited

Meghalaya, all he could talk about were the evils of the BJP-led NDA

Government. He raved and ranted on the same old theme. So, except

for his ardent supporters, Rahul Gandhi’s rhetoric failed to convince

the voters that the Congress which was given an eight-year tenure in

Meghalaya and has failed in several fronts but especially for failing to

come up with policies on key areas of human development, another

chance at ruling the state. But what are the alternatives? The BJP is

unlikely to cross the single digit mark in Meghalaya. It is the National

People’s Party (NPP) which although it calls itself national is seen as

a very local and regional face considering it was born in Meghalaya.

Late P.A. Sangma had formed this party in 2013, just before the

Presidential elections which he contested. The Party is now led by

Conrad Sangma – a graduate of the Wharton School of Business, USA

and currently the MP Lok Sabha from Tura, Garo Hills. The NPP’s

baggage is that it is aligned with the NDA Government at the Centre.

So the NPP is termed by rival parties as Team B of the BJP. Both

parties have been denying this and saying they are fighting each other

in several constituencies but voters know better.

The major issues confronting both Nagaland and Meghalaya are

poor communication and a huge infrastructural vacuum. The number of

school and college dropouts is on the rise and successive governments

have failed to come up with strategies or a long-term vision on how to

integrate these disaffected youth, many of who get into substance abuse.

While Nagaland has been in the radar for drug abuse, the police in

Meghalaya have stated that drug peddling and drug use will be the

biggest challenge for the state because of the spin-offs from both.

Meghalaya does not have an education policy. Nor does it have a

health policy. According to the NFHS survey 2011, Meghalaya’s health

indicators particularly in Maternal Mortality Rate (MMR) and Infant

Mortality Ratio (IFR) are very poor. In both, the state has very little or

no data since only 17 per cent of women go in for institutional delivery.

The rest give birth at home and hence maternal or infant death is

generally not recorded.

The Socio-Economic-Caste Survey 2011 has revealed that 76 per

cent of rural Meghalaya is landless. For a tribal state that used to boast

of community ownership of land, this figure is frightening because it


means that the traditional institutions have failed to safeguard the rights

of their people and the modern state too has reneged from its

responsibility to ensure equity and fair play. So why has the rural

population of Meghalaya become landless? Is it because of the land

guzzling coal mining activity? Or have the cement companies in the

state taken over large tracts of tribal land despite the existence of a

Land Transfer Regulation Act (1978)? Both answers are in the positive.

There is a lot of benami ownership of land in Meghalaya. While land

is in the name of an affluent tribal elite, it is being used by non-tribal

businessmen who seem the huge limestone resources as natural capital

they can extract and turn to cement. Coal mining and trading is a huge

business until the National Green Tribunal (NGT) banned coal mining

in April 2014, after a PIL was filed by a student’s body from Assam,

stating that rivers flowing downstream from the Jaintia Hills coal belt

are toxic and no longer sustain riverine life. The NGT asked the state

government to come up with a Mining Policy but that is still hanging

in the balance.

The Congress led, Meghalaya United Alliance (MUA) government

served two terms. Within those terms foundations stones were laid for

two medical colleges five years ago. Till date not even a single brick

has come up. Meghalaya’s state assembly building was gutted in 2001.

Till date the state could not come up with an alternative building,

although architectural designs have been submitted by several firms

several times. Things just don’t work here. Shillong used to be the

capital of the entire North Eastern Region which was then the undivided

Assam, yet the state does not even have a functional airport till date.

It must be the only state in the North East without an airport. Even the

rail link came only three years ago and only to Garo Hills.

The tribes of Meghalaya practice matriliny where lineage is from

the mother’s clan line. But a careful study will also reveal that this state

has the highest number of female headed households. This is because

marriages are brittle and divorce and abandonment very high. When a

man divorces or abandons his wife, the children are left to be brought

up by the mother because of the matrilineal system. This places a huge

burden on the woman. It is intuitive to note that in a society that never

had beggars, we now have street children selling bookmarks, betel nuts

and cigarettes at car parks because they are too poor to study and

because their mothers cannot support their education. If this is not an

issue for the government in Meghalaya then what is?

The Report on Fifth Annual Employment-Unemployment Survey

(2015–16) from Ministry of Labour and Employment, Government of


India shows Meghalaya’s unemployment rate to be 48/1000. There is

no data for Nagaland. When the demographic dividend of a state or

country is not absorbed into its workforce it can become a huge liability.

Imagine 48 young people out of every thousand not having any work

to do. How do they spend their waking hours? Is this also the reason

why militancy in both states is an alternative, lucrative employment

avenue?

Sadly, all the above issues have been given short shrift by all

political parties. Early into the campaign the BJP came up with a

document called “Chargesheet” against the Congress Government in

Meghalaya. It listed out all the wrongdoings of the Government including

a particular one called the White Ink Scam where there was large-scale

nepotism in the appointment of primary school teachers by the then

Education Minister, Ampareen Lyngdoh. The BJP manifesto addresses

all the gaps in governance that Meghalaya has been suffering and

promises to turn the economy of the state around if elected. The

Congress on its part came up with its manifesto only three days ago.

What does this mean? That the Congress does not think a manifesto

matters? Interestingly, the BJP is wooing the coal mafia big time. The

Party has said it will revoke the ban on coal mining if it comes to

power in Meghalaya!

The NPP has taken up mainly local issues and so too the regional

parties but no one has made a commitment for radical reforms in areas

that demand it such as Land Reforms, Educational Reforms, Health

Reforms et al. The Regional Parties too have stuck to local issues as

if Meghalaya is an island. In terms of addressing issues that matter

both to Meghalaya and Nagaland are in the same boat.

So, on this dismal note, people have come out to vote and judging

by the long queues at polling stations people still seem interested to

vote but the EVMs are all playing up. Reports from different parts of

Meghalaya have spoken of EVM malfunction and in some villages

reporters have returned home or gone to their places of work. After all

who gives a holiday to daily wage earners?

March 3, when the result are out should tell us what our fates for

the next five years will be but in Meghalaya as we have to brace

ourselves for vigorous horse trading since as of now, no party – the

Congress, BJP, NPP, Regional Parties (UDP+HSPDP) can hope to win

an absolute majority. This is Meghalaya’s chequered history.

And as far as Nagaland is concerned, it is almost certain that the

NDPP+BJP combine will give the NPF a run for their money. The


Congress with only 18 candidates in the fray has lost its clout in

Nagaland. Besides, we cannot lose sight of the fact that in Nagaland it

is the government that the NSCN(IM) chooses, which will come to

power. Neiphiu Rio is known to be an NSCN(IM) sympathiser. So it

is almost sure that he will lead the next government.

Liberating Northeast India from itsGeographical Isolation: The UnfinishedAgenda

It has been stated time and again how the Northeast Region of India,

which was growing and “industrializing” under British colonial rule,

began to stagnate in independent India, following its virtual geographical

isolation, as a result of partition of the country in 1947. For decades the

region was viewed from outside as a remote outpost riddled with security

concerns while the people within carried a sense of neglect bordering

alienation. Fortunately, the situation within and the outlook from outside

started to change significantly by the end of the twentieth century. Two

important factors have been responsible for this positive change; (a)

emergence of East Asian economies as world’s new growth region and

(b) central governments proactive involvement with the developmental

aspiration of the people in the region, especially since the mid-1990s.

Once the Shukla Commission Report1 had amply documented the

extent of deficit in infrastructure and basic services that the region had

suffered from, infusion of central development funds to the region was

significantly enhanced during the 9th, 10th and 11th Five Year Plans (1997-

2012). The step-ups in the economic growth rates in the states of the

region over the last decade or so clearly has been aided by, inter alia, this

liberal inflow of central developmental funds.

* Professor M. P. Bezbaruah, Professor, Department of Economics, Director,

Gauhati University Institute of Northeast India Studies, Gauhati University;

Guwahati-781014 (Assam), Mobile: 09864055485,

Email: [email protected]


Emergence of East Asia as a new growth zone of the world in the

last quarter of the twentieth century, finally brought to the consciousness

that the new hubs of bustling economic activities such as Hong Kong,

Bangkok and Singapore are just a short flight away from Guwahati, the

gateway to and from Northeast India. When the ‘Look East’ policy was

initiated by the Government of India in 1992, this virtually landlocked

region saw a ray of hope of shedding its partition-inflicted geographical

isolation and getting linked with the new growth centres in East and

Southeast Asia. This hope was further fuelled by such utterances as

‘Northeast India must be economically integrated with Southeast Asia

while the remaining be politically integrated with the rest of India’ and

‘Southeast Asia begins in India’s Northeast.’ However, from enunciation

of the ‘Look East’ policy in 1992, for over two decades the region failed

to harvest any visible and tangible benefit from the policy. While India’s

trade volume and other transactions with East and Southeast Asia

increased manifold, very little of the busy traffic moved across the

Northeast India corridor. The region continued to be unlinked with the

new centres of growth as it remained insulated by economically

anachronistic Myanmar in the east and none-too-friendly China and

Bangladesh on the north and the southwest. As hopes from ‘Looking

East’ was gradually turning to cynicism; the expectation were revived

when a new government in New Delhi vouched to invigorate looking east

by upgrading the policy to ‘Act East.’ As in case of its earlier version, the

contents of the ‘Act East’ policy also were not spelt out officially. But

from the policy actions that followed, it became clear that ‘Act East’ has

been taken forward through two broad strands; (a) expeditious

completion and enhancement of connectivity projects within Northeast

India and out of it, and (b) more energetic engagement with countries in

the east for broadening and deepening of economic, cultural and strategic

ties. Apart from these more vigorous interventions of the government of

India, what contributed further to the revival of positive expectations in

Northeast India were the changes in political-economic regimes in the

two major neighbouring countries of Bangladesh and Myanmar.

More than the political regime, the economic regime in Myanmar

used to be a major impediment for India to get across it to Southeast

Asia through its Northeast Region. Fortunately, following the change in

the political regime in Myanmar, the economic regime in that country

has also undergone reform and since been quickly coming into sync

with the systems in India and the other ASEAN countries. Thus, a

major impediment in external orientation of Northeast India began to

clear up. With Shiekh Hasina coming back to the helm of affairs in


Bangladesh, India’s tie with this important neighbour has undergone amajor uplift. Many pending issues between India and Bangladesh havesince been resolved and the subject of revival of Northeast India’straditional outlet to the rest of the world through Bangladesh has beenseriously pursued.

Amidst these positive turn of events it is necessary not to overlookthe fact that considerable uncertainty still remains in the path of theregion getting liberated from its seven decades old geographicalisolation. While Myanmar’s economic system has been gradually syncingwith that of India and the rest of the world, the situation inside is stilltoo fluid to take forward major projects such as India-Myanmar-Thailandtrilateral highway. The rise of conservative and extremist elements inBangladesh does not augur well for furthering trans-national economiccooperation. Relation with China, at least as far as the Northeast regionis concerned, has not improved if not deteriorated. Though India’srelation with Bhutan has remained cordial and mutually supportive, thehydro-power projects in that country have been looked upon with someapprehensions in the downstream areas in Northeast India.

Within the Northeast, notwithstanding the connectivityimprovements and a step-up in the pace of economic growth, progress inthe areas of land reforms other institutional changes has been preciouslittle. Institutional backlogs can put a drag on the economic resurgenceby restricting growth of modern productive enterprises. Moreover,institutional vacuum in the face of weakening of traditional communitybonding can threaten the age old equity sustained under old tribal order.Besides the institutional deficit, the ethnicity and identity relateddivisions among people have continued to be a problem as conflictscontinue to surface albeit with lesser frequency and intensity in recenttimes.

To make the resurgence of Northeast India irreversible, action willhave to be sustained on two fronts. Government of India has to continueto vigorously sustain economic diplomacy with the eastern neighbourswith interest of the Northeast region as the central focus. Governmentswithin the region need to engage with civil society much more vigorouslyto overcome the institutional backlogs and deal with the identity issues,so that broad based participatory development gets precedence over

divisive and xenophobic tendencies.

Notes

1 ‘Transforming the Northeast: Tackling Backlogs in Basic Minimum

Services and Infrastructure Needs,’ High Level Commission Report to

the Prime Minister, Government of India, Planning Commission, New

Delhi, 1997.


If Answer is Impossible, the NagaQuestion Must be Changed

The unexpected turn of events in Nagaland on the eve of the state

Legislative Assembly election scheduled on February 27 is yet another

indication how intractable the problem of peace in the state is.

Responding to a call for “No Election Before Solution” by a newly

formed Core Committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil

Organization (CCNTHCS), all political parties which were expected to

be in the fray, have now signed an agreement that they will not be

fielding any candidates. There are indications that some of the national

parties, in particular the BJP, are not happy with the decision of their

local units, but it remains to be seen if they will disown the decisions

of the latter and go along with the election process. Whatever their

decisions may turn out to be, the air of uncertainty suddenly introduced

is palpable and now the field is wide open for speculations and punditry

on what scenario might emerge in the next few weeks.

This startling development comes even as election fever is heating

up, besides Nagaland in two other Northeastern states of Meghalaya

and Tripura, where Assembly elections are also due next month, the

terms of their current Assembly expiring at about the time. While it

seems it will be business as usual for Meghalaya and Tripura, with

their battles of the ballots fought as they are normally meant to be

fought, it is Nagaland which has now seemingly changed the rule of the

game. What then could be the likely outcome in this beleaguered state?

Given that all parties have ostensibly agreed not to participate in

the election, if even a single party, say the BJP, takes the bold step of

deciding to field candidates, it is a foregone conclusion that most or all

of them would win uncontested, a scenario not altogether new in Nagaland,

as such a situation did emerge in 1998, about two years after the Naga

ceasefire came into effect. The then ruling Congress decided to go against

a similar boycott and as reward, ended up as the uncontested victors in

53 of the total of 60 seats, with seven seats going to independent

candidates.

* The writer is editor, Imphal Free Press.


Would the BJP or any other major party in the state now dare to do

an encore is a question every election watcher in the state would now be

desperate to find a clue. Again, if one party decides to enter the fray,

would the dam burst and all other parties also decide to jump into the

contest? If on the other hand, what would be the scenario if all parties do

decide to stay firm on not contesting? Apart from the commentaries on

the prudence or the lack of it, in such an eventuality one thing is certain

– there would be a constitutional crisis as the state would be without a

new Legislative Assembly to replace its outgoing one. The provisions of

Article 356 then will have to be invoked to meet the emergency, and a

spell of Central Rule through the office of the Governor of the state will

have to take over the administration until another Assembly can be elected

through popular mandate.

Would this be the resort? And if this does come about, would the

Naga solution become suddenly possible so that the deferred Assembly

election can be held at a later date? What if the solution is still not

forthcoming at the end of the first spell of Central Rule? Would President’s

Rule be extended by its constitutional leashes of six months at a time till

such a solution comes about? What if the solution continues to elude for

years and decades, as it has been all this while? Nagaland is indeed

headed for very interesting times, and we hope as good neighbours that it

is spared of unwarranted trauma.

The excruciating Nagaland dilemma will not be just for the people

of Nagaland, but also for those who are in the peace negotiations, which

incidentally has been going on since 1997, but with an added sense of

urgency since August 3, 2015, when a Framework Agreement was signed

rather hurriedly between the Government of India and the most powerful

of the Naga underground groups, the NSCN(IM). However, after more

than two decades, it is difficult to imagine not only what exactly could

have been agreed upon so far, but also what exactly can possibly be

agreed upon without upsetting too many apple carts, and dangerously

too. This is given the fact that certain intractable questions have come to

mark the Naga question, and these are still hopelessly unanswered, if

not unanswerable.

Under the circumstance, it is difficult not to recall the familiar timeless

piece of wisdom that if a certain question does not seem to have an

answer at all, the courageous and prudent thing to consider is changing

the question instead. We wonder then if it is not time for those searching

for an answer to the Naga question to also not consider this proposition.

Naga sovereignty is now more or less redundant, and so probably is


Greater Nagaland or Nagalim. They probably have no answers, so should

not the effort be to find alternate ways?

As we see it, there is no other way out. Only recently we have seen

how even a hint in a section of the online media that an RSS sympathizer

suggested that the final solution to the Naga problem must involve creation

of a Greater Nagaland by incorporating certain districts from neighbouring

Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh, resulted in mayhem in the Dima

Hasao area of Assam’s formerly North Cachar Hills district, resulting in

the death of two young agitators. Assam Chief Minister, Sarbananda

Sonowal has thereafter reaffirmed that no territory of Assam will be

sacrificed under any circumstance. Reactions in Manipur and Arunachal

Pradesh are hardly likely to be any different or any less violent, if this

proposition is pushed any further. It is clear then that what needs to be

realized and accepted by all stakeholders is that no ethnic exclusive

homelands can be carved out of what are essentially shared homes of

multi-ethnicities. This is one of the characteristic features of the entire

Northeast.

On the other hand, if sovereignty and Greater Nagaland are out of the

question, what would the Naga solution be like? After more than six

decades of struggle for sovereignty, and all the sufferings that came with it,

would the Nagaland be happy with a settlement that has chiefly to do with

refashioned autonomous councils for Naga areas in Manipur, Assam and

Arunachal Pradesh. Indeed, at this moment, no solution to the Naga problem,

we are certain is in anybody’s sight. The election boycott proposal in

Nagaland in this sense is also an expression of this deep frustration. On the

other hand, the slogan “No Election Before Solution” is also reminiscent

of one of the logics forwarded for the Crusades of medieval Europe, in

which rulers invoked lofty ideas of external aggressions to divert attention

from mounting irresoluble domestic problems. The turncoat political class

in Nagaland may be trying to divert attention and thus salvage themselves

from a complete loss of public faith, particularly in the wake of the

unprecedented and fickle floor-crossing drama amongst the ruling Naga

People’s Front, NPF, legislators, toppling and resurrecting chief ministers

several time in the span of a few months.


J&K: What Next?

“—And from the death of each days hope another hope sprung up to

live tomorrow.”

- Charles Dickens.

The best news for Kashmir in a long time has been the appointment

of a representative “to understand the legitimate aspirations of people

in Jammu and Kashmir” as Union Home Minister, Rajnath Singh put it.

At the very least, the appointment provides hope. Kashmir has been a

cauldron of repressed anger of late. Not surprisingly there was palpable

excitement in Srinagar. And Dineshwar Sharma is the right man for the

job.

There is no better listener available in Delhi than Mr. Sharma, who

has all the attributes of an interlocutor. He is humble, talks little,

understands and feels for Kashmir and has infinite patience. Plus, he

has loads of experience, including a stint in Srinagar during the most

difficult days. That is exactly the reason he has been appointed

interlocutor to try and alter the situation in Kashmir by investing in

trust-building new bridges and repairing the old.

Unfortunately, Dineshwar’s two visits to Kashmir have not exactly

set the valley on fire, not due to lack of purpose on his part but Delhi’s

usual ambiguity. On Independence Day, the Prime Minister said

Kashmiri’s needed embraces not bullets but on the eve of Mr. Sharma’s

visit, the Army Chief warned civilians of “stern action, if they persisted

in disrupting anti-military operations.” Unfortunately, the Prime Minister

himself likened former Home Minister, P. Chidambaram‘s call for

* Shri A.S. Dulat, is former Director R&AW. He was also Advisor on J&K to the

former Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee. He is closely associated with

Track Two efforts with Pakistan.


restoration of J&K’s autonomy to an “insult to the martyrs.” What

hope does that leave Kashmir with?

As Omar Abdullah said: “a dialogue without a purpose was

meaningless,” there was confusion in Delhi about Mr. Sharma’s role.

The Minister in the Prime Minister’s office refused to acknowledge

him as an interlocutor.

“But engagement even for the sake of engagement is not a bad

idea.” As Professor Abdul Ghani Bhat, who met Dineshwar Sharma in

Srinagar on November 27 th said: “dialogue is the only effective and

civilised way of addressing issues bedeviling relations between nations

or people.” On the eve of the interlocutor’s third visit to the valley,

Prof. Bhat pleaded for a full fledged dialogue between India and Pakistan

to resolve Kashmir. He said the resolution of all issues between India

and Pakistan “passes through Kashmir.” This may amount to wishful

thinking at the moment, but it is a sentiment expressed by all Kashmiri

leaders which needs to be taken note of for the sake of peace in South

Asia. The Prof. added that it enjoined on the Kashmiri leadership to

work for peace.

Kashmiri’s crave for peace and desire engagement. Not talking has

brought Pakistan back into the game, when it was totally out of the

equation in Jammu and Kashmir. There is still no great love lost for

Pakistan; Kashmiri’s realise they have no future across the border, but

it remains the most convenient fall back. Alienation, disillusionment

and of late, anger and disgust bring out the green flags. Kashmir was

never mentioned in the 2013 elections in Pakistan, but will almost

certainly be an issue in 2018.

Added to that is the Kashmiri’s ultimate fear that they could be

reduced to a minority in their state. Threats of scrapping Article 370

and 34 A of the Constitution only add to Kashmiri’s apprehension,

leading to unnecessary turns in the debate on autonomy, a legitimate

Kashmiri aspiration. Thankfully, the Government has said that there

was no move to scrap Article 370 or 34 A, at least for the time being.

Mehbooba Mufti had warned sometime back that there would be no

one left in the valley to raise the national flag once 370 was removed.

2017 has been a comparatively peaceful year even though the

Kashmiri has not got out of his sulk and radicalism grows apace with

alienation. Anti-militancy operations have been more successful than in

the past, with a number of top militants having been neutralised. But

even Operation ‘All Out’ has it’s limitations. It is estimated that there

were about 150 militants in the valley at the time of Burhan Wani’s


killing in July, 2016. Now there are said to be 250 militants even

though the security forces have neutralised 210 since then; and locals

mainly from South Kashmir still outweigh foreigners.

The older generation has had enough, so too have those who have

been across and witnessed Pakistani ruthlessness. It is the new

generation, not knowing what Pakistan is like that are still attracted by

the gun because of our neglect. The majority of youth are opposed to

the gun, but see little hope elsewhere; we are choking our own space

by not providing the youth a way out.

“Dialogue is the only way forward in Kashmir. There is no other

way,” as Mufti Sahib had once said. If there is one message which

comes out of Kashmir, not today, not yesterday, but as far back as one

can remember, it is that one can achieve a lot through love and

compassion but you can never achieve it by force. Kashmir is not a

military or law and order problem but a political and emotive issue.

Dineshwar Sharma understands this better than anyone else and

has been quietly acknowledging it during his interactions in Kashmir.

One would not be surprised, if during his next visit to the valley, Mr.

Sharma drives straight to Gilani Sahib’s residence. He is not one to

throw in the towel so easily. He has a job on his hands and knows how

to deliver on Kashmir, understanding fully well that any dialogue without

the Hurriyat would be almost redundant. It cannot be deferred for too

long.

Unfortunately, all political activity is at a standstill except for Dr.

Farooq Abdullah’s occasional foray in North Kashmir. As a J&K Police

officer complained, how long could they keep dispersing crowds when

politicians refuse to do their bit. Kashmir being a political problem can

only be resolved by politicians. As far back as 2001, the Army Chief,

General Padmanabhan had said much the same thing; the Army’s job

was done and it was for politicians to sort matters out. More recently,

another former Army Chief, General V.P. Malik opined that the Army

could not be kept interminably in Kashmir. Whether the Army stays or

not and after almost 30 years it is difficult to visualise Kashmir without

the Army, but as a confidence building measure, AFPSA should at least

be diluted or partially revoked. The Kashmiri anger against bunkers is

a signal for removal of AFSPA.

The Chief Minister says little or nothing; the PDP is in reverse

gear. There is increasing murmur of discontent in the party. Mehbooba

will need much more than the induction of her brother in the Cabinet to

resurrect the party. The National Conference too needs to pull up its


socks to prepare for the next elections. Anti-incumbency alone may not

suffice to see it through. It is high time the party broad based itself by

reaching out also to separatists and others looking for political space.

The old shop still the best bet for Delhi could do with a facelift.

The detention and arrest of separatist leaders serves no purpose

except that it may provide Dineshwar Sharma a ready concession to

offer the Hurriyat. Invariably, the release of their colleagues is their

first demand. To that extent, it could facilitate dialogue. But as

Mehbooba said: “the National Investigation Agency needs to step back

to facilitate talks.”

Whether credible or not, Hurriyat thinking is still a factor in Kashmir

as much as Pakistan. Basically, the Kashmiri is not at peace with the

status quo. The peace with honour he bargained for still eludes him.

The reason that we have reservations talking to the Hurriyat and to

Pakistan are the very reasons we need to talk to them. The magic of

democracy is that hardliners get moderated and mainstreamed. The

vast majority realise that their future lies within India. They deserve a

chance.

The sentiment of sub-nationalism in Kashmir is not very different

from many of our other states except that in Kashmir it is guaranteed

by the Constitution.

War, we realise is not an option, so we are content with managing

Kashmir. But management can go out of control as it did for most of

last year. We need to find a way forward. Dr Farooq Abdullah has

repeatedly said that a settlement on the line of control was the most

practical solution. Kashmiri’s still prefer Musharraf’s four point formula.

Whichever way we need to pick up the threads on Kashmir with

Pakistan. Dr. Manmohan Singh and Musharraf had nearly done a deal.

There can be no peace or forward movement in Kashmir, so long

as we keep relating to elections elsewhere in the country, just as we do

our relationship with Pakistan. We need to talk to Pakistan as much as

we need to engage with Kashmir. If engagement is to depend on elections

then we have no hope till 2020. Peace like truth is an indivisible

burden.


Kashmir, Dialogue is the Key

The situation in Kashmir is really worrisome – troubling, because there

is a huge multitude of actors who are working overtime to just ensure

that the situation here remains forever on the boil. And mind it, these

provocateurs are present on both sides of the political divide — non-

state actors as well as the state actors.

The new-age militancy with a strong dose of radicalization is

emerging as a serious challenge not only for the security apparatus but

also for Kashmiri society itself. Young boys, from well-to-do families

are joining militant ranks and unlike the youth of 1990’s, who took to

arms, by and large, in reaction to rigged election of 1987, today’s

youth are driven by fanatic religious ideology. That is the reason they

get attracted to groups like Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammad

(JeM) and even idolize groups like ISIS.

On the political side, while the mainstream polity is struggling

unsuccessfully, to gain some credibility, the separatists are virtually

following militants and the street. Following Hizbul Mujahideen poster

boy, Burhan Wani’s killing, the separatists have almost lost the grip

over the situation and have been following the street, which is violently

angry. Instead of giving any political direction to the unrest, separatist

leadership comprising Syed Ali Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq and

Mohammad Yasin Malik have confined themselves to calling strikes

and attending funerals of killed militants.

The ruling PDP-BJP coalition seems clueless and has failed to

make any mark on the ground that would have helped improve the

situation. While one has to appreciate that after becoming the Chief

Minister, Mehbooba Mufti didn’t get any time to breathe easy because

* Bashir Manzar is well known journalist and writer, based in Srinagar. He is

also editor of English daily, Kashmir Images published from Srinagar.


of the turmoil in the Valley. It goes without saying that her inability to

convince her coalition partner to open up communication channels

with the stake-holders, particularly separatists, has dented both her

own and her party’s image.

Right from its birth, PDP has been strongly advocating dialogue

with separatists as well as Pakistan for resolution of the Kashmir issue.

However, three years in power, Mehbooba has failed to convince the

Central leadership to move even an inch toward this direction.

Though the appointment of Dineshwar Sharma, former IB chief, as

interlocutor has brought in some relief for ruling PDP, but the fact that

the largest mainstream regional party National Conference (NC) and

the separatists decided to stay away from Sharma has diluted any

prospective gains of the process. Though Sharma has been meeting

cross-sections of people all over the state, but as of now any worthwhile

outcome seems unlikely.

Whether one likes it or not, unless New Delhi does something

serious to open up communication links with the separatist leadership,

things are not going to improve. Recent history stands witness that

whenever there has been some sort of communication between New

Delhi and the separatists, the ground situation in the Valley has shown

considerable improvement. However, with no movement forward on

the dialogue front, it is cynicism, desperation and depression that are

driving Kashmiri youth towards the extreme right – as they see no light

at the end of the tunnel. New Delhi will have to realize that separatist

leadership, despite all their shortcomings, is still an asset which has to

be kept intact.

Kashmir’s new-age militancy has already taken away much sting

from the separatists here. The talk of establishing an Islamic Caliphate

in the Valley emerging from militant camps is also eating on their

significance. In such a situation, New Delhi’s indifference towards this

leadership would only add to their irrelevance, and undo whatever little

leverage they have. So the question worth asking is: Will an irrelevant

and discredited separatist leadership fit in the broader game plan of

New Delhi? Given the ground realities here, the answer is a big “no.”

The young boys joining militancy in Kashmir are a radicalised lot.

They do not care about historical realities, United Nations resolutions

or Pakistan. They seem to have just one agenda – the establishment of

an Islamic Caliphate in Kashmir – a dream akin to the ideology of

terrorist groups like the Islamic State, Al Qaeda and the Taliban. Once

the separatist leadership is out of the picture, New Delhi is likely to be


confronted by these largely faceless radicals, who believe in an ideology

where there is no scope for any dialogue or reconciliation.

Some security analysts may argue that it would give the government

a free hand to deal with it militarily. However, such thinking, if it

exists, is fraught with so many dangers.

Violent conflicts are like fire. Fire can cause wanton death and

destruction; but it is also true that fire, if channeled and regulated

properly, can also drive super-engines of progress and development.

So, wisdom lies in handling fires with due care and caution, so as to

control its mechanics the way it is harnessed constructively inside our

kitchens, factories, and engines. Now as the common sense has it, bare

hands cannot be used to control and manipulate fires. States suffering

violent conflicts have traditionally kept handy some kind of tools –

akin to a fire-poker, a spade and tongs – that they use as and when they

need to manage the fire, or to keep its thermo-politics from burning up

the state and its structures.

The Hurriyat Conference, Kashmir’s separatist political leadership,

has so far performed the role of these fire tools. Now, by throwing

them away, the Government of India is actually exposing itself to the

dangerous prospect of burning itself. At the time of need, it will no

longer have the privilege of using these tools to regulate the thermo-

politics of the Kashmir conflict, which, right now, is facing the added

threat of radical groups like ISIS and Al Qaida, blowing fresh air into

it.

New Delhi would have to move beyond Dineshwar Sharma initiative

if it really wants to have some breakthrough in Kashmir and engage

with the separatist leadership. That said, nobody can shut eyes to the

influence and control that Pakistan has over the separatist leadership.

Therefore, it will be naïve to suggest that separatist leadership will

agree to join any dialogue process unless it gets a go-ahead from the

neighbouring country. And this necessitates opening of communication

links with Pakistan as well.

Even when one cannot deny that in the aftermath of Pakistan’s

unabated attempts to strengthen and support militancy in Kashmir, the

tempers in the Indian political circles are running high, and

understandably so, but here former Prime Minister, Atal Bihari

Vajpayee’s quotable quote – “One can change friends but not

neighbours” – comes handy to support the need of dialogue with

Pakistan.


Regrettably, the political functionaries of both governments

(Pakistan and India) have remained so carried away by their respective

self-interests that they are simply being indifferent to and ignorant of the

larger interests of their countries. Just for the sake of showing off their

political loyalties, they are pushing both countries towards a sure-loser

and deadly confrontation – loser because modern-day warfare does not

throw up any winners.

Even when some indignation over ‘having been wronged time and

again’ by the western neighbour makes perfect sense, but it is also true

that New Delhi’s troubles in Kashmir are not essentially and exclusively

about Pakistan’s machinations alone. So people of Kashmir must be

spared of this unnecessary burden of being seen only as an “enemy’s

extension.” And should it happen, it will make life easy both for New

Delhi as well as for the people of Kashmir, who have otherwise only

looked at and suspected each other as the ‘political other.’

For years together, India and Pakistan have peddled their negative

nationalisms at the cost of Kashmir and its people, and yet both have

clearly and repeatedly failed the people here and the ones in their

respective mainlands as well. Insecurity, poverty, ambition are stated to

be the three roots of destructive nationalism. Since all three of these

conditions are endemic in both countries, the ambitious political executive

has taken recourse to appropriation of a myth of God “being on our side”

and is actively pursuing this mythology over the heads of poverty-stricken

ignorant masses and pushing them towards certain insecurity of life, and

bread and butter. Nationalism centred around religion as the only marker

of identity is a convenient wrapper both countries are using to shield

their inherent incapacities and deficiencies – of governance, of poverty

alleviation, and everything pledged by a welfare state.

Caught up in the midst of two mill-stones, Kashmir and its people

have all along bore the brunt of this constant India-Pakistan rubbing and

friction, and yet their own willful ignorance runs so deep that they too

have been blinded by negativity to the extent of taking to “a new idolatry

of blood and soil”, which according to the psychoanalyst Erich Fromm,

springs from an incapacity to recover from the loss of “our pre-modern”

social structures.

When nationalism becomes a culture of belonging, rather than a

civilization of culture, the democratic and humanist ideas of civilization,

society and community – all dependent on our ability to imagine the

‘other’ – those who are not part of ‘our’ ethnic or religious in-group – are

pushed to the margins, and demonized. This is what is happening in


India and in Pakistan and, courtesy of their politics Kashmir too is no

longer different.

In the early 1997, F. W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela described

the journey they (and South Africa too) had taken from war to peace

after realizing that the conflict was stalemated. Continuing the violence

would spell defeat for everyone; only through negotiations could both

sides hope to meet their needs – and this is what they did.

“If both sides could lose through a spiral of violence, then perhaps

both sides could win through a spiral of dialogue.” As Mandela put it,

“I never sought to undermine Mr. de Klerk, for the practical reason that

the weaker he was, the weaker the negotiations process. To make peace

with enemy one must work with that enemy, and the enemy must become

one’s partner.” (EOM)


The Idea is the Enemy

‘Radicalization’ is understood in various ways, but one may broadly

talk of two kinds of radicalization — political radicalization and religious

radicalization. Let us take political radicalization as the spread of those

ideas that lead people to try and overthrow the established government,

or even the established system of governance that is currently in place,

that is, the Constitutional arrangement. Religious radicalization has

generally referred in the past to ideas that call for different sets of

religious and social practices. Such movements seek exclusivism, that

is, they are intolerant of other faiths.

A difference which has existed for long has become more prominent

in the recent past: religious radicalism has become a form of political

radicalism. So, there are movements that not only insist on a particular

form of religious practice, but also seek to replace the established

government with a regime that is part and parcel of their particular sort

of religion-based belief system.

One often hears talks about ‘defeating radicalization.’ This is an

inadequate frame of reference, for `defeating’ is based on a war-like

framework of friendlies-versus-enemies, winners and losers—a scenario

that imagines something like a battalion of the radicalized ranged on a

hill, who have to be defeated with the smart deployment of tactics and

war strategies. It is the sort of scenario that comes naturally to a soldier’s

mind, to anyone steeped in war and battle tactics. But this sort of

framework might prove inadequate, for it confuses the ideas that motivate

* David Devadas is the author of the forthcoming book, Generation of Rage in

Kashmir (Oxford), and In Search of a Future, the Story of Kashmir (Penguin,

2007). He has covered Kashmir in depth for 30 years as a reporter, commentator,

analyst and writer. He has insights, having lived with the people for long

periods. He has been Senior Fellow at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library,

and Political Editor of Business Standard.


the enemy with the enemy. I would rather think of the idea as the

enemy.

In a situation such as Kashmir, we should differentiate betwen

trends, currents, and movements within society, and the geopolitics of

the situation. If we make this differentiation, we might see that the

person with the idea is only the pawn who is very useful to the real

enemy, that is the external enemy. It is those enemies that gain, and

gain tremendous leverage, when we have large numbers of citizens

with radical ideas, that is, people who wage war against the state from

within, whether for political or religious, or politico-religious reasons.

Focus on Citizenship

In fact, since that person with the idea is a citizen, is within the country,

he or she actually should be a friendly. Let us recall the vital role of

citizens within society in Kashmir in 1947-48 and in 1965. As a Citizen

rather than as a Terrorist, that person could be the biggest enemy of the

external Terrorist. So, if our purpose is stability, then the effort should

be to turn those who have radical ideas into friendlies. To quote Mao

from the days of the Long March, guerrillas are like ducks, who cannot

survive without the pond, i.e. the support of the local populations among

whom they live.

If the person who is radicalized is from our country, the first

priority should be to contest the idea in his or her mind, and to work

towards a trusting and responsive relationship between state and citizen.

The alternative is a potentially unending stream of persons taking up

arms, and bloodshed becoming self-perpetuating.

This prospect is even more likely in light of the power of social

media and other forms of motivation. For, we are witnessing a steadily

increasing number of militants in the field, and on the other hand, a

steadily decreasing age profile. Both factors are worrying but perhaps

the latter—the age profile—should worry policymakers the most.

Decreasing Age Profile

Not only are teenagers taking up arms, videos of small children

supporting jihad and martyrdom are spreading. Even infants are picking

up ideas that validate violence on the basis of radical ideas. As they

grow, these boys will lob stones as soon as they can. And, they will

pick up guns with great ferocity, and a readiness to die. To combat the


boy’s willingness—in fact, his desire—to die is extremely tough. The

child has become the person who is affected by the idea. And parents

and care-givers encourage those ideas.

In this context, I am wary of such terms as LWEs1 and ANEs2.

Such terms tend to bunch together various kinds of persons, groups,

ideologies, and agendas. They obscure the possible differences between

genders, locales (such as towns, villages, and jungles), ethnic

particularities, and, perhaps most important, generations. Each of these

categories could potentially have different ideas, at least to some extent.

If we don’t dis-aggregate the different types, we could actually end up

adding to the problem while trying to sort it out—like a scalpel incision

that pushes a cancer to spread.

Over the past few years, I have stressed the urgency of engaging

with young Kashmiris. The response of policymakers has tended to be

dismissive. A very powerful policymaker asked me how he could

possibly engage with ‘young Kashmiris’ at large. Instead, he said: ‘tell

me an organization and I can deal with it.’ Seeking an organization

with which one might deal stems from an established sort of mindset—

let’s either buy over their leader, or threaten the main activists, or

actually decimate the individuals who can be identified as belonging to

that organization. But the sort of approach leaves the battle of ideas

aside. It leaves the ideas to spread.

This sort of approach and mindset particularly distresses me, since

it continues even after I have witnessed, living in Kashmir, how vibrantly

the Jamaat-e-Islami has re-emerged over the course of this decade. The

attempt to crush it through ruthless tactics, including daylight killings

at their doorsteps, by the mercenaries of Ikhwan (or men associated

with the police Special Operation Groups) from 1994 on has made no

difference to the strength of Jamaat on the ground two decades on. In

fact, if anything, those ruthless tactics may actually have won the

organization the sympathy of other Kashmiris—many of whom were

very skeptical about Jamaat in the past.

Methods of Spread

Let me briefly turn to the ways in which ‘radicalization’ came about in

Kashmir. Internet, mainly via telephony, has been a major input. Since

the early years of this decade, students at colleges and schools have

been receiving sophisticated, slickly produced videos valorizing Islamic

State commandos. Yes, that is what they looked like in some of those


videos— highly trained, motivated, and successful commandos. A lot

of people get mystified by the number of young Europeans and others

who went to fight for Islamic State, but they would not be mystified if

they focused on the inputs the young receive to motivate them.

The discourse at some mosques has also played a role. The

preaching of men like Mushtaq Veeri of the Ahle-Hadith is particularly

notable. In south Kashmir, Veeri overtook the much less radical Maqbool

Akhrani by the middle of this decade. He has openly called for support

to Baghdadi and the Islamic State in sermons. Over the past year or

two, even Veeri’s level of radicalism has been overtaken by some of his

acolytes. One of them, Ashiq Salafi, called for support to Zakir ‘Musa’

soon after Musa’s audio rejecting nationalism and democracy went

viral on 12 May last year. There has been much speculation about who

might be backing Musa. It really doesn’t matter beyond a point. What

matters is the level of support, even hero worship, Musa’s radical Islamist

ideas attract among young Kashmiris, mainly teenagers.

In this age of mass media, televangelists have played a bigger role

than preachers. Their messages often privilege, even valorize, religion-

based exclusivism. Apart from televangelism and social media

messaging, the discourse in schools, colleges, and universities has played

a much greater role to radicalize young Kashmiris than preaching at

mosques. The curriculum and teachers’ training are major concerns.

During the past few years, Kashmir University has become a hotbed of

anti-India radicalization. It is now under the strong influence of radical

activists. This is a major change since around the turn of the century.

Global Trend

Another dimension of this issue needs to be recognized. Radicalization,

in political and religion-based terms, is spreading in various countries

and in various religions. It is a global trend. Three kinds of trends are

visible. One, more and more people are influenced by exclusivist ideas

of identity — ‘who are we’ as the title of one of Huntington’s books

put it. Two, support is gaining ground for a strong uniting leader who

will protect what is seen as the interest of a pure identity. This trend is

gaining ground at the cost of earlier ideals of consensus, inclusion, and

the autonomy of regions and of religious, sectarian, and ethnic groups

of various sorts. This boils down to a move away from democratic

functioning, as it was understood a few decades ago. Three, there is


increasing acceptance of, if not backing for, violence of one sort or

another against those not considered to ‘belong’ to one’s own kind.

Some studies have drawn links between this trend towards violence

and exclusive identities on the one hand, and such trends as climate

change, stress in agricultural sector, water-related crises including

drought, urban migration, etc. in places like Syria. But those dimensions

of increasing radicalization are beyond the scope of this article.

Genie Out of the Bottle

If we recognize that radicalization is not just rising, but is global, how

should we understand it, if not as a battalion ranged on a hill, on which

it must be defeated? I prefer to think of it as a genie— a genie which is

out of the bottle. It has spread in society, in minds. And yet, it has not

spread uniformly. It is far more common among younger persons than

middle-aged or older Kashmiris. Now, ‘young’ covers a very large part

of the population. Almost 70 per cent of the Valley’s population is said

to be below the age of 30. Such are the demographic trends that almost

half the population in the Valley is below the age of twenty. That means

that half the people are teenagers or in their pre-teens. These are the

people who matter—or rather, the ideas in their minds mattter. In fact,

several of the leading militants, even those who call themselves

‘commanders’ are below the age of 22.

I have argued in my forthcoming book, The Generation of Rage in

Kashmir, that the term ‘stone-pelter’ is inadequate to understand who

we are dealing with in Kashmir. There have been three uprisings over

the past decade that have been described by the term ‘stone-pelting’—

in 2008, 2010, and 2016. The reason the term ‘stone-pelter’ is inadequate

is that it misses the point that those who were on the streets in 2008,

after land was transferred to the Sri Amarnath Shrine Board, were

broadly speaking not on the streets in 2016, after militant commander

Burhan Wani was killed—at least after the first three or four days.

Typically, those who were on the streets in 2008 were in their 20s and

30s. Some were even older. Those who were on the streets in 2010

were typically in their early 20s, some were in their teens. Now, those

who were in their early 20s in 2010 were in their late 20s by 2016.

Those who were in their late teens in 2010 were in their mid-20s by

2016. Even those who were in their early teens then were mostly past

their teens by 2016.


After Burhan was killed, many young Kashmiris even in their late

20s were introspective. They talked of how pelting stones had done

them no good, and about the futility of violence. But those who had

become teenagers by then more than made up for them. These young

people were typically born around the turn of the century. They had

grown up with ideas about a global war on terror, about 9/11, ideas

about Muslims being oppressed in Palestine, Chechnya, Iraq,

Afghanistan. We will get nowhere unless we deal with these ideas—

which are often carried by the extremely slick videos of Islamic State,

and about abuses in various parts of the world. The vehicle for those

ideas is social media. It is almost impossible to contain the internet, but

the genie is flying around the net.

The teenagers who are glued to cell phones are precisely the age

group that is most easily influenced by ideas of ‘pure’ religion, and by

sophisticated videos, which play subtly on emotions and sentiments.

One could categorize such videos very broadly as positive influencers

and negative influencers. Positive influencers are those videos and

messages that show preachers, historical allusions, Quranic verses, and

the glorified actions of militants, including those of such organizations

as the Islamic State. Negative influencers include videos and messages

that showcase cruelty and human rights abuses by the forces, including

the police.

Dealing with the Genie

Responses need to be carefully thought through. If we imagine

radicalization like a genie outside a bottle, let us think of it as invisible

smoke in the air. The more one beats at it, the more it will spread. And

the minds that perceive that beating will take it as proof of the messages

of radicalization. That assault will be seen as proof that ‘they hate us.’

That theme was studied ad infinitum in the US in the years after the 9/

11 attacks. Most of those studies failed to grasp that those who hate

have come to believe that they are victims of hate, and are only

responding to something started by the other side.

Responses need to be based on insightful study, and be far more

imaginative and thoughtful than they have hitherto been. Since one is

dealing with thoughts, ideas, and values, the projection of one religion,

or one sect, or one school of religion against another will only result in

strengthening that stream of thinking—about religion as the dominant

and rightful frame of discourse.


The antidote to a certain sort of understanding of religion is not

another form of religion. It certainly is not a criticism of religion, for

that only gets people’s backs up, and makes them defensive in a ‘us

against them’ framework. The ideas that need to be promoted as counters

must be about inclusion, engaging, accepting, and looking forward

towards the future. If this is a contest of ideas, it has to be held on the

battlefields of minds and of perceptions. In those battles in the mind,

the language of combat and offence will lose.

To begin with, this phenomenon requires understanding. There is

no point talking of ‘misguided youth’ in propaganda campaigns, but

not engaging with the ideas that guide—or misguide—their minds. It is

vital that they be engaged in a spirit of understanding, forgiveness and

acceptance. It must not be a patronizing, top-down approach. One needs

to understand the narratives, discourses, facts, and perceptions that

constitute the genie that is out of the bottle. Only then, can one discover

the points that can be counters.

Notes

1 Armed forces tend to use the term, short for Left-Wing Extremists, for

Maoism.2 Short for Anti-National Elements.


Kashmir At a Threshold: Recovery ofIntegrity or Surrender to Violence

Kashmir that we know through politics, media and tourism is not

the same it opens up in trust. The challenge for anyone with a

responsibility to melt the frozen doors and channels of dialogue

with people and stakeholders in Jammu & Kashmir is to win their

lost trust in “Indians” and earn their confidence. Govt. of India’s

Special Representative puts youth radicalization at the center of

his agenda. Observations of this writer are based on his engagement

with Kashmiri youth in dialogues on non-violence since 2010,

more than 20 visits and more than two dozen dialogues including

on Kashmiri Muslim-Kashmiri Pandit rapprochement, as a part of

experiment in non-violence. Ultimate answer to any human misery,

rationalized violent radicalization must come from reawakening of

inner cultural-spiritual resources of people. Kashmir has it in

abundance. Besides a cursory view of the situation into which

GoI’s Special Representative‘s task is cut out; politics and the

dynamics of dialogue, the writer discusses a less attended and

explored socio-cultural dynamics triggering internal cultural-

spiritual alienation and loss of identity which in turn is a cause of

radicalization as religious radicalization affirms, recovers a sense

of lost identity. The breakage of pluralism, the ‘rishi-culture’ and

its recovery are closely related with radicalization and legitimacy

of violence. Kashmir is a complex culture, and so ore its problems

of violence and radicalization.

Dineshwar Sharma, appointed in late October 2017 “to start a

substantial dialogue in Jammu & Kashmir” in the words of Home

* Shri Rajiv Vora is Chairman, Swarajpeeth Trust and an eminent Gandhian

thinker and writer. He is closely involved in Kashmir problem.


Minister Rajnath Singh, while concluding his first visit to Kashmir said

he “would try to make every effort to meet Hurriyat leaders” during

his next visit. Commentators voicing skepticism and cynicism may be

right in following text-book lessons on making political predictions,

but the uncommon factor of radical departure, a turnabout, on issue of

talks with the Hurriyat leaders, do not suggest an insincere time-

passing tactical move or a show for an international credit. Radical

departure become morally binding, for it suggests radical review of

earlier public position, a conviction and not a clever calculation.

Cynicism is good only as a reminder of earlier experiences of hopes

raised and let down, but not good for clearing the path of hopelessness

and loss of trust; – the twins borne of loss of meeting ground between

Indian Govt. and resistance leadership.

Right at the outset, Shri Sharma must have found how unenviable

is his task when reports suggesting a counter-line within the BJP

appeared in the J&K media; and when the news of his highly confidential

meeting with senior Hurriyat leader, its former Chairman, Prof. Abdul

Gani Bhat, got leaked to the media and the great possibility of bringing

the Hurriyat on board was sabotaged. Such things only underline the

complex, rather treacherous, power play to which Kashmir’s peace

process is subjected to. That makes Shri Sharma’s task unenviable. But

the possibility of exhausting his mandate reasonably can restore the

lost trust in the institution of interlocutor. Notwithstanding the title of

his designating, he perhaps can give to Kashmir more than earlier

interlocutors. That is a rewarding side of his task. To say the task is a

challenging one, is an understatement.

However, people in Kashmir know that they have greater stakes in

peace process than the critics and those who play the power game to

which peace is an anathema. Many Kashmiri youth are meeting Shri

Sharma, in spite of the fact that Indian state has lost its ground in

Kashmiri people’s mind considerably post-2016 mass uprising. But,

the main issues apart, people want the day-to-day life, its dignity and

democratic space to be secured first and foremost as a matter of duty

of the state. Militancy and terrorism are beyond them, but if the sate

too remains beyond them, Kashmir would be a much harder case than

it is already; disaffection will be beyond repair. Within such tender

circumstances it is an evidence of a sense of responsibility when

Kashmiri youth and others choose to meet Shri Sharma, a warm hearted

unassuming gentleman with a lot of goodwill and respect for Kashmiri


people. If interactions continue, it may create conditions for the Hurriyat

leaders to open their doors that they closed on the All Party

Parliamentary Delegation, which was not considered prudent by many.

An ordinary Kashmiri knows that they cannot wish away India. Their

leaders need to engage in talks. Therefore, in spite of people meeting

Shri Sharma, the Hurriyat leaders are watching and keeping silence

over what otherwise may be seen as defiance against them. All the

Hurriyat leaders do not hold the same stand as its present Joint

Command. Senior Hurriyat leader and its former Chairman Prof Abdul

Gani Bhatt did take the initiative. Had it not been sabotaged, it would

have perhaps worked towards opening up more doors and opportunities.

A keen observer of Kashmir would not fail to notice expressions

among the youth of frustration and, at times, of disaffection towards

resistance leadership and attempts at critique of the glaring weaknesses

of the movement. Such frustration does play critical role internally in

the benefit of their cause. In relation to Delhi it does not, for general

disaffection towards Delhi is the glue that binds them together in spite

of internal differences. Had the disaffection towards Delhi been of the

level of post-summer- 2010 when politicized youth would assert that

they do not hate India, they have complaint against it, the internally

growing disaffection towards their leadership could have worked

favorably for Delhi. Betrayal of the trust they reposed repeatedly in

interlocutors; mass uprising in 2016-17; indiscriminately lethal use of

so-called non-lethal pellet gun; blinding of innocent young ones, and

what followed, poisoned the minds of ordinary youth. Now they say

“we hate India.” How and who engineered the violent uprising is beside

the point. What matters is: the mood changed radically adverse.

Challenge of popular mood and that of the armed militancy are

dissimilar. Armed militancy may have, as it has, since 2002 onwards

reduced considerably and is confined to some pockets only; but, anti-

India mood has grown from limited pockets to larger population

including school going children. It is easy to shoot down a gun-wielding

militant – which the security forces are doing fairly efficiently, but you

cannot shoot down widely spreading and deepening public sentiment.

What has grown has far more serious consequences than what has

declined. Unlike armed militancy which carries with it long standing

structure, training, organization and international network, public mood

is largely autonomous, fed on sudden matters that swing sentiments:

sense of right and wrong; just and unjust; and, propaganda.


Since the ideas of right and wrong, just and unjust on universally

held humanitarian principles are commonly respected; and, as none of

the parties can claim to be above the count of morality and righteousness,

give-and-take has its rationale and legitimacy. Both the parties know

what is un-bargainable and what is not. No sane party in a long drawn

conflict starts with the un-bargainable. Thus, even one party is sincere

if not the other; the seemingly frozen layers over relationship can be

melted. Resistance leaders know it too well, and so do all reasonable

people, that armed militancy coupled with international terror groups

on the one hand; and, on the other Islamist agenda of some, make

deadening space for ISIS-like mindset that has changed the very

paradigm of security, legitimizing the use of force by the state.

Rationale of Dialogue

As excess is inherent to the use of force; communion and empathy are

inherent to dialogue. Dialogue presupposes a level of trust. Interactions,

talks, as frequent and as open as possible build familiarity, help clear

negative stereotypes, build a relationship of listening, recognizing the

‘truth’ of the other, developing respect for the other’s views and bearing

with uncomfortable questions, recognizing where one has faulted the

other, accepting the wrongs of oneself, and right of the other….. And,

slowly trust develops, talks transform into dialogue. However, there is

one catch here: while the Govt. representative may have less freedom

than the people to open up, he has more power to execute within the

limitations of the mandate. It is thus upon the people of Kashmir to use

Shri Sharma’s powers to the maximum in order to realise the meaning

of PM‘s declaration on the Independence Day, 15 August 2017:

“Kashmir issue cannot be solved by bullets or abuses, but by embracing

every Kashmiri.” The spirit and message of this statement equals the

spirit and message of the then PM Bajpayi’s statement in Kashmir:

“Kashmir is not a constitutional issue, it is a humanitarian issue” PM

Mody’s statement establishes policy continuity with Bajpayi’s statesman

– like statement that won every Kashmiri’s heart. Home Minister’s

several statements encourages every stakeholder, whoever is positively

concerned with Kashmir situation. He has gone one step ahead this

time by appointing an official with open mandate. This again is in

continuity with his earlier statements and efforts. Though the damage

done by the indiscriminate use of the pellets is more than ever

recognized, a sincere initiative cannot go unrecognized. The present


initiative being signal of his commitment and resolve binds him morally.

This is significant, for political binding is conditional to power play

and its changing equations which implicates other parties too, while

moral biding implicates the self, including one’s politics.

Commitment and sincerity will be on the test, for Kashmir’s past

experience with interlocutors and their reports destroyed the very ground

for trust and confidence in the motives of Indian state. All the three

reports: K. C. Pant, N.N. Vohra and latest by Dilip Padgaonkar and

team were unceremoniously shelved. The very word ‘interlocutor’ lost

its meaning, became a symbol of betrayal for Kashmiris. Henceforth,

promise for dialogue and talks symbolized for them Indian state’s

dishonesty, deception and hypocrisy, for words were not followed up

by right action. When talks are initiated, – and this is what Kashmiri

stake holders need to recognize – the very dynamics of sitting together

for talks, and of dialoging, is such that even a complete disagreement

does not close doors on future communication. Parties in dialogue at

least share a sense of having tried, done a duty, and accomplished a

responsibility. It would not destroy a sense of having followed up on a

promise. And, even this much that they have not betrayed declared

purpose is enough to keeps trust alive. To fail is one thing – it is a part

of a process; one gets up and tries again. But to deceive is to rob one

of his trust and confidence. Kashmir’s loss of trust drives their youth

towards radicalization and armed militancy; makes them easy prey to

the religious extremism and terrorism. It works as emotional,

psychological refuge and reaffirmation of faith.

Statecraft and politics swing between two extremes: in a stable

society it remains restrained out of honor of self-aware public opinion;

or, in an unstable, ever changing society it remains fearful of ever

changing public opinion, or it turns its back on it. Accordingly,

governance may symbolize awakened human sensitivity – a characteristic

of an ideal democracy we know as ‘Ram Rajya;’ or, its human sensitivity

remains depressed, confused, perplexed and in conflict with itself – a

characteristic of modern democracy in which power depends on

manipulation of public opinion and mood; or, it is totally crushed, run

over – which is the trait of dictatorial rule. A politician’s challenge is to

resolve the innate conflict of modern governance between two

obligations: an obligation to the systemic unyielding cold hardness of

the state on the one hand; and, on the other the democratic-value based

obligation to humane sensitivity towards legitimate popular aspirations

and sentiments. Balance between the two in favour of making state


receptive to legitimate popular sentiments is ruler’s challenge. Kashmir

poses this challenge. In 2010 a senior professor at Kashmir University

told this writer: “We have seen only the hard and harsh face of the

Indian state.”

Success of a political leader lies in that he/she does not allow

state’s mechanical hardness to disfigure his/her humane image. This is

the distinction between them and the non-state stake holders. Hence,

arguments in justification of such hardness that over-runs the obligation

to the fundamental values of democracy are in a final analysis counter-

productive; for, the state is dealing not with an enemy nation, but with

its own people. PM’s independence day declaration: “..not by bullet

but by embracing …”; and, Home Minister declaring his doors open

for everyone, are in the nature of invocation of that depressed, perplexed

sensitivity, for which Kashmir has been thirsting. Kashmiri stake holders,

the Hurriyat leadership would do service to their own people by

cooperating. Perpetual cynicism is a sign of defeat.

2

Disinheritance, Loss of Identity and Aggression, Violence and

Radicalization

People in conflict with the State and within themselves may find

redresses for human right violations, social-political violence and

repression, economic and political grievances and disputes etc. through

mundane, repetitious, tiresome politics of struggle; but, redress of the

basic cause of aggression, religious-political radicalization, fanaticism,

extremism and violence cannot be had unless they are brought

face-to-face with society’s inner cultural-social-intellectual-spiritual

resources by identifying them and then removing the blockages that

have caused the discontinuity in the transfer to the present generation

of their inheritance of the treasure of plural culture which is the authentic

form of social-religious life of Muslim, Hindus and Buddhist in Jammu

& Kashmir. Radicalization on fundamental issues, issues central to life

does not and cannot have an answer in economism. What has taken

roots in the mind must be tackled at the level of the mind. Factors that

can assist, cannot take place of the factors that cause a phenomena.

The political discourse, which dominates the discourse on peace in

a multi-religious, multi-ethnic, pluralistic society-in-conflict, can neither

be the measure of its reality, nor can it be representative of the inner

voice of the people. Vote-bank politics keeps the inner voice of society,


its culture moorings on the extreme margins. Cultural democracy

weakens. This could be corrected, a dialogue that can mitigate mutual

mistrust – generated by circumstances created of a time – loss of

confidence in the ‘other,’ which, fed by vested political and communal

interests breeds antipathy, aggression and violence. This is easily

exploitable by extremism. If people’s narratives are recorded they will

show that the plural religious-social consciousness is their living reality

in their aspirations, it has not receded into the unconscious. And, that

is their best inner resource for recovery.

Two Forces and the Making of a Violent, Aggressive Situation

One, the forces, mostly overt, that seek sense of self-assertion, power

and identity in religious extremism and in communalism; the other,

covert, which, seeing religion based politics breeding fundamentalism

and its extreme dreadful forms and communalism and social divide,

find it unacceptable. They are in search of their Kashmiri Identity and

dignity. Religion being central to their life, an authentic Kashmiri Islam

is their ideal religious–social anchorage, and intellectual-spiritual soul’s

dwelling. But this is disrupted due to two factors: One, the change in

the religious-communal demography of Kashmir due to mass exodus of

the community of Kashmiri Pandits in 1990 at the height of insurgency

and its Islamic ends that left Kashmir society mono-religion, mono-

community society. Second, related with the first is disconnect of the

post-1990 generation, the present generation, of the youth from the

tradition of plural social culture, their disinheritance from their cultural

treasure. They have grown up amidst reigning environment of fear,

terror, violence, atrocities and death. These disoriented, traumatized

mass of youth provide recruits to the path of violent militancy.

Religious radicalization has relevance to the question of identity. It

has two aspects: one, orientation towards false, corrupted religiosity of

politics of religion, fundamentalism and extremism as affirmation of

religiosity. Here the identity is entirely a creation of casual incidents;

and two, orientation towards pure religiosity and tradition as source of

identity. An average Muslim youth comparatively more bound by

religion, is also comparatively more conscious of religious morality

and ethics and open to Islam’s uncommon Kashmiri form; and, similarly,

a Hindu, also Buddhists, too are more open and in tune with Kashmir’s

syncretism.


Thus, to find one’s identity in Kashmiri form of social-religious

life, its famed tradition inherited by their ancestors almost up until their

grandparents and parents, is for a Kashmiri youth – Muslim, Hindu and

Buddhists – a matter of dignified self-affirmation as worthy sons and

daughters of the land of Kashmir. It is an altar at which the question of

disinheritance and loss of identity can be resolved, and so of aggression,

fundamentalism and violent militancy, if discourse could be reformed.

A Unique Inner Strength

Violence is often legitimized for the cause of religion. Fear thus keeps

many aspirations suppressed. Similarly anti-insurgency and special

power to armed forces curtails normal democratic freedom. Those youth

in the Valley away from militancy feel suffocated. Space for non-violence

can only give their voice and aspirations articulation. Radicalization

among the youth has entered a new phase post-2008 and 2010, and

finally 2016-17. The unresolved issue of the return of Pandits to their

homes in the Valley and religious radicalization of the youth keep the

fire on. However, there is another side to Kashmir, – of its very rich

social-religious and intellectual-spiritual resources, another realm of

inner turmoil of far-reaching, deeper consequences.

Kashmir has been a unique experiment in human history, at least in

the history of this region, of a successful synthesis between Islam,

Hinduism and Buddhism. That syncretism gives Kashmiri a unique

strength and identity that has transcended religious-communal otherness

and evolved into a social-religious and intellectual-spiritual culture so

unparallel. Its worldly, societal form is symbiotic merger into a one

Kashmiri identity, while being in one’s own religion.

Youths’ vision is circumcised by their post-1990 experience of

militancy and suffering, while the older generations place them in a

larger cycle of history, the history and tradition they have inherited, but

the post-1990 generation has not. In a society with cultural and spiritual

depth, the life of its people and related phenomena manifest in multiple

forms of expressions, experiences and interpretations. This complexity

is both the cause of its despair and anchor of its hope. The disconnect

of the post-1990 generation from the tradition of a plural socio-religious

culture is a cause of its despair; while the elder generation’s nostalgia

of the past that they have lived is a justification for hope, for it can

become the anchor if cause of interruption in transference of the

inheritance is removed. Past is not passé yet.


Recovery of Integrity or Surrender to the Aggressive Violent

Force

The eternal truth of Kashmir, its people, has been subjected to

modification according to partisan political needs of specific historical

juncture; hopefully, only as an interruption. It is thus not in continuity

with Kashmir’s destiny in eternity, the eternal journey of its people.

This present historical juncture does not have in it the presence of its

past as an aspect of the wholeness of the identity of its people. If the

present generation gets bound to the fate of their age, “the created

circumstances” as Thomas Aquinas puts it, “they lose” what A. K.

Saran explains as “the fundamental freedom”; – the freedom of their

Kashmiri essence, and that leaves the entire space only for the communal

politics, religious fundamentalism, extremist forces of aggressive

violence and destruction.

References

Rajiv Vora: “The Disinherited Generation of Kashmir…” an Essay, and

Other reports on Gandhian Initiative in J & K published by Swaraj Peeth

Trust 2016.

M. K. Gandhi: Hind Swaraj, Navjeevan Pub. Ahmedabad, 1921.

A. K. Saran: Traditional Thought; Central Inst. Of Higher Tibetan Studies,

Sarnath, Varanasi, 2007.

A. K. Saran: Traditional Vision of Man; Above, 1998.

Arnold Toynbee: An Historian’s Approach to History; OUP, 1956.

Simon Weis: On Science, Necessity and Love of God; OUP, 1968.

Ernest Gellner: Thought and Change; Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964.

A.K. Coomaraswamy: Time and Eternity, Artibus Asian Publishers, 1947.

Ashis Nandy: Time Tracks; Permanent Black, 2007

Ashis Nandy: Regimes of Narcissism, Regimes of Despair; OUP 2013.

Erich Heller: The Disinherited Mind; Bowes & Bowes, London, 1975.

Hannah Arendt: Between Past and the Future.

A.K. Coomaraswamy: Myths of the Hindus and Buddhists, George

Harper& Co, London, 1913.

Syed Hussein Nasr: Science and Civilization in Islam.

Jacques Ellul: The Technological Society, Random house Vintage Books,

New York, 1967.

Jacques Ellul: Propaganda, The Formation of Men’s Attitude, 1973.

Samdhong Rinpoche: Uncompromising Truth for a Compromised World;

World Wisdom Press, 2006.


Daya Krishna: Civilizations: Nostalgia and Utopia, Sage Publication,

2012.

Thomas Paine: Rights of Man.

Balraj Puri: Kashmir Towards Insurgency, Orient Longman, 1993.

Ajit Bhattacharya: Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Tragic Hero of Kashmir;

Roli books, Delhi, 2008.

Farukh Abdullah: “Atish e Chinar” Sheikh Abdullah’s biography.

David Devadas: In Search of a Future: The Story of Kashmir; Penguin

Viking, 2007.

IIC Quarterly Special Issue: A tangled Web: Jammu& Kashmir, New

Delhi Spring 20011.

Dilip Padgaonkar and Others: J&K Interlocutors’ Report, Min. of Home,

G o I. 1912.


Youth Radicalization in Kashmir

The contemporary roots of Kashmir conflict can be traced down to the

partition of Indian subcontinent. The partition was responsible for the

division of State of Jammu & Kashmir. Since 1947, the international

dimension of Kashmir conflict has encouraged the movement for the

implementation of right to self determination to be the most vocal one.

The movement has passed through various phases during the past seven

decades. The current phase that initiated after the 2010 mass agitation

certainly needs to be witnessed in the context of the year 2008 Amarnath

Land Row agitation and 2009 Shopian double murder and rape case of

Asiya and Neelofar. The post 2010 years is what I term as the Post

militancy phase. Post militancy does not in any way signify that the

phase of armed insurgency is over but it translates to the fact that the

contours of insurgency have changed. This militancy is mostly

indigenous, ideologically thick, pan-Islamist in its outlook and lethal in

its execution.

Why only post 2010 did insurgency become more lethal, radicalized,

ideologically too strong and universal in its agenda? The reason being

that during 2008-2010, the non-violent intifada in Kashmir was met

with an iron fist policy of the Indian state. The response of the state

was quite similar as to that of combating insurgency. It sent a wrong

message across different sections of youth that the state does not

understand the language of non-violence. Also the spread of internet to

almost every nook and cranny of the valley made it possible for the

army and state atrocities to be given a wider dissemination, thus

reinforcing the ideology of secessionism. Further the tech savvy young

insurgents utilized the internet to its maximum potential particularly

* Mushtaq Ul Haq Ahmad Sikander is Writer-Activist based in Srinagar, Kashmir

and can be reached at [email protected]


the social media to reach out to the youth and it became a potential

theatre for recruitment of new insurgents.

The socio-political movements like the Arab Spring that has now

retrograded to Arab Winter and the rise of Islamic State of Iraq and

Syria (ISIS) had a considerable influence over youth. Add to it the rise

of Hindutva in India, with the news of daily harassment, lynching,

communal riots once again gave a new lease of life to the two nation

theory debate in Kashmir, that upheld the belief that the future of

Muslim valley is not safe with India. To add insult to injury, the

electronic media and prime time debates added more fuel to the fire by

humiliating the Kashmiri panelists and branding them as agents of

Pakistan. Everytime they are made to prove their identity, the perception

is strengthened that Kashmiris are second class citizens or new dalits

of India.

Given this context and background, a new debate has been generated

among the media circles, policy makers, political analysts and security

experts about the radicalization of Kashmiri youth. The term

radicalization is debatable, subjective and relative. Who goes on to

define the term radical and to whom can we term as a radicalized

youth? A youth who sports a beard, wears a skull cap, dressed up in a

long loose tunic with a keffiyeh around his neck? This is the stereotypical

image constructed by media of a radicalized Muslim youth. This image

is quite synonymous with everything vice including terrorism and being

misogynist. For a lady if she is adorned with whole body cloak, how

does it translate that she is oppressed and needs to be liberated?

At the heart of this debate is the modernization of madrasas and

Sufi versus Salafi or Wahabi debate. All the security and political experts

fail at this juncture as they buy the dominant media discourse that

states that madrasas and wahabis are promoting radicalization among

the youth of Kashmir. As far as the madrasas in valley or even of India

are concerned, they are/were never a part of Muslim radicalization,

though they are vocal about the issues of Muslims identity that includes

Triple Talaq, Babri Masjid row and uniform civil code. Madrasas in

India do reinforce radicalization but it is of different sort and type and

very few madrasas are exception to this rule. Each madrasa upholds

and propagates an interpretation of Islam and each interpretation is

antagonist and exclusive of the other. The interpretation is based on the

school of thought a madrasa adheres to. It is for this reason that they

declare each other as ‘deviated’ and in extreme cases label each other


as Kaafir or Mushriq too against whom a social boycott should be the

way of life.

Thus, instead of being a threat to the state or non muslims, they

are a threat to the Muslim community itself as they are dividing the

community internally. So, the alarm in the different institutions of the

state is a false one. Further, if we go for a background check of the

insurgents we will find that rarely there is an insurgent who has a

madrasa background. Madrasa alumina are not fuelled by a religious

zeal to declare Jihad and Qitaal against their opponents. Most of the

radicalized youth belong to the mainstream or secular educational

institutions who either drop out or after completion of their studies

venture out for a tryst with insurgency. So, the debate about the

modernization of madrasas and having a strict vigil over their activities

will just be a waste of time and resources. Any such action will be

counterproductive and certainly will alienate the Muslim masses as

they will brand it with Islam phobia and intervention in their religious

affairs.

Coming to the second debate of Sufi Islam versus Wahabi Islam. It

again is a stereotypical debate invented, generated and given currency

by half baked media men and analysts who have very little information

about Islam and its relationship with radicalization. To add to the

confusion a new term Kashmiriyat has been invented too. This term

was never used by any literary, cultural and religious stalwarts or icons

of Kashmir’s syncretic, plural and tolerant culture including Lal Ded or

Lalleshwari, Nund Reshi, Arnimal or Wahab Khaar. The best term to

describe the syncretic culture of Kashmir is Rishism that developed as

a result of influence of Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam over the Kashmiri

society. This is the culture that has retrograded and is endangered not

some hoax Kashmiriyat, an obscure term till media gave it currency.

Rishism is under constant threat at the hands of narrow versions of

both Hindu and Muslim nationalism. Joint efforts need to be made to

stop the erosion of Rishi culture further.

The Sufi/Wahabi debate is quite new to the valley, as our culture

was Rishi one. Also to brand a certain version of Islam as Sufi (read

Barelvi) and others as Wahabi (read Deobandis and Salafis) is flawed

one. Further to make Sufi synonymous with Peace and Wahabi similar

to War is to commit grave injustice. This dichotomy is the creation of

post 9/11 U.S. media and think tanks who without bothering about the

genealogy of these terms used them indiscriminately. Sufis in different


parts of the world including India have been active in fighting aggression

against oppressors and colonizers. Imam Shamil was a Naqashbandi

Sufi who fought against Czar of Russia, Omar Mukhtar better known

as the Lion of Desert was a Sufi belonging to the Silsila (chain) of

Sanusi Sufis, Syed Ahmad Shaheed and Shah Ismail Shaheed who were

among the first to fight the Britishers in India were Sufis too. The

British used the term Wahabi for their resistance movements, whereas

factually they were Sufis. In Kashmir too, Sarjan Barkati who is known

as Pied Piper or Azadi Chacha and moved the crowds through his

innovative slogans during 2016 mass agitation is a Sufi (read Barelvi).

So this discourse again is very problematic and does not help in

understanding the radicalization of youth in Kashmir.

Also the increase in number of mosques of Wahabis has not helped

in any way in radicalizing youth, so that they will become a threat

against the state. Infact youth and few sections of insurgents term the

mullahs, imams and preachers as timid and impotent because they do

not talk about Kashmir issue or condemn the human rights violations at

the hands of security forces. Rather than the local grown influence of

wahabis or for the fact Barelvis or others in no way should be

constructed as the reason for the growth of radicalization among

Kashmiri youth. More than that, the influence of preachers of other

places, distant lands and events taking place in various countries have

a direct influence over Kashmir as internet and electronic media has

rendered it possible. So internet and electronic media are one of the

potent sources that are responsible for making youth quite sensitive

and politically conscious if not radicalized. Add to it the fact that

Muslims all over the world experience to be under siege, so it helps

them inculcate and articulate rabid political discourses, extreme and

exclusivist worldviews.

The paradigm of unemployment, progress and engaging the muslim

youth of Kashmir in productive sports and creative activities will be

met with a limited success because these issues do not demotivate

youth from becoming radicalized and indulging in violent subversive

activities. This radicalization has deeper roots, mostly native and few

transnational. The native roots are nurtured as they witness the daily

humiliation, torture, disrespect and worthlessness of a Kashmiri at the

hands of security forces. These security forces behave differently in

other parts of India while controlling mobs, but for Kashmir brutality

and naked violence is the order of the day. For every move without

distinction whether it is violent or non-violent activity, the response of


the state is a violent one. Pellets and their havoc is just reserved for

Kashmir and not for anybody else in the rest of India. Pellets have

made their victims particularly those rendered blind as the living

testimony of India’s brutality that will continue to fuel radicalization in

the coming decades.

Add to it the institutional apathy, nepotism, corruption and mistrust

of everything Indian. Also the state does not tolerate even the slightest

dissent. The student unions in colleges and universities are banned,

youth groups are nonexistent and youth are being booked and implicated

in false cases even if they circulate anything that state considers

‘seditious’ over the social media.

The J&K Police has become notorious for pushing the youth to the

wall, through harassment and implicating them in false cases or booking

them under draconian laws like Public Safety Act (PSA) in connivance

with bureaucracy. These high handed tactics have rendered many youths

with no option but to seek refuge in the shadow of the gun, as they feel

frustrated once they are on the wrong side of the state. The security

forces want that violence should continue as huge economic interests

are associated with it. The flow of money in the name of counter

insurgency is massively huge. This perpetual harassment has resulted

in radicalization of youth.

The transnational roots of radicalization are the reaction of growing

populism and rise of right wing in many countries including India. Also

the armed movements and groups fighting dictators, oppressive

governments and U.S. occupation in Muslim lands has also radicalized

a section of Muslim youth in Kashmir. The romantic ideal for creation

of an Islamic state is also inspiring a section of youth and insurgents to

be radicalized to the extent where they are calling for the assassination

and annihilation of all those who believe in anything except their version

of Islam. Zakir Musa and his men represent this trend among the

radicalized sections of Kashmiri insurgents. It is pan-Islamic in its

outlook but mostly it is located in local context because secular or

religious leadership could not mitigate the sufferings of a common man

and failed to put the requisite pressure on the state to resolve the crisis.

So, they are now offering a new outlook to reorient and reshape the

insurgency, though there is resentment against them among the general

masses and resistance camp particularly but for many this approach is

essential to breakdown the stalemate. The use of ISIS flag and then

their disapproval should be witnessed in this context because Kashmiri

society does not approve massive violence like that of ISIS.


Thus, radicalization is a reality, but it is connected with excessive

militarization, brutality, black draconian laws, absence of freedom of

speech and dissent. If these obstacles and roadblocks are removed, the

issue of radicalization will be a relic of the past. Very little scale of

radicalization has been generated even by the influence of pan-Islamist

or Jihadi movements on Kashmiri youth. The debate about radicalization

needs to be looked afresh and the yellow glasses of wahabi and madrasas

broken down, only then can a pragmatic strategy for countering the

same evolve.


Jammu Down with Complex of LeastPriority Area and People

On October 23, 2016, when Union Home Minister, Rajnath Singh

announced the appointment of former Director of Intelligence Bureau,

Dineshwar Sharma as the special representative on J&K to meet and

talk to all the stake holders in the state, there was lot of skepticism

instead of hope and promise. Kashmir Valley was keen to know the

mandate of the new man who, in the next few months, was to talk to the

“stakeholders” in the state. The past experience of the leaders in Kashmir

had made them more skeptical because their experience of the past

such exercises by the Centre was sheer disappointment. Their

disappointment had deepened because the Centre had not only failed to

address the political issues but faltered on its economic promises despite

recommendations by the experts and the working groups constituted by

the UPA government in May 2006. Barring the ruling People’s Democratic

Party that runs the government in the state in alliance with the BJP, other

Kashmir-centric parties in the Valley were not enthused at all.

Most of the times, Jammu – a different world of its own – views

things through diametrically opposite prism than that of Kashmir Valley–

because of the historical, geographical and demographic valley reasons.

But this time Jammu too had not much hope because its arch of

disappointment and disillusionment had spread from Srinagar – that

represents the Kashmir-centric rulers for the people of Jammu region to

Delhi that they once trusted as their sincere caretaker. Currently, the people

of Jammu are more disillusioned with Delhi and hence any move by

Delhi is seen as addressing the grievances of the people of Kashmir

Valley, where they think the Government of India has become a party to

* Binoo Joshi is Editor of J&K Today website. She has worked with BBC, IANS

and Associated Press for more than 20 years.


the appeasement of Kashmiris. They believe that the BJP regime at the

Centre is no different from the previous Congress governments.

Jammu had its own reasons to doubt whether the fresh exercise

initiated by the Government of India would be of any use to the region,

which is divided on religious and sub regional lines. Jammu had

engendered a grouse against Kashmir Valley and the rulers coming from

there, because it believes that the Valley was trying to subjugate their

ethnicity, culture and languages. Their greater grievance is that Jammu is

being systematically denied its share in the power politics and decision

making. Despite having a larger area than the Valley and almost equal

population, the region’s share in the seats in the Assembly stays lower

than that of the Valley. Jammu has 37 seats as compared to 46 of the

Kashmir Valley. Four seats are represented by the two districts of Kargil

and Leh of Ladakh region. They have been calling for the delimitation of

the constituencies, but the Kashmir-centric parties have overruled that

plea time and again. It is cited that since there is a moratorium on the

delimitation at the national level till 2026, therefore, Jammu and Kashmir

cannot undertake this exercise. Jammu and Kashmir is a special status

state under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution and the national laws

are not applicable to it, unless endorsed by the state legislature. The

Centre too failed to push the state government to listen to and act on the

plea of Jammu, though the national parties like Congress and BJP, the

latter in particular, have been paying a lip service for the equal share for

Jammu in all matters.

With such denials of their rights, the people in Jammu region have

come to the conclusion that their nationalism and patriotism are being

taken for granted by Delhi. They also believe that Delhi goes out of its

way to please Kashmir, hence it is also an exploiter and perpetuator of

injustice to the region. This perception is now shared by almost

everyone. One of the pitfalls of this is that the Jammu Muslim population,

particularly from the erstwhile Doda district, now fondly called “Chenab

Valley” – for the Chenab river flows through all the three districts of the

hilly region of Doda, Kishtwar and Ramban – lying adjacent to the

south of the Kashmir Valley, has started looking for deliverance to

Kashmiri political groups. As Muslims are in majority and there are

relations between Kashmiri Muslins and the community members in the

hilly region of Jammu, the bonds are stronger. In 1990s, this region was

notorious for the massacres of Hindus and lot of attacks on the security

forces. Now the level of violence has come down to zero level, but

the voices of secessionism are becoming quite vociferous. This is where


this region is getting distanced from the plains of Jammu, where Hindus

were once in a clear majority. The sentiment of isolationism and distinct

identity that Chenab Valley people have also infected the twin border

districts Rajouri and Poonch of Jammu Region.

Rajouri and Poonch run parallel to the Valley on one side and the

Line of Control – that divides Jammu and Kashmir – on the other. This

has widened the influence of Kashmiri Muslim psychology, which is

invariably identified with that of secessionism, or at least sympathetic to

the secessionist sentiment that has driven the violent troubles across

the Valley for the past 28 years now.

Jammu drew the conclusion that Sharma’s appointment was primarily

to address the issue of Kashmir, where separatist leaders Syed Ali Shah

Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq and Farooq Abdullah, Omar Abdullah,

Mehbooba Mufti and others would matter more than any of the Jammu

leaders. The Kashmir-centric National Conference’s Jammu leaders too

toe the Kashmir line. They boycotted meeting with the special

Representative because the National Conference Kashmir leadership told

them to do so.

A widespread perception, rather belief, in Kashmir is that Jammu

has no problem. It’s only Kashmir that is having its issues with Delhi.

That is the thinking in Kashmir. Delhi is cornered on two different counts

– the mainstream parties National Conference and PDP believe that Delhi

has eroded special status of the state, which they believe, should be

restored. That is their issue with Delhi, while the separatists see Delhi as

a problem for not agreeing to “Kashmir being a dispute.” Delhi is also

charged with complicating matters by not talking to Pakistan on Kashmir.

Now this sentiment has gained further credence as the level of violence

in the State is going up. For Kashmiri leaders, Jammu makes unnecessary

noises about the discrimination against it and its people. For them, the

real problem lies in Kashmir where the people have launched a “resistance

movement” against the “Indian occupation” and “sacrificed hundreds of

thousands of lives.” They have tried to give situation in Kashmir a splendid

expression to make it look and sound attractive to the international

audience. Jammu’s Hindus are having no such pretensions nor they intend

to embarrass Delhi by siding or endorsing with Kashmiri sentiment, which

is isolationist and thrives on exclusiveness. Of late Kashmiri leaders have

started incorporating the erstwhile Doda and Rajouri ad Poonch districts

in their scheme of things – seeing them as part of their struggle against

the Indian rule. Increasingly, Jammu Muslims are also thinking on the

similar lines. Religious affinity and geographical proximity have


overridden the ethnic and linguistic identities. It is this religious affinity

that has facilitated the settlement of the Rohingiya Muslims in Jammu,

defying all the logic that why should have they been travelling such a

long distance from Myanmar or erstwhile Burma – the country of their

origin – where, of course, they are allegedly suffering persecution, to

settle in Jammu which is Hindu majority. There is a definite design. It

became clear and it was voiced with equal concern by Defence Minister

Nirmala Sitharaman, who in the wake of the February 10th and 11th terrorist

assault on Sunjwan, a military station, located in the suburbs of Jammu,

observed that “there was a local support that facilitated the terror attack.”

Whenever Jammu‘s Hindus raise these concerns, they are dubbed as

communalists. The blame is laid at the doors of RSS which is accused of

seeking to evict the Rohingiyas because they are Muslims. These are the

new fissures within the population and the political narrative. It became

more than clear when on February 10, Kashmir-centric National

Conference members protested against remarks of the Speaker in the J&K

Legislative Assembly, that the terror attack at Sunjwan camp could have

been made possible with the local support of Rohingiyas and

Bangladeshis who are settled in the area. They protested so much that

the Speaker had to adjourn the House. This was given a communal

colour.

It is very difficult for Sharma to address the two regions on the

same scale. As he himself acknowledged to some of the people whom he

met in Jammu region, that it appeared that there were two worlds –

Kashmir Valley and Jammu Region. There is no ground for their

reconciliation, and the narrative in Jammu is mostly against Kashmir. It

is this particular reason that Jammu has not been able to make its own

narrative nor present its own case in an effective manner at any forum.

Jammu suffers from a complex. Its problem stems from the fact that

it swings from extreme ego to beseeching vis-à-vis Kashmir. Some of the

people in this region live in the past, when Dogras used to rule the state

and would deal with Kashmiris with utmost contempt. They think that

Kashmiris have not been able to shun their mindset of slavery. But this is

misplaced ego and has no connect with the current reality. It is getting

increasingly aware of the fact that its identity is getting dominated by the

Kashmiri identity. Kashmiris have used both hard and soft power to expand

their influence and that’s why Jammu region is unable to think itself in

independent silos notwithstanding the noises for the independent state or

separation of Jammu from the Valley. This thinking is deep rooted. But

there are no channels to air that. The channels that air these grievances,


primarily focus on their political interests. With Delhi giving them no

credence or acceptance, they ultimately fall in the lap of Kashmiri parties.

Jammu is facing a peculiar situation. It has become a land of

refugees that have come to the region from Pakistan occupied Jammu

and Kashmir, displaced people during the wars of 1965 and 1971, 1999

Kargil war, as also West Pakistan refugees. Then there are Kashmiri Pandit

migrants whose number runs over 300,000. All these are considered the

natural consequences of the wars and conflict that Jammu and Kashmir

has seen since 1947, but what is inexplicable is the settlement of

Rohingiyas and Bandladeshis in Jammu city and its surroundings.

This reflects two situations in which Jammu region feels that it has a

right to speak for whatever happens in the Valley, for it is having a

large chunk of population from PoJK and also from the Valley, who

cannot be denied their say when it comes to looking for Kashmir

solution or peace within the state, particularly the Valley. Second, is that

its resentment against the outsiders Rohingiyas and Bangladeshis

is rebuffed by the Kashmir-centric leaders who defend their stay in

Jammu because of their hardcore Muslim community feeling. What is

more bizarre for the people of Jammu is that while the Kashmiri Muslim

leadership is for extending all the help and facilities to the Bangladeshis

and Rohingiyas, it is opposed to giving any rights to the West Pakistan

refugees who came here as a result of Partition when the displaced

people from either side of the border were free to go and settle at any

place of their choice. This kind of conflict between Jammu Hindus and

Kashmiri leadership has made the situation in this region more volatile.

There are more issues in Jammu region, but the people here are frustrated

by the fact that no one listens to them. Dinewshwar Sharma has listened

to them, but these are some of the issues that need mutual confidence not

the persuasive power or knowledge of the Special Representative to undo

the wrongs of seven decades.

That is more dangerous than that of the Valley. The dangers here

have angle of communalism. That is not the case in the Valley

because Kashmir is almost exclusively Muslim after the forced exodus

of Kashmiri Pandits in 1990s. Sikhs are having negligible population.

Within Jammu, of course the clashes at ideological level are

increasing between Hindus and Muslims, and there is a danger of these

getting manifested in physical violence and riots. Ugly signs of such a

situation become visible from time to time. Now the Kashmiri Muslim

leadership, both mainstream and separatists, have started fuelling the

communal sentiment, and the Hindu leadership across the country are


also engendering the sentiment the other way round. The communal

clashes in Jammu are just waiting for a flash point.

For example, rape and murder of an eight-year old Gujjar girl Asifa

in Kathua district, that should have been treated as a serious crime and

the culprits should have been punished, has become a communal issue.

The Muslim leadership of the Valley and that of the hilly parts of Jammu

region have started accusing the local Hindu leaders of stalling the

probe and also harassing the Gujjar population. A heinous crime has

been given a communal colour.

When the criminal acts assume communal colour, the social

and community relationship suffer fracture which deepen because of the

mutual lack of trust almost over everything. Particularly disturbing is the

fact that the Gujjar population lives close to borders and have been

found involved in facilitating the infiltrators. Their loyalties have become

suspect in the eyes of Hindu population. There has been a marked dilution

in the original trust that Gujjars were nationalists and had chosen India

as their country. They were uninfluenced by the Sunni Muslim “jihad” and

anti-India activities. But now that is changing. It is an ominous sign. The

PDP ministers have started playing with the communal sentiments of

Gujjars and the matters have been made worse by the government that

has forbidden eviction of Gujjars from the encroached forest land. It is in

a way encouraging the encroachments and any anti-encroachment drive

against them is dubbed as communal.

This makes the task of the Special Representative difficult, for unless

there is one voice on any issue, he cannot address the issue or suggest

the remedial measures. The hostilities between communities have

complicated his task. And, it is not his job to fix the fractures between

the communities because that is something that has to come from the

communities themselves. There are problems common to both the

communities but their trust deficit prevents them from talking in the same

voice. There is no way that Dineshwar Sharma can bridge the trust deficit

between the communities. It becomes near impossible task, when the

deficit rests on sharing of the pathways and natural resources.

Since the political groups ruling the state – PDP is patronizing the

Muslim population and warning law enforcing agencies against taking

action against Gujjars settled in forest land, without taking cognizance

of the breach of law – and BJP opposing such moves, the chances of

dialogue inevitably get dim. Dineshwar Sharma‘s mandate, if any, is to

address the issues that can bring peace, but when the State government


itself is involved in creating and expanding fissures, he can do little.

There lies his biggest problem.

For the past few months, Jammu’s border areas have become a theatre

of virtual war, where Pakistani shells are raining like never before in the

otherwise “peace times.” There have been a record number of ceasefire

violations – that is a misnomer because ceasefire is violated once or

twice in a year or two, when exchange of fire becomes a daily routine,

the ceasefire gets replaced by undeclared war. To restore peace on borders

requires government to government dialogue. To end this crisis on the

borders, the dialogue between the Indian and Pakistani government

becomes a necessity. Of course, Pakistan, too, is faced with the similar

crisis on the borders on its side because Indian side is “retaliating” with

equal or rather more force to Pakistan’s unprovoked firing targeting

military and civilian targets, but there is no let up in the firing from

Pakistani side. This has resulted in hundreds of people fleeing their

homes and taking refuge in make shift camps. The civilian

population suffers casualties and death. Schools become out of bounds

for the children.

Terror Attacks

Ever since the appointment of Dineshwar Sharma as the Special

Representative, things for him have become difficult and complicated

owing to the series of the terror attacks that have taken place across the

State. The most startling among them were the “fidayeen” attacks in

Lethpora, Awantipora in Kashmir, and Sunjwan army military station

in Jammu. These attacks cause a setback to the ground covered by

Sharma in meeting the youth and other stake holders in peace in

Kashmir. There is nothing that he can do to reverse the impact of the

terror attacks and the narrative that they generate. Why dialogue and

what for, if the terror attacks are not going to end?

It is known beyond any doubt that Pakistan and Pakistan sponsored

terrorist groups are behind such attacks, therefore to address the issue

with Pakistan is not within the brief of the Special Representative. That

is his limitation, which has also undermined the original mandate that he

ascribed to himself – addressing the problems of the youth, particularly

their alienation and also to arrest their drift toward radicalization. The

radicalization and alienation are two different things, but in the context

of Kashmir, the two are intrinsically linked.


The germs of alienation have grown on several planks e.g., political,

economic and religious and societal. These need to be explained in detail.

A general impression, and to a large extent true also, is that the Indian

democracy has never been allowed to enter and function in Kashmir. The

rigged and manipulated elections over the decades have given birth to

such views wherein it is taken as given that the Centre can manage and

manipulate elections. It decides who rules the state. There are

various examples. The opposition votes were not allowed to be cast or

they would be counted in such a manner that the ruling party candidates

would win somehow. The alleged 1987 rigged elections are the most

cited example. It is widely believed that the Congress of Rajiv Gandhi at

the Centre and the National Conference of Farooq Abdullah connived

to deny the victory to some of the Muslim United Front (MUF),

candidates. That is thought to be at the root of the political disillusionment.

Mohammad Yusuf, now better known by his nom de guerre Syed Salaha-

ud-Din, was one of the candidates whose victory in Assembly elections

from Amira Kadal constituency in Srinagar was converted into a defeat.

This kind of cheating was unbearable for the youth of the times, who had

taken part in the elections or voted on the slogan of “Yahan Kaya Chalega,

Nizam-e-Mustafa” (It will be Islamic rule here). The fears of Pakistan

getting a majority voice in the Assembly through MUF, a combination

of many Muslim groups, including Jamat-i-Islami that time led by Syed

Ali Shah Geelani were exaggerated. This was the biggest turning point

of the political disillusionment or alienation that till date has not

been bridged completely, despite relatively clean elections since them.

Economically, there are two prominent aspects that need to be taken

into account. One, there is lack of enterprise among the people of Kashmir.

They would prefer a casual labourer’s work in government rather than

setting up their own self-employment units or doing some private

job or tending the fields. Since the government jobs are limited, they

tend to get frustrated. This frustration deepens when they find that those

close to the politicians or those who bribe them get the jobs when more

qualified are left out. The latest round of troubles for the past 28 years has

shrunk the avenues in tourism and related activities. The drastic decline

in tourists footfall has also caused huge problems for them. They have

either taken to violence or support the forces of violence, while some of

them have shifted to Jammu and elsewhere where they offer competition

to locals, thus create economic and social difficulties in this region.

Religionwise, the Muslims in the Valley, and now increasingly in

Jammu, too, have developed a sense of community persecution. Despite


being in a majority in Jammu and Kashmir, the community views the

developments in the rest of the country – be it cow vigiliantism, few

cases of lynching and overall narrative in which the utterances of some

of the leaders are deemed as a systematic prosecution of the community.

That is what is causing more problems in Jammu where Hindu population

also has its own concerns.

Hindus’ concerns are focused on the linkage of the terror attacks

with the “local support” that emerged from the residential enclaves of

Rohingiya Muslims, who have been given all facilities by the politicians

who used them as vote bank. But the dangers were too obvious for the

army. This was clearly spelled out by Defence Minister Nirmala

Sitharaman on February 12, when she said that the terror attack was

possible because of the ”local support.”

In such a communally charged atmosphere where the communities

have developed mutual suspicion, the task of dialogue and repairing the

relations has become extraordinarily difficult. It is not for Dineshwar

Sharma to bring the communities together on a single platform because

even if he attempts do so, any fresh terror attack can derail that effort.

The terror attacks in J&K cannot be ruled out despite the heavy presence

of the army and other wings of the security forces. In fact, that makes the

terrorists’ task easy for they get plenty of targets. Now almost a two-

year-old phenomenon, stone throwing mobs interrupting the anti-militancy

operations by hurling stones at the vehicles and patrols of the army,

has created a situation where certain new conditions have appeared for

the continuation of dialogue. For example, Hindus in Jammu, are not

convinced that they are safe in their own land with drastic change in the

demography of the region and particularly the plains. The settlement of

the Rohongiyas combined with the ever-continuing flow of the population

from the Valley are becoming causes of serious concern for them. Now it

is being viewed with suspicion that not only the outsiders are settling in

Jammu but they have set up their business ventures and stake claims to

government and private jobs. This is becoming a communal issue as also

that of the economic competition and shrinking job opportunities for the

narratives. All this has been narrated to Dineshwar Sharma, but he has to

find a roadmap that is acceptable to all. But, at the moment, it seems,

that his plan of talks is not following a particular schedule. That is being

hobbled by the turn of events and the political narrative crisscrossing

between secessionism and clouds of war hovering over borders. In all

this, Jammu and its aspirations enjoy the least priority.


Kashmir, What Next!

After decades of conflict, normalcy was returning in Kashmir Valley

but soon after the killing of Hizbul Mujahedeen Commander Burhan

Wani in July 2016, the situation in Kashmir further worsened. Many

people have been killed and numerous injured in the last two years.

The situation still doesn’t seem under control. The opposition parties

are accusing BJP-PDP coalition government for its failure to tackle the

ongoing crisis. However, the Chief Minister of the State, Mehbooba

Mufti on her part made statements often about the peaceful dialogue

with all state stakeholders of Kashmir, including Hurriyat and the

government of Pakistan. But its alliance partner BJP opposes such

proposal from CM.

The BJP, however, claims that their government is serious about

the peaceful dialogue in Kashmir and for that very purpose the Union

Home Minister Rajnath Singh has called several meetings with the

various stake holders of the State of Jammu and Kashmir and later the

union government has appointed former Intelligence Bureau Chief,

Dineshwar Sharma, who was tasked to talk to all stakeholders to find a

possible solution to the 30-year-old insurgency in the Jammu and

Kashmir. Sharma will also have three officers as point persons for

three regions of the State – the Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Ladakh –

to address the grievances of the local population.

After repeated turmoil’s in 2010, 2013 and 2016, people of Kashmir

seem to be losing faith in the process of dialogue, through interlocutors

by government of India. The turmoil in 2010 left nearly 120 people

dead. Members of the J&K Interlocutors Group, who had submitted a

report on the reasons behind that violence and ways to prevent its

* Sajjad Hussain Kargili is journalist based in Ladakh and presently Editor in-

Chief of Greater Ladakh.


recurrence, insist that the present situation in the Valley would not have

arisen if the UPA government had not ignored their recommendations

and the NDA government had taken necessary action in time.

The interlocutors, Late Padgaonkar, Mr. Kumar and former

Information Commissioner M.M. Ansari in their report, urged the Centre

to reduce the army’s visibility, urgently address human rights violations,

review the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) which gives the

forces powers without corresponding accountability, and lift the

Disturbed Areas Act. They also said: “by and large the report was

ignored by the UPA. They had been assured that the report would be

tabled on the floor of the House and that there would be a debate on it

and all the parties would be allowed enough space to deliberate on the

recommendations, but that was not done. And the present government

has not done it either. Had they taken some serious notice of the

recommendations we had made, perhaps we would not have reached

the situation we have in Kashmir today.”

In Ladakh (Kargil & Leh) people are realizing a sense of alienation

and misuse of their patriotism by the union government. It has been

seen in the past that the peaceful people of Ladakh region are not even

considered at any level for dialogue. They are kept deprived in terms

of social and economic development. But whenever any issue comes

up in Kashmir, the union government reminds them that Ladakh is very

much loyal towards the nation. For the people of Ladakh, historically

and geographically the issue of Pakistan Administered Gilgit Baltistan

(PAGB) is actually important. The issue of PAGB has become one of

the central issues between India and Pakistan after the China Pakistan

Economic Corridor (CPEC) became operational. The region of PAGB

remained neglected for decades and has now become the cause for

controversy between India and Pakistan, after the latter indicated its

intention to declare the region as its fifth province. This development

ignores the fact that PAGB is essentially a part of the Kashmir dispute.

At the same time, the people of PAGB have been demanding

constitutional rights with full autonomy, which has been accorded to

Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. However, the Pakistani

Government is reluctant to agree, as there is pressure from India, which

claims this region.

Local leaders and stakeholders in Ladakh region have put forth

demands before the current tension boils over into a conflict. In addition

to an airport and the Zojila tunnel, there are demands for all-weather

road connectivity. As part of CPEC, around USD 46 billon will be


invested in Pakistan in general and specifically in Gilgit-Baltistan, where

several hydro-power projects are planned. If and when these projects

materialize, Gilgit-Baltistan will become like other parts of China.

It’s also needed to mention here that the Government of India has

recently approved Zojila tunnel which was widely welcomed by the

people and leaders of Ladakh. But unfortunately, the government has

again tried to focus that the tunnel is going to be constructed due to

ongoing problems with China rather than for the development of the

people of Ladakh region.

CPEC has already complicated relations between China and

Pakistan. In the past, their relationship was largely driven by the elite

with regard to military and political cooperation. However, this

relationship now faces greater scrutiny from the general Pakistani public.

The current discourse in Gilgit-Baltistan also suggests growing

dissatisfaction with CPEC despite its potential in terms of generating

local employment and revenue through electricity generation.

The political status of Gilgit-Baltistan remains disputed. In 1994

India had unanimously passed a resolution in Parliament declaring Gilgit

Balotistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir as an ‘integral part of

India.’ Unfortunately, mainstream politicians and media in India

remained ignorant of Gilgit-Baltistan. With the exception of security

and intelligence agencies, most people in India are unable to differentiate

between Baltistan and Balochistan. Earlier Gilgit-Baltistan were known

as Northern Areas, which was the term imposed on the region by

Pakistan government to dilute the unique regional and ethnic identity

of the region. In 2009, the then Pakistani government granted temporary

federal status to Gilgit-Baltistan. This was opposed by the Hurriyat

Conference, which argued that if Gilgit-Baltistan was given provincial

status, India would respond by abrogating Article 370 to absorb Jammu

and Kashmir.

Political activists and religious personalities in Gilgit Baltistan, who do

not comply with the dictates of the Pakistani Government or make

demands for basic rights, have been framed under anti-terrorism laws.

Several eminent nationalist leaders from Gilgit-Baltistan have been

detained over the years and popular newspapers like Bangesahar have

been banned by the Pakistani authorities.

Government of India continues to be in a state of denial with

regard to Gilgit-Baltistan. In 2012, a terrorist attack took place in

Chilas, Gilgit, during which they massacred Shias travelling from Gilgit-

Baltistan to Islamabad. Unfortunately, no one in India or even the pro-


freedom Hurriyat Conference uttered a single word of protest or outrage

over this terrorist act. The mainstream political leadership and

establishment in India lack a clear vision and policy for Gilgit-Baltistan.

They generally use the issue of Gilgit-Baltistan to counterweigh the

conflict over Kashmir. It’s about time that India developed a clear

policy for Gilgit-Baltistan.

In Ladakh the national leaders of Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) and

the BJP leaders of Leh district made promise for union territory status

and separation from Jammu and Kashmir. But the story is opposite in

Kargil, where leaders have previously rejected the demand of a Union

Territory. I do remember once, a journalist asked an eminent leader

and cleric from Kargil, late Sheikh Ahmed Mohammadi about

trifurcation of the State of Jammu and Kashmir and the Union Territory

status for Ladakh, he replied: “We are against any kind of division of

the state on the basis of region, religion and language.” I also remember

that current MLA Kargil, Asgar Ali Karbalai also demanding the status

of Greater Ladakh and Ladakh Division status and rejected the Union

Territory status for the region. On June 2004, when I was invited for

youth initiative for peace conference in Pune, Qammar Ali Akhone, a

senior leader of National Conference – conveyed a message for greater

Ladakh and oppose any kind of division. The day I heard this statement

of the leaders of Kargil, I tried to understand about Union Territory

demand.

Actually, Union Territory is a sub-national administrative division

of India, in the federal framework of governance. Unlike the states of

India, which have their own elected governments, Union Territories are

ruled directly by the federal government or central government. There

are many UTs like Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Chandigarh, Dadra

and Nagar Haveli, Daman and Diu, Lakshadweep or Pondicherry in

India. But Jammu and Kashmir has their own identity and special status

in the India union. The current state has its own constitution and identity.

While on the other hand, nearly half of the area of the State is under

the administrative control of Pakistan, including Gilgit and Baltistan on

Ladakh side. On 22 February 1993, Government of India unanimously

passed a resolution in Indian parliament that these areas under Pakistan

control are the part of Jammu and Kashmir and India. It also mentioned

that India can take these areas anytime. But it’s unfortunate that India

has just passed this resolution and forgotten about it. Keeping all these

things in mind, if the Government of India will consider and accept the

demand of Union Territory by a small section of society of Leh district,


who are not even in majority, then a new crisis will begin in the region.

The leadership of Kargil district is demanding to preserve unity in

diversity. Though, they are demanding divisional status for Ladakh region

in the current scenario and when the issue of Jammu and Kashmir is

resolved, including the region of Gilgit, Baltistan with Ladakh, greater

Ladakh should be given to this area. The demand of Union Territory will

change the unique culture of Ladakh; it will go in the lap of corporate

mafia. Union Territory is a serious threat to the social, cultural values of

Ladakh. The identity and culture of Ladakh will disappear. While

demography of Ladakh would be changed, the governance powers would

officially be surrendered to New Delhi and we would have no right to

challenge any decision of New Delhi. Moreover, the people of Ladakh are

enjoying the benefits of hill council powers, ST status, article 370. All

these powers and special status of our territory will slowly vanish. Kargil

has cultural, historical, religious bonds with Kashmir. The bonds of thousand

year’s civilizations will be automatically wiped off. And it would be very

tough to start new bonds and build new relations. Kashmir can understand

the problems and crisis of the people of Kargil more than Delhi.

In 2016, the Department of National Security from Jammu University

organized a workshop titled Confidence Building Measures: Cross-border

Trade in Kargil and Leh districts of Ladakh region. After this workshop, a

report was submitted to Government of India, which highlighted various

issues and made recommendations. Some of the recommendations of this

report felt that there is a lack of strategic thinking among the elites and

public intellectuals on Ladakh. Ladakh itself seems inclined to play only a

limited role since it does not want to punch above its weight. Opportunities

must be created to cultivate strategic thinking about this region. Trade is

the new game in the region and New Delhi should view developments

through its geo-economic interests not just through a security prism. Some

recommendations were:

(1) Geopolitical changes and the current strategic environment

have created an opportunity for Ladakh to assert its identity

and its role in terms of leveraging India’s Central Asia Policy.

For Ladakh to play a meaningful role in the geopolitical

competition, it needs a dynamic and charismatic leadership to

reconnect its glorious past with the present.

(2) Opening up of the Nubra Road to Baltistan should be included

in the Sino-Indian bilateral border meetings; this would provide

easy access to India to reach Central Asia.

(3) There is a growing interest among a certain section of the

public and of security experts to visit Kargil, Drass, Batalik


and Tiger Hills. Security Tourism could be proposed or

introduced in collaboration with the Indian Army.

(4) An alternative route for the Kailash Mansaravor Yatra through

Demchok Road to Mount Kailash would be just 504km long

and can be done in 3 days.

(5) All India Radio stations should be set up along the LoC,

especially Batalik, Drass and adjacent sectors to broadcast

news and views from India regularly to the people in Gilgit-

Baltistan. The station could also air weather reports as well as

local pop and folk songs.

(6) A Research Hospital run by DRDO to deal with high altitude

medical issues especially trauma cases faced by the civilians

as well as military personnel should be set up in Kargil and

Leh with 200 beds.

(7) Leh attracts students to do research on Earth Sciences. A state

of-the-art laboratory on Rare Earth Elements also needs to be

built. This facility could later be managed or maintained by a

consortium of IITs or Universities specializing in these

disciplines.

(8) There is a need for all-weather connectivity via Zojila tunnel

or any other road route which the people of Kargil can use all

through the year.

(9) The Kargil airstrip is ready for use but is not functional. Until

the all-weather road connectivity materializes, connecting the

region by air could be the best alternative solution. A civilian

airport would also enhance tourism in Kargil. Confidence

Building Measures on Sub-Regional Trade & Connectivity.

Besides there are some other issues also which people of Ladakh

would like to be addressed. There are more than 18,000 divided families

in Ladakh and the members of these families’ desire to visit their

relatives across the border. To visit Gilgit and Baltistan, they have to

go through the Wagah border which is a cumbersome affair for poor

families. The government should consider facilitating a meeting point

at the Kargil-Skardu road where divided families can meet and people-

to-people contact enhanced. In this age of connectivity, the people of

Kargil are unable to connect with their relative’s across the LOC as

mobile service providers in Kargil do not allow outgoing calls to the

Gilgit-Baltistan region. The people from across the LoC, however, can

make calls to their relatives in Kargil in addition to internet chats and

voice calls between the people on both sides. India should consider

permitting mobile service providers to allow connectivity to the other

side.


There is huge trade scope for apple and apricot cultivators but the

1974 ban on its export is preventing the growth of this sector. Currently,

the Kashmiri apple growers’ lobby is against the export of fruits from

this region. The government needs to review its export ban and reopen

trade of Ladakhi apricot and other fruits from Kargil and Leh.

People of Kargil are living at the Zero Line near the LoC but the

benefits under the ALC (Along Line of Control) notification continue

to elude them.

Except for the cross-border shelling in 1999, Kargil has remained

peaceful. However, the Kargil-Skardu trade route (the traditional

centuries old Silk Route) has remained closed, while trade on Poonch-

Rawalkot and Uri-Muzaffarabad routes remain unaffected despite cross-

border violations, firing, and high tensions between India and Pakistan.

This situation must be rectified.

The FM Station of Kargil has 200KW setup which can reach up to

Gilgit-Astore but the station does not even broadcast news items. Radio

in short and long wave can become a bridge between the people of the

divided region.

An alternate route for Amarnath Yatris through the Baltal-Sonamarg

track would reduce pilgrim congestion in Kashmir. More infrastructure

facilities along this route are required.

There is much scope for development of Zanskar and Suru Valley

as tourist destinations to attract domestic as well as international tourists.

If construction of the Manali-Leh-Kargil route could be expedited,

any unrest in Kashmir will not affect economic activity in Kargil and

Leh, and keep the region connected with the rest of India at all times.

Given the potential to reach Central Asian markets, and of Ladakh

serving as the gateway to increasing trade with Central Asia, India

should consider opening the Kargil-Skardu trade route.

Besides, heavy military deployment at Ladakh border with Pakistan,

particularly at Siachen Glacier is an environmental hazard. Glacier is

already melting and may have adverse effect on hill communities of the

area. Measures to prevent militarisation of the area is required.

In Short, the people of Jammu and Kashmir in general and Ladakh

in particular strongly feel that there is a need to have peaceful and

fruitful dialogue with all stakeholders to maintain peace and stability in

the region. All nuclear neighborhoods must remain peaceful. Both the

Government of India and Pakistan should understand that, the use of

power cannot bring any solution to the conflict and the war can only

worsen the present situation of the State.


An Essay on the Rohingya Crisis**

Rakhine (known as Arakan during British rule) is a province of

Myanmar. Buddhists form a majority in Rakhine. But, Muslims,

according to one assessment, emerged in Rakhine (Arakan) as early as

8th century AD, and the distinctiveness of Rakhine Muslims (Rohingyas

or Chittagonian Muslims or Chittagonian Bengali Muslims) became

evident by the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries.1 A UN Report on Rohingyas,

prepared by a human rights organization, also claims that Rohingyas

came to the region in the 8th century.2 However, there is another view

that Rohingyas never had millennia long connection with the Arakan

state, as it is a fabricated story that has no academic acceptability.3

Interestingly, from 1950s, the term ‘Rohingya’ began to be used by the

direct descendents of Muslim migrants from Chittagong.4 In 1785, the

Konbaung Dynasty of Burma occupied Rakhine. Later, the Anglo-

Burmese War (1824-26) started, and the British conquered the whole

of what they called Arakan (currently Rakhine). Bengali Muslims began

to migrate to Arakan, which was encouraged by the British. From 1826

onwards, British companies had been recruiting Bengali Muslims in

Arakan in commercial ventures, like mining, cutting of teak trees,

constructing roads and bridges, etc. It led to massive Muslim migration,

which continued for more than a century. There was a significant

economic reason behind the massive migration of Bengali Muslims

from Chittagong to Burma. Compared to Bengal, wages in Arakan

were very high.5 In the estimate of Burmans, who comprise the ethnic

majority in Myanmar, a majority of the Muslims currently living in

Rakhine are the descendants of the migrants from Chittagong, located

* Jayanta Kumar Ray, National Research Professor, Ministry of Human Resource

Development, Government of India. 309 Jodhpur Park, Kolkata -700068 (W.B.)

** This essay has been prepared with valuable assistance from the Indian Council

of Historical Research (ICHR), New Delhi.


in present day Bangladesh. During colonial rule, Chittagonian

immigrants turned into a dominant group in some parts of Burma.6

Burmans form the ruling circle, although since 1962, the military have

(visibly or invisibly) governed the country, and their concept of the

essentials of Burmese national culture excludes Rakhine Muslims,

obliterating even the distinction between Muslims living in the pre-

British era, and those arriving in the British era.7 It is important to keep

in mind that the Government of Myanmar considers 1826 as a watershed

regarding the issue of conferring citizenship rights on the Rohingyas. 8

One striking fact is that unlike any Muslim-majority country, despite

having its own Buddhist identity, Burma was a tolerant country and did

not declare Buddhism as state religion. Moreover, non-Buddhists had

complete freedom to practise their religion, and more significantly,

public opinion in Burma was not in favour of conversion from one

religion to another.9 None of these progressive features can be observed

in any Muslim country in the world. Indeed, British conquest of Burma

drastically changed the status quo of Burmese society, due to a significant

Muslim migration from India. With the substantial growth of immigrants

in Burma, Muslims began to develop their religious activities to the

fullest extent, such as building of mosques and other religious

institutions, which Burmese Muslims had never done before.10 After

the declaration of the British government that Arakan was a part of

Bengal presidency, Muslim population in Arakan increased in a huge

fashion, and subsequently reached twenty per cent of the total population.

Ceaseless Bengali Muslim migration to Arakan led to clashes between

Bengali Muslims and the Buddhists. The clash between Buddhists and

Rakhine Muslims, currently called Rohingyas, became inevitable,

especially because of aggressive anti-Buddhist activities of the

Rohingyas, such as destruction of Buddhist temples, forceful conversion

to Islam, etc. The British did nothing to stop such conduct of the

Rohingyas. Later, during the time of the Second World War, Rohingyas

supported the British, whereas Buddhists supported Japan. The British

government provided arms to Rohingyas, which were used to kill

Buddhists. In 1942, Rohingyas killed 20,000 Buddhists in Northern

Arakan. When Japan occupied some parts of Burma, the British

government formed Volunteers Force to provide arms training to

Rohingyas to fight against the Japanese, and Rohingyas used those

arms against the Rakhine Buddhists, killing Rakhine Buddhists and

destroying their religious institutions.11

In 1948, when Burma got independence, Rohingyas refused to be

citizens of Burma, and requested M.A. Jinnah to include Arakan in


East Pakistan. Nevertheless, Jinnah turned down their request. The

reason behind Jinnah’s refusal was not far to seek. The Eastern part of

Pakistan (called East Bengal till 1956) had a population already

exceeding that of the Western part of Pakistan. To add Rakhine Muslims

to East Pakistan was to aggravate the population disparity between the

two parts of Pakistan—which was a distinct disadvantage in the political

arithmetic of any democratic system. Under these circumstances,

Rohingyas formed the Mujahid Party in 1948, with an ambition of

establishing a Muslim state in Northern Arakan. From 1948 to 1962,

Rohingyas destroyed countless Buddhist temples and cultural centres.12

Subsequently, in 1962, this situation changed, when General Ne Win

came to power through a military coup. The Ne Win government passed

an exclusionary Citizenship Act, which made three categories of citizens–

National, Associate, and Naturalised–in 1982. Full citizenship was

conferred on 135 national races, officially declared as indigenous groups,

who have proven record of ancestry in Burma before 1823, i.e. prior to

the first Anglo-Burmese War.13 It is important to remember that even in

1971, Burma (called Myanmar since 1989) provided shelter to 75,000

Bengali Muslims, who had been tortured by the West Pakistani military,

seeking safety in Burma.

The Islamic terrorist organisation, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army

(ARSA), formerly known as Harakah-al-Yakin, wants to establish an

Islamic state in Myanmar. It is an undeniable fact that Islamic terrorism

is largely responsible for today’s crisis in Myanmar. Saudi Arabia,

Malaysia, and a number of Arab states are providing resources to these

Muslim groups in Myanmar, which plays a key role in the crisis.14

Significantly, for a long time, Bangladesh has been patronising the

Rohingya terrorists. In 1978, the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation

(RSO) was formed in Chittagong, and it provided arms training to the

local Rohingya youths with the help of Imam Abdul Karim of Markaz-

e-Islam located in Neela, a border town of Rahkine; all the meetings of

RSO used to be held in a hospital, Rabta-e-Islami, located in

Chittagong.15

On 25 August 2017, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)

concurrently attacked 30 police posts and an army base located in the

northern part of the Rakhine state, which led to the present day Rohingya

crisis. Indeed, the emergence of such an Islamic extremist group in the

region is a matter of serious concern.16 Abdullah, a representative of

ARSA, says that the purpose of the attack of 25 August was self-

defence and the restoration of rights of the Rohingyas.17 Ataullah abu


Ammar Junjuni, chief leader of ARSA, was born in Karachi, Pakistan,

and he was also an Imam, i.e. Prayer Leader, of the Rohingya community

in Saudi Arabia. Also, he took training in guerrilla warfare under the

Taliban in Pakistan.18 Thus, the role of ARSA behind the emergence of

today’s Rohingya crisis is undeniable.

According to news agencies, in response to the 25 August attack,

Burmese troops retaliated against the rebels and burnt down 1,000

homes in 10 areas of the Rakhine state.19 Facing severe counterstrike

by the Myanmar Army, ARSA proposed a ceasefire, which was turned

down by the Myanmar Army as it was unwilling to negotiate with the

terrorists.20 Undoubtedly, Rohingya terrorists are the primary and the

consistent source of disorder in Myanmar. On 7 January 2018, Rohingya

terrorists launched an ambush on the Myanmar Security Force in

Northern Rakhine.21 Thus, Rohingya terrorists are largely responsible

for the misfortune of the Rohingyas, who face retaliation by the Myanmar

Army.

As an immediate consequence of retaliation by the Myanmar Army,

since 25 August 2017, 290,000 Rohingyas migrated to Bangladesh,

says Joseph Tripura, spokesman of UN Refugee Agency.22 An interesting

thing is that 66 per cent of the migrant Rohingyas are women, and the

rest of the people are old, sick, and men below 18 years. Almost no

man between the age group from 18 to 40 has migrated to Bangladesh

as they have joined the ARSA to fight against the Myanmar Army. 23

Strikingly, in a Rohingya refugee camp of Cox’s Bazar, 18,000 women

are pregnant and 200 children have already been born, which is a

matter of concern for Bangladesh government.24 However, the Relief

Minister of Bangladesh, Mofajjel Hussain Chowdhury, states that newly

born Rohingya babies are the citizens of Myanmar, and he describes

Rohingyas, who are currently living in Bangladesh, as infiltrators.25

London based human rights organisation, Amnesty International, appeals

to the international community to ensure that no Rohingya is pushed

back to Myanmar from Bangladesh until normalcy returns in Rakhine.26

Surprisingly, Bangladesh, a predominantly Muslim state, is unwilling

to provide shelter to its co-religionists, the Rohingyas, on the ground

that they are Myanmarese. However, it is written even in the Bangladeshi

school text books that Rohingyas had migrated to Myanmar from

Bangladesh.27

India cannot be blamed if its position in the Rohingya crisis is

favourable to that of the Myanmar government, as India itself is a

victim of Islamic terrorism. Therefore, Ashraf Asif Jalali, a Sunni Jihadi


Council Cleric, who preaches jihad by Myanmar’s Muslims and recruits

them, even children, in jihadi activities, goes so far as to announce that

Modi and Suu Kyi should be hanged.28 The United States promised to

press a diplomatic solution, and if its attempt failed, it alerted Myanmar

to the possibility of application of a variety of sanctions.29 The United

Nations Security Council, too, escalated pressure on Myanmar, as it

put forward a unanimous statement calling upon Yangon to terminate

its military moves in Rakhine, as also to extend cooperation to the

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.30 India has set

in motion a diplomatic process with Myanmar and Bangladesh, which

has sheltered more than 600,000 Rakhine refugees, whereas India

finds 40,000 of these illegal immigrants on its soil as also 14,000

registered by the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees.31

The United States Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Population,

Refugees and Migration has pointed out, following a visit to Bangladesh,

that Bangladesh is commendably supporting Rakhine refugees, and

that they can voluntarily return to Myanmar if political reconciliation

takes place, and conditions become safe.32 An interesting thing is that

unlike Rohingyas, Hindus of Myanmar are willing to return to their

homeland.33 This is because Myanmarese forces are not hostile to the

Hindus as Hindus are not involved in the terrorist activities in Myanmar.

An interesting fact is that during the time of the Rohingya-Buddhist

conflict, Rohingyas killed even the Hindus. The Myanmar Army

discovered mass graves of 28 Hindus, who were killed by the Rohingya

Muslims, in the Rakhine state.34 Moreover, in Cox’s Bazar of

Bangladesh, Rohingya refugees beat Hindu refugees, some of these

Hindu refugees were able to escape, whereas a Hindu refugee, Nirendra

Pal, was missing, and his brother, Rabindra Pal, was killed by the

Rohingyas.35 Hence, it is correct to observe that the ‘peace loving’

Rohingyas are not ready to tolerate any non-Muslims, no matter

Buddhists or Hindus. One striking thing is that unlike Muslims, the

Hindu community was integrated with the Buddhist community in

Burma.36 Unlike the muslim Rohingyas.

As already mentioned, in a Rohingya refugee camp of Cox’s Bazar,

18,000 Rohingya women are pregnant. Significantly, a survey, conducted

by ‘Save the Children,’ indicates that around 50,000 children will be

born in 2018 in the Rohingya refugee camps of Bangladesh.37 It is

apprehended that thus the steadfast increase of Muslim population, will

outnumber Rakhine Buddhists. According to a politician of Myanmar,

Shwe Maung, “they [Rohingyas] are trying to Islamise us through their


terrible birth rate.”38 Likewise, a spokesman of Rakhine State, Win

Myaing, said that “The population growth of Rohingya Muslims is 10

times higher than that of the Rakhine [Buddhists],” and he opines that

“Overpopulation is one of the causes of tension.”39 There are numerous

grim examples in history on how Islam used the strategy of population

growth to destroy indigenous religion and culture. For instance, centuries

ago, Indonesia was a Hindu state, whereas now 87.18 and 1.7 percent

of the total population of Indonesia are Muslims and Hindus,

respectively.40 Similarly, Malaysia, which used to be dominated by the

non-Muslims, especially Buddhists and Hindus, has now turned into an

Islamic country, with Muslims comprising 61.3 percent of the total

population.41 In addition, it has been shown below how the growth of

Muslim population has been changing the demographic patterns in

Chittagong and the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh.

Decline of Non-Muslim Population in Chittagong and CHT region (%)42

Year Religion Rangamati Khagrachhari Bandarban Cox’s Bazar

Chittagong

1981 Muslim 32.64 39.19 41.66 91.76 88.81

Buddhist 59.65 49.98 43.84 2.34 1.94

Hindu 5.91 17.29 2.67 5.75 14.08

1991 Muslim 39.27 47.45 47.62 92.13 83.92

Buddhist 53.83 35.51 38.00 2.17 2.01

Hindu 5.62 16.69 3.52 5.60 13.76

2001 Muslim 36.82 43.52 49.33 92.92 85.62

Buddhist 56.06 39.28 34.88 2.01 1.79

Hindu 5.31 16.43 3.62 4.91 12.37

2011 Muslim 35.15 44.67 50.75 93.97 86.90

Buddhist 58.23 37.68 31.69 1.65 1.59

Hindu 5.07 16.81 3.38 4.26 11.31

One can infer from this statistics that the process of infiltration and

gradual settlement of Muslim population in this hilly region is a major

reason behind the relative decline of non-Muslim population in the

Chittagong and CHT region. Whenever they thought it necessary,

Rohingyas migrated from Myanmar and settled in Chittagong.43

Here it is important to mention that for decades the policy of the

Bangladesh government and political leadership has been to replace

gradually the non-Muslim population in the CHT by Muslims. A matter

of added concern is that in South Asia, there are views that Bangladesh


has an aspiration to form a greater Islamic region, comprising West

Bengal, Assam, and parts of Arakan, of Bihar, of Meghalaya, and of

Tripura.44

In this context, the following figures are relevant.

Decline of Population of Hindus in Bangladesh (1941-2011)45

Year Percentage

1941 28.00

1951 22.00

1961 18.05

1971 13.05

1981 12.01

1991 10.05

2001 9.02

2011 8.05

It is unfortunate that in India, some political parties are campaigning

to provide shelter to the Rohingyas for their vote bank politics, although

it has been proved that Rohingyas have some connection with terrorism.

For instance, Hyderabad police arrested a Rohingya, Muhammad Ismail,

who was able to get a birth certificate issued from Dumdum, Kolkata.

First, he migrated to Bangladesh from Myanmar; then he came to

Kolkata from Bangladesh. A matter of great concern is that he had all

the crucial documents of Indian citizenship, such as the Aadhaar card,

Voter card, Pan card, and also Refugee card issued by the UN.46 It is

evident that without the help of local political leaders, no foreigner can

get these documents, and in West Bengal, leaders of Trinamool Congress

(TMC) allegedly are helping the Rohingyas. It is important to mention

here that TMC, the present ruling party in West Bengal, is illegally

providing shelter to the Rohingyas. For instance, in the Ghutiyari Sharif

of South 24 Parganas, which is a strong centre of TMC, Rohingya

infiltrators obtain shelter and financial support illegally from a wealthy

local Muslim, Hussain Gazi.47 Under the political patronage of TMC,

Muslims are extending their support to the Rohingya infiltrators.

Therefore, TMC is vocal about providing shelter to the Rohingyas, and

determined to disobey any order on Rohingyas by the Central

government. Significantly, in Kolkata, several Muslim organizations,

along with the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-(CPM)-and the

Congress Party, organised pro-Rohingya, anti-Myanmar, and anti-Centre

campaigns, whereas Pir Zada of Furfura Sharif Twaha Siddiqi praises

the Chief Minister of West Bengal for her pro-Rohingya and anti-


Centre policy. Twaha Siddiqi also threatens that Muslims have the

capacity to damage the Consulate of Myanmar in Kolkata. Moreover,

in this campaign, Adhir Choudhury, an MP (Member of Parliament) of

the Congress Party in Baharampur, West Bengal, openly asks for refugee

certificates from the West Bengal Government for the Rohingya refugees

illegally settled in Lilua of Howrah.48 Despite the fact that all Rohingyas

are not terrorists, it is important to remember that even a small number

of jihadis are capable of causing mayhem.49

On the question whether India should provide shelter to the

Rohingyas or not, the Governor of Tripura, Tathagata Roy, says that

when one crore Hindu refugees migrated from East Bengal in the 1950s,

and spent days in the Sealdah railway station in Kolkata, no political

leader shed their tears, whereas Muhammad Selim of the CPM says

that India cannot deny its responsibility towards Rohingyas; this is a

direct support for TMC on the issue of Rohingyas.50 Besides the above

mentioned pro-Rohingya political parties in West Bengal, a number of

intellectuals are quite vocal about providing shelter to the Rohingyas.51

Moreover, from West Bengal, Muslim organisations, like the All India

Minority Association, Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Hind, Ahl-e-Hadith, Sunnat-

al-Jamat, and Anjuman-e-Jamat-e-Ulema, etc. are consistently sending

relief to the Rohingyas located in Bangladesh.52 Unfortunately, no

organisation sent such relief to the Hindus and Buddhists in Bangladesh

or even raised voices against the Muslim jihadis when, to take a few

among numerous examples since 1947, Bangladeshi Muslims tortured

Buddhists in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in 1990, destroyed many

temples, and in 1992, again, tortured Hindus and Buddhists. From

2001 to 2004, moreover, during Khaleda Zia’s rule, inhuman torture on

Hindus forced a large number of them to migrate to India. Subsequently,

in 2012, a number of Buddhist temples were destroyed.53

One can observe that India is not a signatory of the UN Refugee

Convention of 1951. Contrary to India’s position on the UN Refugee

Convention of 1951, there is a claim that the non-refoulement policy is

recognised by article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

(UDHR), and as India is a party to international treaties, like the

International Covenant on Civil Political Rights (ICCPR) and the

International Covenant on Elimination of Racial Discrimination

(ICERD), which corroborate non-refoulement policy, India cannot turn

away its face from the Rohingya refugees. Hence, it is feasible to

recommend the formation of a legal structure for refugee settlement in

India.54 Such a recommendation, favoured by pro-Rohingya individuals/


agencies, if carried out, can severely damage the internal security of

India. Indeed, it is unfortunate that although Indian secularists and

liberals are earnestly pleading in favour of Rohingyas, they never protest

against the torture by Indonesia of the people of East Timor, by

Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Middle Eastern Muslims on the non-Muslim

religious communities, such as Hindus, Buddhists, Christians,

Zoroastrians, Yazidis, Jews, etc. They also prefer to stay silent on the

torture by Boko Haram in Nigeria of the non-Muslims.55

Significantly, according to the reports of the Indian intelligence

agencies, Rohingyas are a serious threat to India as there is ample

evidence that Rohingyas are backed by the Pakistani terrorist

organisations, like Lashkar-e-Taiyaba and Hijbul Mujahidin, and can

anytime carry out Islamic State (IS) type ‘lone wolf’ attacks in India.

The Central government of India has impressed such data on the

Supreme Court of India in response to the petitions sited by two

Rohingyas asking for shelter.56 As RAW (Research and Analysis Wing),

and Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, has reported to

the PMO (Prime Minister’s Office), Rohingyas have links with Jamat

Ud Dawa (JUD) of Hafiz Saeed. Moreover, several Indian intelligence

agencies affirm that Rohingyas have links with ISIS or IS. However,

opposition groups ignore national interest and urge upon the government

of India to provide shelter to Rohingyas. Islamic organisations, such as

the Zakat Foundation of India, Jamat-e-Islam, Hind, are supporting

Rohingyas. Similarly, Mani Shankar Aiyar, a top Congress leader, argues

that India should open its doors to Muslims as much as to Hindus,

whereas Bangladesh and Pakistan are opposing Rohingyas for their

terror links.57 Moreover, a marriage between a Bangladeshi and a

Rohingya is an offence punishable with seven years’ imprisonment.

Recently, Dhaka High Court imposed a fine of 100,000 Taka

(Bangladeshi currency) on Babul Hossain, because his son, Shoaib

Hossain Jewel, married a Rohingya woman and ran away, while his

father, Babul Hossain, submitted a writ petition to the High Court for

registration of Shoaib’s unlawful marriage.58 Interestingly, Bangladesh

denies the fact that Rohingyas are Chittagonians.59 Significantly,

Brussels-based think tank, International Crisis Group (ICG), reports

that Rohingya insurgents have connections with Saudi Arabia and

Pakistan.60 It is evident that Pakistan is using Rohingya refugees to

destabilise India, as Ashraf Asif Jalali, who is a Sunni Jihadi Council

Cleric linked with Lashkar-e-Taiyaba (LeT), has decided to recruit one

lakh young jihadis to carry out attacks on India.61 A matter of concern


is that Lashkar-e-Taiyaba and its brother organization, Falah-I-Insaniyat,

are very active in the Rohingya refugee camps of Cox’s Bazar.62

Interestingly, one Thai intelligence agency has observed that jihadis are

recruiting the Rohingya refugees in the southern provinces of Thailand,

which proves that the jihadis have a grand plan to terrorise the region.63

Therefore, the Central government has no option but to inform the

Supreme Court that Rohingyas are ‘illegal immigrants,’ and that they

are posing serious threats to the national security of India.64 Subramanyan

Swami, a BJP leader, confirms that Article 2 of the Constitution of

India restricts some rights for the sake of sovereignty and security of

the country.65

It is also important to note that despite not being citizens of India,

Rohingyas are able to use the legal instrument via an appeal to the

Supreme Court in order to set aside the plea of the Central government

that Rohingyas are infiltrators and should be thrown out of India.

Significantly, Article 19 of the Constitution of India ensures that only

Indian citizens have the right to reside and settle in any part of India;

so, illegal immigrants, e.g. Rohingyas, cannot ask for this fundamental

right reserved for the Indians, as stated in the affidavit filed by the

Ministry of Home Affairs in the Supreme Court.66 Surprisingly,

Rohingyas are able to establish settlements in Kashmir, whereas no

other Indian from outside Jammu and Kashmir is allowed to settle in

the valley. For instance, around 14,000 foreigners, including Rohingyas

and Bangladeshi nationals, are settled in Jammu and Samba Districts,

and from 2008 to 2016, their population increased by 6,000.67 Contrary

to normal Muslim practice, in order to stay in India, Rohingyas have

requested the Indian government to consider them as ‘Human’ instead

of ‘Muslim.’68

Indeed, from the above mentioned discussion, one can easily

observe that the Rohingyas are a serious threat to the national security

of any country, not to speak of multi-religious and multi-cultural

countries, like India. Hence, one cannot take the risk of considering the

Rohingya issue from an exclusively compassionate point of view.

Myanmar’s most influential civilian leader, Suu Kyi, has visited

Rakhine and tried to spread a message of peace.69 But, neither the

international human rights groups nor the refugees themselves appear

to feel assured. The Secretary General of the UN, Antonio Gueterres,

has met Myanmar State Counsellor, Suu Kyi, and requested Kyi to

facilitate the return of refugees to Myanmar.70 Interestingly, Suu Kyi

appears to benefit from the relative inaction of Association of South


East Asian Nations (ASEAN) on the issue of Rakhine Muslims, as was

manifest in course of the ASEAN summit in Manila in mid-November

2017.71

According to a 1992 Joint Declaration, Myanmar is to receive 300

Rakhine Muslims from Bangladesh everyday through two check-points.

But today Myanmar claims that this repatriation of Muslims will be

conditional on Rakhine Muslims supplying proof that they have been

inhabitants or citizens of Myanmar, that they are returning voluntarily,

that guardians of children born in Bangladesh must be inhabitants/

citizens of Myanmar, and that Bangladesh courts can guarantee the

nationality of Muslims separated from their families.72 Obviously, few

in Bangladesh rehabilitation camps can fulfil such conditions. Therefore,

in the foreseeable future, Rakhine refugees may have to continue to

live in squalid camps, although visits to these camps by such eminent

persons as foreign ministers of Germany, Sweden, Japan and the

diplomatic chief of the European Union, can only raise a faint glimmer

of hope.73

The Rakhine Muslim problem—which the world depicts briefly as

the Rohingya problem, whereas Myanmar prefers to call it the issue of

illegal Muslim immigrants from Bengal/East Pakistan/Bangladesh–is

not a sudden phenomenon, nor can it be viewed in total isolation from

such other problems affecting India as the illegal Bangladeshi Muslim

migration problem in eastern-northeastern parts of India. The Rohingya

problem, moreover, can be placed in the larger framework of the Saudi-

sponsored movement for establishment of the extreme Salafi version of

Wahabi Islam in different parts of the world. This is the assessment of

the highest religious head of Syrian Islam, the Grand Mufti, Ahmad

Badreddin Hassoun. Grand Mufti, Hassoun, recently visited New Delhi,

Srinagar, Lucknow and various other religious centres in India, and

provided extremely valuable assessment noted above, while he expressed

his amazement at how temples, mosques and universities were operating

independently in India and serving comprehensively the interests of the

people. In contrast, as Grand Mufti Hassoun appeared to stress, Saudi

Arabia was taking advantage of divisions in the Muslim world and

promoting its own authority by the dissemination of extremist Islam.

He pointed to the compelling need for redeployment of militias, trained

by Saudi Arabia (and the United States) after the establishment of

peace in Syria, as agents of Salafi Islam in new centres of Islamist

extremism, e.g. Rakhine. As to Jammu-Kashmir, Hassoun observed

that those who equated Islam to terrorism were really conspiring to


destroy Islam, and could hardly claim themselves to be Muslims.

Hassoun revealed that the spread of Salafism among Rakhine Muslims

was planned by the chief of the ARSA (Arakan Rohingya Salvation

Army), Ataullah or Hafiz Toha, since 2012, when he received necessary

instruction and support from Prince Bandar Bin Sultan, the Saudi

Ambassador to the US. The Rohingya uprising of 25 August 2017 was

planned for a long time by Ataullah, who formed Islamist sleeper cells

in Rakhine. The scale of the uprising was such as to provoke massive

military retaliation as also a chain reaction. Whereas Rohingya

infiltrators have been arrested from Assam, Manipur and Tripura (where

they entered illegally through Bangladesh), West Bengal remains a free

territory with no report of arrested Rohingyas.74

ARSA, significantly, is in the proud company of such other terrorist

agencies as Pakistan’s Jamat-ud-Dawa (JUD), Jaish-e-Muhammad

(JEM), Lashkar-E-Taiyaba (LET), Bangladesh’s Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI),

Islamic Chhatra Shibir (ICS), JEM Bangladesh (JMB), as also

Myanmar’s Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami Arakan. The activities of all these

militant agencies in three countries are reportedly being orchestrated

by Pakistan’s ISI and Al-Qaeda for fulfilment of the objective

propounded in the 2014 videotape of the Al Qaeda Amir, Ayman Al

Jawahiri. The objective is to repeat in Assam in 2019 what was done

in Kashmir in 1989, when Hindus in different Muslim-majority areas

of Kashmir were driven out by a deft use of terror and propaganda, so

as to create free jihadi areas without any presence of Hindus. Wahabi

groups, in collaboration with ISI and Al-Qaeda, are alleged to be engaged

in the formation of ‘Operation Assam 2019’ that they have been able to

influence NATO countries, especially Turkey, to campaign in favour of

rehabilitation of Rohingya refugees. ‘Operation Assam 2019’ has

received some impetus from the preparation of the National Register of

Citizens in Assam, alleging discrimination against Muslims. Arshad

Madani, the President of Jamiat Ulema-E-Hind, has complained of

discrimination as a conspiracy. He has even threatened that the situation

is so explosive as to lead to Myanmar-like disturbances in Assam.75

Along with India, however, Bangladesh too faces the threats of

militancy and destabilisation due to the recruitment and training of

Rohingya refugees by global terrorist organisations in the Cox’s Bazar

refugee camps of Bangladesh. Reportedly, a Pakistan Army Major has

been entrusted with the supervision of the process of recruitment and

training of Rohingya refugees. Some ostensibly charitable agencies,

e.g. JUD and Falah-I-Insaniyat, are also enthusiastic participants in this


process. One provocation for such activities targeting Bangladesh

Government has arisen out of trials of war criminals of 1971 by the

Hasina Government. Nevertheless, any militancy/instability in

Bangladesh, caused by Rohingyas, cannot but overflow into India,

especially Assam and West Bengal.76

By way of mitigation of such instability, India took a positive step

on 20 December 2017. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU),

signed with Myanmar on that date, signals India’s intention to assist

Myanmar in achieving normalcy in Rakhine, while facilitating the return

of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar. For this purpose, India has promised

to build pre-fabricated residences in Rakhine. Significantly, unlike the

Muslim or Western countries, India has not tried to exert any unwelcome

pressure or apply sanctions.77

References

1. Cresa L. Pugh, ‘Is Citizenship the Answer? Constructions of belonging

and exclusion for the stateless Rohingya of Burma,’ International Migration

Institute, University of Oxford, Working Paper No. 76 (October 2013),

p. 4.2. Burma/Bangladesh: Burmese Refugees in Bangladesh – Still No Durable

Solution, New York: Human Rights Watch, May 2000.3. Aye Chan, The Development of a Muslim Enclave in Arakan (Rakhine)

State of Burma (Myanmar), SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research, Vol. 3,

No. 2, Autumn 2005, p. 396.4. Ibid., p. 397.5. Arthur Purvis Phayre, “Account of Arakan,” Journal of the Asiatic Society

of Bengal, 10, 1841, p. 696.6. Chan, op. cit., p. 401.7. Pugh, p. 12.8. See Rangan Dutta, ‘Travails of the Rohingyas,’ The Statesman, Kolkata,

25 September 2017.9. Moshe Yeagar, The Muslims of Burma: A Study of Minority Group, Otto

Harrassowitz: Wiesbaden, 1972, pp. 26-27.10. Ibid., p. 27.11. Chan, op. cit., p. 406.12. See Atin Das, ‘Rohingyader durdashar pechhone royechhe santrasheeder

apakarma’ (Misdeeds of the terrorists are responsible for the troubles of

Rohingyas), Jugasankha, Kolkata, 9 September 2017.13. Swagato Sarkar and Prabhakar Singh, ‘India’s role in Rohingya resolution,’

The Statesman, 19 September 2017. Also see Pugh, pp. 14-15.


14. See Atin Das, ‘Rohingyader durdashar pechhone royechhe santrasheeder

apakarma’ (Misdeeds of the terrorists are responsible for the troubles of

Rohingyas), Jugasankha, 9 September 2017.15. Atin Das, ‘Rohingya sankat dakshin-purba Asiar jonno ek asani sanket’

(Rohingya crisis is an ominous sign for Southeast Asia), Jugasankha, 5

October 2017.16. Mahfuz Anam, ‘Rohingya crisis should concern region,’ The Statesman,

9 September 2017.17. “Rohingya rebels cry ‘open war’ as Yangon cracks whip,” The Statesman,

29 August 2017.18. Mike Winchester, ‘Birth of an ethnic insurgency in Myanmar,’ Asia Times,

Hong Kong, 28 August 2017; Paul Millar, ‘Sizing up the shadowy

leader of the Rakhine State insurgency,’ Southeast Asia Globe Magazine ,

Phnom Penh, 16 February 2017.19. ‘Army burns Rohingya villages in rebel purge,’ The Statesman, 30 August

2017.20. After rebels’ truce, Myanmar says ‘we don’t negotiate with terrorists,’

The Statesman, 11 September 2017.21. ‘Rohingya rebels claim ambush on Myanmar security forces,’ The

Statesman, 8 January 2018.22. ‘Rohingya arrivals in Bangladesh near 300,000,’ The Statesman, 10

September 2017.23. ABP News, 5 October 2017, Videotape.24. Jugasankha, 25 September 2017.25. Amader Shomoy, Dhaka, 25 September 2017.26 Jugasankha, 6 October 2017. Min Aung Hlaing, Myanmar’s army chief,

observed in a Facebook post that the army reaction to Muslim militancy

was proportionate, that the media exaggerated the number of refugees

from Myanmar, and that these refugees were all Bengali Muslims: Mint

News, Mumbai, 13 October 2017.27. Jannatul Ferdousi, Amadershomoy.com, 26 September 2017.28. Times Now, 18 September 2017, Videotape.29. AFP report from Dhaka, The Statesman, 6 November 2017.30. AFP Report from the United Nations, The Statesman, 8 November 2017.31. Statesman News Service report from New Delhi, The Statesman, 8

November 2017.32. AFP report from Washington DC, The Statesman, 9 November 2017.33. ‘Hindu refugees eagerly await return to Myanmar,’ The Statesman, 8

January 2018.34. ‘Mass grave of 28 Hindus killed by Rohingya militants found: Myanmar

Army,’ Hindustan Times.com, 24 September 2017.


35 ‘Ukhiyay Hindu Saranarthir Lash Uddhar, Rohingyader Biruddhe Hatyar

Abhijog’ (Dead body of a Hindu Refugee is found in Ukhiya, Rohingyas

are accused of the murder), Amadershomoy.com, 24 September 2017.36. Yeagar, op. cit., p. 29.37. Jugasankha, 8 January 2018.38. Patrick Winn, “Do ‘rapidly breeding’ Rohingya Muslims really threaten

Myanmar’s Buddhist identity?” Global Post, Boston, 14 October 2013.39. ‘2-child limit in Rohingya towns,’ The Hindu, 26 May 2013. Interestingly,

in the Rakhine refugee camps of Bangladesh, officials are deeply worried

about the implementation of family planning measures. Camps are

overcrowded, but the Muslim refugees show little interest in family

planning. Many Muslims have more than one wife, and the number of

children can sometimes exceed nineteen. Officials have been able to

distribute less than six hundred packets of condoms to Rakhine Muslims.

But the recipients are reluctant to use these condoms. Women believe

that birth control measures are sinful and anti-Islam. A mother of seven

children reports that her husband refuses to wear any condom. Jugasankha,

29 October 2017.40. Achintya Biswas, ‘Khudra Bharater Jatrapala’ (Opera of tiny India),

Jugasankha, 13 September 2017.41. Population Distribution and Basic Demographic Characteristic Report

2010, Department of Statistics, Malaysia.42. For this and other relevant details see Population & Housing Census

2011, Zila Report, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Informatics Division,

Ministry of Planning, Government of Peoples’ Republic of Bangladesh.43. Daily Janakantha, Dhaka, 3 October 2017.44. For details, see Bimal Pramanik, Endangered Demography, Kolkata: G..

C. Modak, 2005, pp. 5-6.45. These are well known facts for which there are numerous sources. But it

is advisable to consult Bangladesh Population Census 2011, and Bimal

Pramanik, Endangered Demography.46. Chitradeep Chakrabarty, ‘Hyderabad e Dhrita Rohingyar Janma Uttar

Dumdum e’ (Rohingya caught in Hyderabad born in North Dumdum), Ei

Samay, Kolkata, 16 September 2017.47. Raktim Das, ‘Ghutiyari Sharife Rajyer Ekmatro Rohingya Shibir’ (The

only Rohingya camp of West Bengal is in Ghutiyari Sharif), Jugasankha,

5 January, 2018.48. Ei Samay, 12 September 2017.49. Shantanu Mukharji, ‘Rohingyas and disturbing fallouts,’ The Statesman,

1 January 2018.50. Jugasankha, 11 September 2017.


51. See Jawahar Sarkar, ‘Bharat antata ja korte parto’ (What India could at

least do), Ananda Bazar Patrika, Kolkata, 27 September 2017.52. Jugasankha, 6 October 2017.53. For startling facts, see Jayanta Kumar Ray, Democracy and Nationalism

on Trial: A Study of East Pakistan, Simla : Indian Institute of Advanced

Study, 1968, esp. pp. 32-39, 278-82; and Jayanta Kumar Ray, India’s

Foreign Relations 1947-2007 , London/New Delhi: Routledge, 2016, esp.

Chapter 6. The international community took very little interest, except

in atrocities by Muslims in CHT. In sharp contrast to abject negligence

by the world community towards atrocities by Muslims on non-Muslims

in East Bengal/East Pakistan/Bangladesh over a period of seven decades,

the explicit concern for Rohingiyas in 2017 is a pleasant, if not puzzling,

surprise: note, e.g. the concern of the European Union and the United

States for Rohingyas reported in The Daily Observer, Dhaka, 25 November

2017 and The Statesman, 7 December 2017; “Extremists ‘linked’: 12

Buddhist Temples Torched, 50 Houses Smashed,” The Daily Star, Dhaka,

1 October 2012.

It is of interest to note that Hindus in East Bengal/East Pakistan/

Bangladesh never received any compensation for financial losses due to

unilateral atrocities by Muslims. In contrast, victims of sex slavery,

practised by victorious Japanese soldiers in areas including present day

South Korea, have received substantial (even if inadequate) compensation

from the government of Japan: see, e.g. Walter Qim, ‘Cannot be Swept

Under the Carpet,’ The Statesman, 24 December 2017.54. Saurabh Bhattacharjee, ‘India needs proper refugee legislation,’ The

Statesman, 8 September 2017.55. ‘Rohingyas threat to national security,’ The Statesman, 19 September

2017.56. ‘Rohingya Srote Bharate Dhhukche Pak Jongira’ (Pakistani Terrorists are

entering in India with waves of Rohingyas), Jugasankha, 15 September

2017.57. Times Now, 13 September 2017, videotape.58. Daily Janakantha, 8 January 2018; AFP report from Dhaka, The

Statesman, 9 January 2018.59. Chan, op. cit., p. 415.60. Jacob J., ‘Rohingya militants in Rakhine have Saudi, Pakistan links,

think tank says,’ International Business Times, New York, 15 December

2016; Simon Lewis, ‘Myanmar’s Rohingya insurgency has links to Saudi,

Pakistan,’ Reuters, 16 December 2016.61. Times Now, 18 September 2017, Videotape.62. Mausam Akan, ‘Bangladesher Rohingya Shibire Gopone Sakriya Lashkar-

e-Taiyaba!’ (Lashkar-e-Taiyaba is secretly active in the Rohingya camps

of Bangladesh), Jugasankha, 11 January 2018.


63. Shantanu Mukharji, ‘Rohingyas and disturbing fallouts,’ The Statesman,

1 January 2018.64. ‘Rohingyas threat to national security,’ The Statesman, 19 September

2017.65. Times Now, 18 September 2017, Videotape.66. ‘Rohingyas threat to national security,’ The Statesman, 19 September

2017.67. ‘We settled in J&K out of compulsion: Rohingya,’ The Statesman,

21 August 2017.68. Jugasankha, 12 September 2017.69. Jugasankha, 9 November 2017.70. PTI report from Manila, The Statesman, 15 November 2017.71. AP report from Yangon, The Statesman, 14 November 2017.72. Report from news agencies in Rakhine, Jugasankha, 1 November 2017.73. AFP report from Dhaka, The Statesman, 18 November 2017.74. Information in the preceding paragraph has been collected from a long

article by Atin Das, Jugasankha, 19 October 2017.75. For an elucidation of data in the preceding paragraph, see Atin Das,

Jugasankha, 18 November 2017.76. Shantanu Mukharji, ‘Rohingya influx poses security challenge,’ The

Statesman, 20 October 2017.77. For an appropriate commentary on this India-Myanmar MoU, see an

editorial ‘India and Rakhine’ in The Statesman, 25 December 2017.


Vision for Developing Andaman andNicobar Islands

Introduction

Francis Sempa, in his book Geopolitics: From the Cold War to the 21st

Century has brought out how geography has been a major factor in

influencing the geopolitical orientation of a country. It is an accepted

fact that a continental setting of a nation is likely to orientate it towards

land whereas an insular or island location would orientate it to sea. In

case of countries that are situated on continent but also have access to

ocean, it could be either a sea or land orientation. However, the modern

day 21st century reality is that even though geography is constant, its

impact can change with the technology and scientific advance being

made. Therefore, the national power, national interests and national

strategic thinking could also be attributed to geographic factors.

India, the seventh largest country in the world, shares its 15000

kilometers land borders with Pakistan, China, Bhutan, Nepal, Myanmar,

and Bangladesh. The narrowest distance between India and Sri Lanka

is only 64 km. Large part of Jammu and Kashmir area is disputed with

Pakistan, and the Aksai Chin area of Jammu and Kashmir is disputed

with China, as is the border of Arunachal Pradesh in northeast India.

The decades old pending border demarcation with Bangladesh has been

resolved in 2015.

* Air Marshal (Retd.) P.K. Roy is former Commander in Chief, Andaman &

Nicobar Command and Commandant National Defence College, New Delhi.

The article is based on research work done and published at USI, India while

holding Admiral Katari Chair of Excellence.


India shares maritime borders with five countries. Its 7,516

kilometers long coastline comprises 5,422 km for the mainland, 132km

for the Lakshadweep Islands, and 1,962 km for the Andaman and

Nicobar Islands. The Indian peninsula extends 1,980 km into the Indian

Ocean. Fifty per cent of the Indian Ocean basin lies within a 1,500 km

radius of India, a reality that has strategic implications. India has 1,197

islands in the Indian Ocean. (572 in the Andaman and Nicobar – 37 of

which are inhabited – and 23 in the Lakshadweep – 10 of which are

inhabited. In addition, there are 447 islands off the western coast and

151 islands off the eastern coast.

Indian Strategic Thinking

This unique characteristic of the Indian geography has guided its culture

and strategic thinking over the years. Its strategic thinking has been

profoundly influenced by its geography, history, culture and over two

centuries of the British rule. Geography, in the ultimate analysis has

had a profound effect on the thinking of Indian leaders/ decision makers.

Regular invasion of India from the North-West over centuries has

been responsible for the mindset of the Indian leaders adopting a

continental orientation over the oceans. The 20 th century military

conflicts with a belligerent Pakistan in the West (Indo-Pak conflicts of

1947 and others thereafter) and that with China to the North/ Northeast

(the 1962 conflict and the continuing border issues) have reinforced

this strategic thinking. Even today Pakistan in the northwest occupies

most of our attention followed by China in the north and north east.

However, South India which was relatively shielded from these invaders

has had an outlook more inclined towards the oceans. They have had a

very rich maritime heritage and culture with bustling trade nearly 2000

years back. India’s failure to appreciate the maritime domain has led

partially to the neglect of our strategic, security and economic prosperity.

All these are indicators of absence of a comprehensive vision on

maritime outlook except for a few states in South India.

What emerges, therefore, is that India has been hesitant to exploit

its maritime strength in general and that of the strategically located

Andaman and Nicobar Islands specifically. The ever evolving strategic

dynamism of the 21st century in the Indian Ocean Region re-emphasizes

the strategic importance of these islands.


Brief Historical Background of Andaman and Nicobar Islands

(ANI)

Located on the busiest Sea Lines of Communications of the world, the

Andaman and Nicobar Islands have historically been inhabited by tribal

population. These islands find mention in the writings as far back as

the 7th century (Chinese Buddhist monk I-ching). Occupation by the

Chola dynasty, its use as a maritime base for Maratha ships in the 17 th

century, exploits these islands by Admiral Kanhoji Angre, its occupation

by the British and the Japanese indicates the appreciation of the strategic

significance of these islands since time immemorial.

Lord Cornwallis, the governor-general of India, in 1788, sent

Lieutenant Archibald Blair and Lieutenant R. H. Colebrook to check

the suitability of Andaman and Nicobar Islands for establishing a British

Colony. They established the first settlements on Chatham Island, a

small island near Port Cornwallis. The British, thereafter, founded a

penal settlement in Andaman and Nicobar Islands, after the

‘SepoyMutiny’ of 1857, with the sole intention of housing the ever

increasing number of rebels accused with disloyalty towards the British

empire. In 1887, construction of the jail at Port Blair commenced –

which came to be known as ‘Cellular Jail’ or ‘Kalapani.’ The large

number of so-called convicts who were housed at the Cellular Jail

suffered shocking atrocities under the British rule.

The Japanese occupied the Andaman and Nicobar Islands during

the WW-II in 1942 and continued their occupation till 1945, when the

islands were recaptured by the British. Thereafter, these islands became

a part of India on the 15 August, 1947 when India got its independence.

The government of India decided to populate these islands through

settling of the Bengali community mostly from erstwhile East Pakistan,

now Bangladesh, which lasted from 1949 to 1970s. Many mainland

settlers including ex-servicemen belonging to various communities –

the Tamilian, Marathi, Malayali and Punjabi communities were also

encouraged to rehabilitate there.

Strategic Significance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands

Unfortunately, the strategic significance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands

has somehow never been completely appreciated by the Government of

India. Very few know the fact that during the transfer of power to

India, these islands were almost lost out as the British wanted to exclude

them from the transfer of power and keep them as their base in the


region. Pakistan too had laid claim on these islands as an extension of

East Pakistan. Fortunately, better sense prevailed and on the advice of

Lord Mountbatten, the Viceroy and Governor General of India, it finally

became a part of India. The government actually seems to have

awakened to significance of these islands only during the 1965

Indo-Pak War, when Indonesia had threatened to occupy some of the

Islands on behalf of Pakistan. Unfortunately, even today there is little

change in the strategic orientation despite extensive geo-political

changes. The strategic potential of these isands has not yet been fully

appreciated. This is despite the fact that IOR (Indian Ocean Region)

has once again become the Ocean of the 21st century.

The 21st century IOR, one of the most complex regions has become

an oceanic highway for the resource hungry growing economies of

Asian region, especially China and beyond. The existing locations of

oil and gas production platforms, Ocean based resources, movement of

energy resources through the IOR SLOC (Sea Lines of Communication)

are vital to the region’s economic productivity particularly that of the

developing states. Energy flow through the East Indian Ocean region is

controlled by five choke points namely Malacca Straits, Lombok Straits,

Sunda Straits, Six Degree Channel and Eight Degree Channel. An

economically buoyant China is looking beyond its region of influence

for access to resources as well as markets – into the Indian Ocean

Region through these choke points. It is using its economic power and

advantages thereof to realize its security and strategic goals in the

region of Indian Ocean. IOR would, by all accounts be the focus in

Chinese aspirations in enlarging this influence specially in the region

where it feels it is vulnerable and suspects interference by others

including India. These choke points located in the vicinity of the

Andaman and Nicobar islands, make these islands sentinels or gateways

to this oceanic highway and resource rich area as they sit astride the

Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC).

Andaman and Nicobar Islands are a valuable strategic asset for

India that can play a pivotal role in the emerging 21st century maritime

competition between India and China. Chinese ever increasing demand

for resources, its dependence on the maritime route for transporting

them from the Middle East/Africa and the need to look for alternate

source of resources i.e. sea bed resource manifest in its determination

to expand its influence in the Indian Ocean region. It considers the

ability of some countries including India to block its trade route by

blocking the Strait of Malacca – the “Malacca Dilemma,” as the greatest


threat to its development and prosperity. This threat manifests itself

through its ever increasing establishment of bases along the length of

Indian Ocean Region.

The Chinese presence in and around the Malacca Strait in the

Andaman Sea, Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea should be a cause of

concern for the Indian decision makers. Some of the major moves by

China that threatens Indian interest, especially in and around the

Andaman and Nicobar Islands are described in the succeeding

paragraphs.

80 per cent of China’s resource imports and exports of finished

goods have to pass through the Strait of Malacca. The Chinese believe,

and rightly so that – whoever controls the Strait of Malacca will control

its energy route through the IOR. In order to secure its energy and

trade routes, China over the years has initiated steps to enhance its

naval capacity and capability. This author can recall how way back in

2002-2005 during his tenure as the Military and Air Attaché at Embassy

of Ukraine, China bought the 70 per cent completed under construction

aircraft carrier ‘Varyag’ from Ukraine under false pretenses of utilizing

it as a floating casino through a Hong Kong based businessman. This

vessel was under construction at the bankrupt state-owned Ukrainian

shipyard at the time of disintegration of the Soviet Union. It was later

taken over by China’s armed forces, refurbished and launched as China’s

first aircraft carrier in 2012 – “Liaoning.”

China has been funding and executing construction of new ports/

modernizing existing ports in a large number of countries along the

Indian Ocean Region that form a part of its Maritime Silk Route

initiative.

There have been reports of China developing runways and other

monitoring infrastructure at Coco Island (Myanmar). If true, then their

presence so close to the ANI, would provide it with tremendous

advantage.

It is modernizing the Chittagong Port (Bangladesh) and attempting

to get a preferential access to it. It is also funding the modernisation of

Mongla port and is competing with Japan for construction of a deep

water port at Sonadia. It has been providing military hardware to

Bangladesh over the years and is now has provided submarines recently.

Construction of Hambantota port marked the beginning of the

establishment of “string of pearls” in the IOR. China is also supporting

Sri Lanka in establishment of the South Colombo Port’s, Colombo

International Container Terminal (CICT) under a BOT contract. Visits


by Chinese warships and submarines have reinforced this belief i.e.

Chinese objectives in Sri Lanka may not be merely commercial.

Pakistan has always been a Chinese proxy and the recipient of

enormous Chinese aid and investment. The Gwadar Deep Sea Port

(GDSP) and CPEC (a US$ 46 billion project) linking Gwadar with

China through road and pipeline passing through the Indian territory of

Gilgit, Baltistan and Pak occupied Kashmir (PoK) are the latest examples

of the same. The Pak military has acquired a large number of different

types of naval platforms like ships and submarines from China making

them dependent on the Chinese military hardware. Gwadar, located

close to Strait of Hormuz provides excellent support to the PLAN

(People’s Liberation Army Navy) in its operations in the IOR.

With Malaysia, China has recently commenced construction of a

new off-shore trading port in Malacca called as the Melaka Gateway,

with an aim to replace Singapore as the main trading port of SE Asia.

According to projections, 100,000 shipping vessels are likely to dock

at the port, without having to stop by the monopoly route held by

Singapore over the past few centuries. The Melaka Gateway will provide

China a foothold of permanent presence in Malacca Straits and would

allow the area to be kept under constant surveillance. This would also

provide them opportunity also to monitor all other traffic and possibly

enforce unlawful maritime control regimes thereby, effectively shrinking

the manoeuvering space for US and Indian Navies.

It has increased its conventional and nuclear submarine patrols in

the IOR since 2009. It has exploited the opportunity of deployments in

anti-piracy operations off the Somalia coast to maintain its presence in

the IOR as well as test and train its ability to deploy its navy in distant

waters sending even nuclear submarines into Indian Ocean.

Thus, it is clearly evident that China is highly dependent on the

choke point of Malacca Strait apart from others in the Indian Ocean

Region for its resources. While on one hand this shows its limitations

on oceanic imports, on the other hand its attempts to modernization of

the PLAN, establishment of bases in the IOR along with forward

presence submarine capabilities, is indicative of China seeking to secure

the routes of supply.

Thus, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, located close to these critical

maritime choke points is an extremely valuable geopolitical asset for

India that provides it with huge geographical and strategic advantage in

the Indian Ocean Region. The significance of these islands lies in the

fact that the southernmost island of the chain is just 90 km from


Indonesia. This location of these islands allows India to play into China’s

psyche by creating an Indian version of the Western Pacific’s first-

island chain. Yet successive Indian governments have been slow to act,

even after appreciating the importance of these islands and declaring

their intention to develop them. They continue to treat these islands as

a distant outpost rather than leveraging their unique location at the very

center of one of the most strategic stretches of ocean space.

Over the past decade, in spite of having declared our intention to

beef up the infrastructure, bare minimum action was initiated. The 21st

century change in the geopolitics of the Indian Ocean Region demands

a change in the Indian Maritime Strategy and the need to focus on

developing these islands as a strategic asset. On a positive note, it is

heartening to see a change in the strategic thinking and re-evaluation of

the government policies towards these islands. The present Indian

government has awakened to the likelihood of a profound Chinese

engagement in the Indian Ocean.

Acknowledging the strategic importance of ANI and appreciating

the Chinese Indian Ocean strategy, Prime Minister Modi has taken the

initiative and is paying a considerable amount of attention to the overall

maritime security of India and development of ANI in particular.

However, the government needs to push the bureaucracy to fast forward

decision-making for projecting both, soft and hard power into the region

and signal China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy about its willingness

to counter any misdemeanour.

Andaman & Nicobar Islands is located over 1200 km east of the

Indian mainland. The topography of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands

has a typical character with the presence of 572 islands and islets,

spread over a length of 720 km in a broken chain which form

geologically a part of the land mass of South East Asia including,

North East India, Myanmar, Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia. Only

37 of these islands are inhabited. This island chain can be classified

into two groups of islands with the North Andaman, Middle Andaman,

South Andaman and Little Andaman forming the Andaman group, and

Great Nicobar, Car Nicobar, Nancowry, Katchal and Chowra forming

the Nicobar group. This archipelago of 572 islands covers an area of

8249 square kilometres.

The Andaman and Nicobar Islands have a coast line of 1962 kms

and the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of the Islands is 6 lakh sq.

kilometers amounting about 28 per cent of the EEZ of the country. The


EEZ of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands is known to provide vast

scope for exploitation of the fishery resources in the Islands. The huge

advantage thrown up by these islands provides India with tremendous

economic potential for tourism, fisheries, forests and to enable India to

add about 30 per cent of its additional EEZ which needs to be exploited.

However, the remoteness of ANI makes them susceptible to

conventional threats in general and non-conventional threats in particular.

Although the present geopolitical and security environment in the region

does not indicate any major immediate conventional threat, this could

change. Regular incursions by Chinese Naval ships and submarines in

these waters along with their attempt to enhance influence in the region

remain a potential cause of concern and will only increase. China

could exploit the logistic support established by it through its ‘String of

Pearls’ along the length of the Indian Ocean Region to plan mischief in

the uninhabited islands of ANI in the not-so-distant future.

The immediate challenges confronting these islands emanate from

non-conventional threats such as poaching of marine and forest

resources, illegal migration, arms smuggling and natural disasters in

particular earthquakes and tsunamis. The increase of illegal human

trafficking, drug trade, spread of terrorism, extremism and smuggling

requires to be curbed by strengthening the security establishment and

boosting local trade. Numerous islands are devoid of human presence

which makes them vulnerable to narcotics smuggling, intrusion by

foreign vessels, and other incursions. There is an urgent requirement to

give India a stronger physical foothold in the region. The Ten Degree

Channel is about 80 nautical miles wide requiring a close watch to be

kept over the movement of ships and military vessels that pass through

these waters. Surveillance in the southern group of islands is a major

challenge due to lack of road infrastructure and communication facilities.

Moreover, construction activity is restricted to just about six months a

year due to heavy rainfall. The pace of development is extremely slow

and needs to be handled with a strategic perspective at Delhi.

Strengths and Weaknesses

Strengths

India’s aspirations of furthering its economic, political and military

interests in the Indian Ocean Region/ the Asia-Pacific region, especially

in the presence of an assertive China which is progressively becoming

more active in the region, can be realised through the Andaman and


Nicobar Islands. It is high time India seizes this opportunity to develop

the islands as a hub or a ‘spring board’ for power projection on priority.

The ever increasing Chinese influence in the littorals can be counter

balanced by the Indian push towards development of Andaman and

Nicobar Islands using the ‘Sagar Mala’ initiative.

A combination of geographical location straddling the choke point

of Malacca Straits at a distance of over 1200 km from the Indian

mainland and the 750 km North to South spread of the makes ANI a

valuable geo-political asset in the 21st century by playing a crucial role

in the maritime competition of the region.

The EEZ of ANI has significant potential for growth and

development of fishing and mining of undersea resources so crucial to

the economy of the nation.

Location and potential for development of tourism are important

strengths of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Close proximity to the

busiest international trade routes of other South East Asian countries

along with intrinsic natural and rich sources assists in leveraging the

‘Act East’ policy.

The Andaman and Nicobar Islands has the potential of being

developed as a container transhipment port, for the international/ national

ships passing through the Ten Degree Channel.

These islands could provide multiple military options for India to

keep the busiest sea lanes under surveillance and for power projection.

Development and strengthening of military infrastructure in Andaman

and Nicobar Islands can provide the potential to balance the grave

uncertainties surrounding China’s maritime intentions and influence in

the Indian Ocean. These islands have the potential to balance the Chinese

influence through tracking Chinese and other extra regional powers

movements and keeping these under surveillance.

The islands provide an ideal setting for progressing jointness in

the Indian Armed Forces.

Weaknesses

Isolation from the mainland, dispersed islands, environmental constraints

including sensitivities towards Tribal Reserves, National Parks and

Wildlife sanctuaries lead to consequent limited availability of land are

the major factors inhibiting development of ANI in its entirety.

All developmental activity in ANI including defence infrastructure

and tourism has to be sensitive to ecological fragility.


Application of environmental restriction similar to that of the

mainland to these unique islands is a major constraint in availability of

land and infrastructure development

Another major weakness is that the existing force deployment and

infrastructure as also organizational perspectives including jointness

are inhibiting the capability building and development of full force

potential of the Andaman and Nicobar Command. This is a major

organizational weakness.

Non-availability of proper telecommunication and poor air and sea

connectivity impacts economic and strategic development activities

which ultimately lead to non-availability of a proper industrial base.

Andaman and Nicobar Islands face greater challenges to their

internal security through non-conventional threats such as illegal

migration from littoral states of the Bay of Bengal, poaching of marine

and forest resources, arms and narcotics smuggling through uninhabited

islands and natural disasters

Strategic Options and Policy Recommendation

Long Term Strategic Options

The Chinese initiatives outlined above, demands an urgent shift in the

strategic thinking of India to Act Eastwards and develop the Andaman

and Nicobar Islands in order to secure the SLOCs, exploit the Chinese

weakness in Malacca and force projection as and when required. The

available time frame of about five years or so, when the Chinese

modernization plan is likely to be in the advance stage of fructifying,

will not permit the holistic development of the islands – economic and

infrastructure development and allocation of additional defence

resources. As developing the islands will be a long drawn effort, India

needs to leverage its ability to influence the regional countries, in

particular with Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Indonesia

among other littorals both politically and militarily to limit the Chinese

challenge – basically to buy time to build up the islands to a credible

deterrence level.

Broad Policy Recommendations

As India’s power and influence grows in the Indian Ocean Region as

well as the global level, the government and its national security

policymaking have to keep pace with fast changing geopolitical


environment and harness the potential of Andaman and Nicobar Islands

to protect its larger interests.

The wide gap between the ambition to develop these islands and

the ground reality requires to be bridged through a strong political will,

strategic vision, effective leadership and focused attention.

Policy initiatives must include practical and developmental

orientation towards environmental and tribal issues for overall strategic

development of the islands. Long-term strategy for sustainable

development is the need of the hour.

There is an urgent need to enhance connectivity in its entirety –

Air Link, Shipping including ports/ ships and Communication.

Develop the long awaited Container transshipment port as a strategic

asset, irrespective of economic/ environmental considerations.

Make the islands self-sustaining as far as possible, through development

of Tourism, Fisheries, Agriculture, small-scale industries based on local

inputs. Tourism, fisheries and exploitation of sea based resources in the

EEZ is to be encouraged on priority.

The likelihood of escalation of current non-conventional threats to

conventional threat in future should be the underlying theme of

enhancing the security of these islands.

Threat assessment and corresponding force allocation should be a

joint decision at the level of Chiefs of Staff Committee for the Joint

Command and approved by Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS).

Entire resources in terms of force levels, maintenance, infrastructure

and funds for these resources are to be allocated separately to HQ

Andaman and Nicobar Command.

The strategic importance of these islands that stand sentinel astride

the major SLOCs and choke point of Indian Ocean Region demands

that the Andaman and Nicobar Command be given the priority it

warrants. The current force levels are inadequate for the task allotted.

A lot more is required to be done to unlock the potential of its location.

The government needs to provide it with the much needed bare minimum

force-levels and infrastructure at a rapid pace, if it wants to leverage

the Command as a pivot to secure the sea lanes and counter China’s

strategic moves in region.

Conclusion

It is true that India has traditionally been grappling with land based

threats and has always had a north and west ward looking philosophy.


The concept of ocean based strategy was absent from the Indian strategic

thinking. However, now it’s ‘Act East’ policy has begun to mature. In

this overstretched strategically important space of the Indian Ocean

Region, India is located at the tri-junction of Western, Southern and

Southeast Asia. It enjoys a strategic centrality, dominating the Indian

Ocean Region and its SLOCs making it the biggest stake holder in the

region. Therefore, India has self-interest in the security of this geo-

strategic maritime area.

While India cannot stop China from entering into the Indian Ocean,

it needs to strengthen its strategic assets. It needs to focus on a holistic

development of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands through a combination

of strategic investments and increasing military strength in the Andaman

and Nicobar Command to counter China. The Chinese forays in to the

Indian Ocean should be taken as a wake-up call in terms of Indian

preparedness in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. If India fails to use

its geographic advantages in the region, it will face an emboldened

PLAN. The geostrategic position of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands

makes them central to any Indian response to rising Chinese influence

in the Indian Ocean Region. Fortifying the Andaman-Nicobar Islands

would be the first step toward a more robust Indian Ocean strategy.

The significance of developing these islands, therefore, cannot be

overemphasized especially in the fast developing maritime dynamics in

the region. India must take advantage of its geography, specifically of

the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

(Based on and includes excerpts from the book Strategic Vision

2030 – Security and Development of Andaman and Nicobar Islands

Coauthored by Air Marshal P. K. Roy and Commodore Aspi Cawasjee

published by Vij Publications as a part of research at USI, India.)


Nature and Implication ofRadhakrishnan’s Idealism

Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan is fully devoted to the traditions of absolute

idealism. He draws sustenance from Upanisads, Vedanta, Tagore and

Gandhi on the one hand, and Pluto, Plotinus, Bradley and Whitehead

on the other. He has the rare virtue of being well versed in the great

traditions of both the east and the west. He has the intellectual calibre

to be at ease with the two traditions, and to evolve a philosophy of

synthesis. But his fundamental convictions are deeply rooted in Indian

traditions. The seminal notions of his own philosophy are generally

derived from the ancient Indian philosophy – particularly from the

Vedântic tradition, but he has a knack of presenting such ideas into

idioms and models of western thought. C.E.M. Joad, in his book

Counter attacks from the East, describes Radhakrishnan’s metaphysical

standpoint as “the function, the unique function which Radhakrishnan

fulfils today is that of a liaison officer. He seeks to build a bridge

between the traditional wisdom of the east and the new knowledge and

energy of the west.”1 He began his intellectual career with a firm

determination to expound the justification of ethical life of Hinduism.

He has refuted the charge that Hinduism bristles with contradictions at

the metaphysical plane and has also shown that the mystical flights of

Hinduism are not necessarily negation of worldly life. He has his eyes

turned both on Sreyas and Preyas – the transcendent beyond and the

mundane here and now.2 He remarks that “Hinduism is a movement,

not a position; a process, not a result; a growing tradition, not a fixed

revelation. Its past history encourages us to believe that it will be found

* Dr. Sanjay Kumar Shukla, Associate Professor, Philosophy Department, Ewing

Christian College, Gaughat, Allahabad-211003 (Uttar Pradesh).


equal to any emergency that the future may throw up, whether in the

field of thought or of history.”3 Its theme is unity amidst plurality and

diversity. For him Hinduism has a comprehensive character because it

believes in a variety of interpretations for reality and thereby offers a

counterpoise to sectarian prejudices and fanatical intolerance.4

Radhakrishnan could discover identity of fundamental spiritual and

moral principles in Hinduism and other religions of the world.

The philosophy of Radhakrishnan represents the synthesis of

Advaita Vedanta and Bradley’s philosophy of absolute idealism. He

takes up the monistic character of former that reality is one, and endorses

the latter view that everything is a necessary aspect of the one organic

whole. His philosophy can be described as a philosophy of ‘monistic

idealism.’ The metaphysical idealism is a prominent trait of his

philosophy for two reasons:

1. The ultimate reality is spiritual in nature.

2. It believes that there is a spiritual ideal towards which the

entire world process is progressing. An idealist, in this sense,

is a teleologist who believes in the ultimate meaning and

purpose of the universe.

He has made a serious effort to demonstrate that the ultimate nature

of the universe is spiritual, and that unless the spiritual sense is

awakened, man’s life will remain chaotic – a life of anguish and evil.

He finds absolute idealism to be most convincing and he declares “the

system which plays the game of philosophy fairly and squarely, with

freedom from presuppositions and with religious neutrality, ends in

absolute idealism.” The absolute (Brahman) is the pure, alone and

unmanifest, nothing and all thing, that transcends any definite form of

expression and yet is the basis of all expression, the one in whom all is

found and yet all is lost. Radhakrishnan also adheres to the conceptual

distinction between God (Isvara) and the Absolute (Brahman).

Samkaracarya maintains that God as the supreme personal spirit is

lower than the Absolute, the former is called the lower Brahman

(Aparabrahman) as distinguished from the latter, which is called the

higher Brahman (Parabrahman). The lower Brahman continues to exist,

so long as the world continues to exist.5 For Radhakrishnan the naive

distinction of ‘higher’ and ‘lower’ to the spiritual realms shows the

pathetic attempt of the human mind to incorporate the notions of feudal

and despotic society in the domain of transcendent. He maintains that

“God is the definitization of the Absolute in reference to the values of

the world,” is more plausible statement although that may offend the


theistic position. If ultimate reality is the impersonal Absolute, of whom

nothing positive can be predicated, what value can we attach to the

concept of a personal God? Radhakrishnan’s reply is that the personal

God does answer to certain intense needs. “We cannot worship the

Absolute whom no one had seen or can see, who dwells in the light that

no one can approach unto.”6 The finite mind can picture the Absolute

only in the form of God. The conception of a personal God is the

fusion of the highest logical thought with the deepest religious

conviction. The supra-personal and the personal representations of the

real are the absolute and the relative way of expressing the one reality.

“Absolute and God” are not mutually exclusive concepts, rather they

are related. The Absolute is the pre-cosmic nature of God, and God is

the Absolute from the cosmic point of view.”7

Radhakrishnan maintains that the main function of a philosophical

inquiry is to provide the explanation of the universe. The explaining

principle has to be ultimately real because it has to work as the basis

for everything real. In conceiving the nature of ultimate reality he leans

heavily on the Vedânta. The Advaita Vedânta conceives the ultimate

reality as the Brahman, which is the logical prius of the universe. The

naturalists might assert at this juncture that there is no need of positing

any super-natural or spiritual principle for explaining the universe

because everything can be easily explained naturally. Radhakrishnan

condemns the naturalistic standpoint as “it looks upon the world as a

sort of an automatic machine which goes on working in a blind

haphazard way. It reduces the temporal world to unconscious forces,

makes life, consciousness and value mere by-products. It believes that

the world machine needs only to be taken to pieces to be

comprehended.”8 He, therefore, asserts that the naturalistic explanation

fails to appreciate the nature of ultimate reality as any principle which

tries to explain it is bound to be a spiritual principle. The Absolute is

conceived by Radhakrishnan as “pure consciousness, pure freedom and

infinite possibility.” Whereas the first two characters have been

described, more or less, in the Vedantic manner, the third character has

been explained in terms of Hegelian idealism. The Absolute is pure

consciousness, because consciousness is the most ineffable and the

constantly existing phenomenon. We cannot think of any stage of

existence without relating it to consciousness. It is an infinite possibility

because infinite worlds could arise or manifest from it; the universe is

only one possibility of the Absolute. It is pure freedom because its act

of actualising a possibility is not determined by anything, it is a free


act. It could have created a world different in every detail from that

which is actual. The Absolute is free infinite spirit and its nature is

changeless, eternal and completely perfect. It is the whole of perfection

while everything else is imperfect. There may be degrees of perfection

but the wholly perfect is the Absolute. For Radhakrishnan the Absolute

is beyond all its expressions. He says: “Pure being which is the Absolute

can only be indicated. It can be alluded to but not described.”9

II

Radhakrishnan’s owes allegiance to Advaitic metaphysics which has

subtle differences regarding Absolute and God. Samkarâcârya makes

such distinction on the basis of transcendental (Pârmârathika Drsti)

and empirical point of view (Vyâvahârika Drsti). Radhakrishnan does

not subscribe to the distinction between Absolute and God on the basis

of these two points of view of Vedânta. He feels that in order to explain

the universe it is necessary to think of a principle that would account

for the order and purpose of the universe. Like Whitehead,

Radhakrishnan also believes that one cannot account for the dynamic

and creative character of the universe if the Primary Being is also not

conceived as creative. He feels, like Whitehead, that there has to be a

principle, a God – a non-temporal and actual being – by which the

indeterminates of creativity can be transmuted into a determinate

principle. This shows that the Divine Intelligence – the creative power–

has to be conceived as intermediary between the Absolute Being and

the cosmic process. This shows that, unlike Samkarâcârya,

Radhakrishnan is not prepared to reduce God to unreality by making it

a product of mâyâ (mâyopâdhika) and ignorance (avidyâ). The real as

infinite possibility is the Absolute, but when we limit the Absolute to

its relation with that possibility which has actually been realized in the

form of creation, then the Absolute appears as God. God actualizes the

possibility of creation through supreme intelligence and wisdom. God

loves, creates and rules us. Creation, redemption and judgment are

different names for the fact of God.10 The clarification regarding the

relation between God and creation by him is deeply influenced with

‘Process Theodicy’ of Whitehead. Radhakrishnan, like him, endorses

the organic relationship between God and the world as it is literally

impossible to detach God from the world. If the universe is truly creative

then God must also remain constantly creative. God also grows with

the universe by giving it a constant direction towards the goal which it


seeks to attain. There remains an ‘unrealized residuum’ in God

throughout the process of creation, which makes him transcend the

universe. Perhaps in the end this unrealized residuum would vanish,

but then the purpose of this creation would be complete, God then will

recede into the background of Absolute. Hence, the beginning and the

end are limiting conceptions, and the great interest of the world centres

in the intermediate process from the beginning to the end.11

If the world is the actualisation of one of the infinite possibilities

then it is an accident of the Absolute. The accidental nature of the

world is philosophically significant in Radhakrishnan’s thought as:

1. It succeeds in maintaining the monistic character of the real

and also its free nature.

2. It enables Radhakrishnan to emphasize the distinction between

the creator and the created.

3. Although the world is an accident but at the same time real

also. It is accidental because it is an accidental actualisation

of one of the infinite possibilities of the Absolute, it is real

because it is the Absolute’s accident.

Radhakrishnan describes the world in terms of certain

characteristics:

A. It is an ordered whole that means nature is a system of

relationship intimately inter-dependent.

B. There is a tendency towards a greater interaction or inter-

relatedness between the organism and its surrounding

environment.

C. World is expressed in terms of matter, life and mind as grades

of experience. They are all expressions of reality, yet they

express the reality in their own ways.

D. The world is dynamic in nature. Nature is always active, never

satisfied with the levels it has achieved, it always aspires to

other levels. This gives rise to a doctrine similar to that of

emergent evolution. Radhakrishnan’s famous expression

‘unpredictable novelties occur’ points out that there must

emerge new qualities at every moment of creation. If the world

is continuously changing then it can be only divided in phases

and not in parts. He says: “We donot have realms or spheres

of being, but only modes or phases of activity. The process of

nature is one, supple and continues, and not a constructive

series of static entities with fixed attributes.”12


In his essay on ‘Radhakrishnan’s Metaphysics and Ethics,’ Charles

Moore remarks: “His theory is that which any sound absolute idealism

must hold, namely that the Absolute is the only ultimate and complete

reality and the empirical world is clearly a secondary reality, relative

and dependent, but that the empirical world is not for that reason

unreal.”13 In fact Radhakrishnan insists that if the philosophy of

Samkarâcârya rationally interpreted, cannot be regarded as an outright

repudiation of the worldly reality. In his defence of this assertion he is

led to examine the concept of Mâyâ. He believes that the doctrine of

Mâyâ, like the negative description of the Brahman, has been employed

by Indian thinkers with a definite purpose. The purpose is to “denote

the distance between time and eternity, between appearance and reality.”

Mâyâ signifies the “fragility of the universe.”14 the phenomenal character

of the empirical self and the world answering to it. Mâyâ does not

mean that the empirical world, with the selves in it, is an illusion, for

the whole effort of the cosmos is directed to and sustained by the one

Supreme Self. The implication of Mâyâ doctrine is not only that the

nature of the Absolute is indefinable but his relation with the empirical

world is equally indefinable. There is another aspect of this doctrine to

which Radhakrishnan has often drawn attention. This is the aspect of

mystery, which appeals to the poetic and imaginative side of human

nature. The Absolute is the “ideal home of infinite possibilities.”15 It

simply suggests the inability of human mind to fathom the mystery.

“Mâyâ does not imply that the world is an illusion or is non-existent

absolutely. The world is a delimitation distinct from the unmeasured

and immeasurable. But why is there this delimitation? The question

cannot be answered so long as we are at the empirical level.” The

theory of Mâyâ is only a continuation of the effort to distinguish the

highest reality from lower grades of reality, to imprint upon the human

mind the difference between the absolute and the conditioned truth.

Hence, the aim of conceiving Mâyâ is practical – to transfer attention

from that which is transitory to that which is the source of all values.

Radhakrishnan has made attempt to respond to two puzzling

questions. A. the question with regard to the ‘why’ of creation and B.

the question regarding the nature of creator. It is in response to the

second question that he has introduced the concept of God in his

philosophy and he tries to utilize the Vedântic concept of Mâyâ. It is

described as the creative power of God. God is Absolute, viewed from

the point of the view of the world. It appears to be God from the view

point of one possibility that has been actualised. Radhakrishnan, while


responding to the first question that is the ‘why’ of creation, takes the

clue from Upanisadic thought. In the Upanisad creation has been

described as the Lilâ of the Absolute. Lilâ is described as a joyful and

sporting game in which certain limitations are imposed upon oneself

just for the sake of joy. Radhakrishnan also maintains that creation is

Lilâ, but he adds that it is real. He has to face here logical difficulty. If

creation is a real Lilâ, then it follows that creation is necessary to the

Absolute, and in that case, the free character of the reality is affected.

In reply to that it has to be accepted that it is difficult to appreciate at

this point a clear-cut distinction between ‘necessity’ and ‘accident;’ but

according to Radhakrishnan, such a distinction is unwarrented in the

context of reality. Therefore, it can be safely stated that “it is in the

nature of the Absolute to grow into the world – the world is the

affirmation of the Absolute.”16 In that sense creation is necessary, but it

is not necessary for the Absolute to have this very creation, and therefore

creation is an accident. Radhakrishnan, suggests that the etymology of

the word ‘Brahma’ also supports, this view, as it is derived from ‘Brh,’

which means ‘to grow.’ The question as to why the Absolute limits

itself..... is irrelevant. For, there is no such thing as the infinite which

was previously infinite and then transformed itself in the finite. “We do

not have the infinite and the finite, God and the world, but only the

infinite as and in the finite, God as and in the world.”17

III

It is in fitness of things to analyse now the nature of the man as we

have already discussed about the Absolute, God and the ontic status of

world. Radhakrishnan tries to remain faithful to the Indian tradition,

and as such, is convinced about the ultimate spirituality of man. But he

is also aware of the fact that man is a biological-psychological being

determined by his instincts, drives and motives. Truly speaking man is

a peculiar combination of egoism and self-transcendence, of selfishness

and universal love. Radhakrishnan maintains that the physical or

biological aspect of man also has a reality, but that it does not contradict

the ultimate spiritual nature of the soul. Radhakrishnan pointed out that

there are two aspects of man – one that leads the scientist to describe

man in his own scientific way, and the other that transcends the capacity

of scientific analysis. It is not proper to characterise these aspects of

man in the terminology of ‘body’ and ‘soul,’ because that gives the

impression that the soul represents only such characters that are clearly


absent in the body. It is better to call these two aspects as the finite and

the infinite aspects of man. The finite aspects are by and large aspects

of the body, but even the bodily aspects of man give the evidence of

the presence of the spirituality in them. Man unlike other aspects of

Nature, has the capacity to reflect and to plan his move. This is what

Radhakrishnan means by the expression ‘self-transcendence.’ Man can

go beyond himself, can aspire to heights much beyond his ordinary

reach. For him the finite aspects of man are those aspects that are

determined by empirical or environmental conditions. In a general way,

the bodily self can be described as representing this aspect of man.

There is a constant influx of stimuli from the environment and the

behaviour and the character of the individual can strictly be determined

in terms of the responses that the individual makes to these stimuli. But

the bodily aspect, although real, is only a stage that has to be

transcended. Radhakrishnan remarks that man’s awareness of his finitude

and temporality means his consciousness of eternity. “Man’s inability

to achieve perfect contentment in the finite, his unquenchable longing

for consummate happiness may be taken as indicative of his supernatural

destiny.”18

The true nature of self is revealed by the capacity of self-

transcendence. The infinite aspect of man lies in his spirituality. The

word ‘spiritual’ stands for something higher than the ‘empirical.’ In the

empirical domain a distinction is made between the ‘subject’ and the

‘object,’ but in the spiritual realm such kind of duality is ultimately

transcended or obliterated. Self-consciousness refers to the infinite aspect

of man and it gives to an individual a distinct personality. Thus, by

calling man a spiritual being Radhakrishnan means that he is a self-

conscious person who is able to unite all his experiences and activities

in his act of self-consciousness. It is on account of this capacity of

unification that he can foresee his future and make plans for spiritual

growth. He described this as an aspect of the Divine. The very fact that

we are dissatisfied with our present status and there is constant striving

or spiritual urge to attain greater heights shows that we bear the Divine

spark within ourselves. In fact, all our spiritual activities, aesthetic or

moral or religious are expressions of the fact of kinship between man’s

nature and Divine nature. Radhakrishnan frequently refers to the great

intuitive (mystical) experiences of the prophets like Jesus, Buddha,

Zoraster and Mohammad, and asserts that these clearly show that we

are capable of experiencing the Divine. The very longing of limited

and finite creature like man for liberation (Moksa) is itself an evidence


of the presence of spirituality within him. Yet another very convincing

proof of man’s Divine nature is the fact that even the most immoral and

wicked person can also be reformed. The history of evolution is the

history of gradual unfoldment of spiritual capacities latent in man.

Hence, Radhakrishnan feels that the true nature of man consists in

spirituality and which is, in a sense, akin to Divine nature.

Freedom is considered to be one of the most important

characteristics of the spiritual man. It is generally considered as freedom

of choice, but Radhakrishnan’s treatment of freedom is more

comprehensive than this; it includes this meaning and adds, something

more. Freedom implies a particular metaphysical status of man, that is

the soul (self) is metaphysically free. It simply means that the nature of

self is not determined by any extraneous factor. He can create original

works of art, build structures, express his creative genius in art, music

and science. Freedom also means that man is free to choose his own

course of life and action, it means that the future of man depends to a

great extent on man himself. Radhakrishnan believes in the doctrine of

Karma. One may raise a doubt here by saying that the law of Karma is

the determining factor of a life, and as such soul’s tendencies and states

are after all determined.

Radhakrishnan dispels this doubt in a simple and straightforward

manner:

1. He says that karma and freedom are not incompatible with

each other because the karmas are karmas performed by the

self. Freedom is self-determination and being determined by

one’s own karma is nothing but self-determination.

2. He pointed out that there are two aspects of Karma – a

retrospective aspect that has a connection with the past and

the prospective aspect that has its influence on the future.

Radhakrishnan has made a very pertinent observation in this context:

“The cards in the game of life are given to us, we do not select them.

They are all traced to our past karmas, but we can call as we please,

lead all suit we will, and as we play we gain or lose and that is

freedom.”19 He also believes in doctrine of rebirth. He is well aware

that it is difficult to understand the mechanism of rebirth fully, but an

awareness of the unfulfilled urges and tendencies in the purposive set-

up of the universe compels us to think about some possible forms of

life after death just only to provide yet another opportunity for the

realization of the unrealized urges. There is a logical nexus between

the doctrine of Karma and the doctrine of Punarjanma and Liberation


(Moksa) is considered to be the supreme value or ideal of human life in

Purusârtha. Liberation is freeing oneself from the cycle of repeated

birth and death and for this reason doctrine of rebirth has to be admitted.

The most general ground for rejecting a belief in rebirth is that there is

no evidence of anybody having any memory of the previous birth. But

Radhakrishnan remarks that lack of memory about the past birth is not

an adequate ground for rejecting the belief in rebirth. No body has any

memory of his existence in his mother’s womb, but that does not mean

that it is not a state of existence.

IV

Man is a finite – infinite being. Even in his finite embodied existence

his spirituality asserts itself. This shows that the ‘being’ of man is a

continuous march towards the realization of the higher spiritual state.

Moksa is conceived as a state free from suffering or a state of bliss – a

state in which one is able to realize one’s true nature. Radhakrishnan

also conceives this state more or less in a similar manner, but his

conception of the ultimate human destiny bears the mark of his own

metaphysical predilections, and therefore appears refreshingly new and

original. For him so long as man is in the embodied state he cannot

attain his ultimate destiny. The first aspect of his destiny would be

freedom from the embodied existence. But although that may make

him free, that will not put an end to creation; and so long as cosmic

process does not come to an end, complete unity will not be established.

Therefore, the final aspect of his destiny must be the realization of his

unity at the end of the cosmic process. “The destiny of the human soul

is to realize its oneness with the Supreme.”20 This can be also described

as self-realization, because it is the fullest expression of the higher

nature of the self. The infinite aspect of the self bears the mark of the

creator (Divine) and reminds the self perpetually of his real nature. The

attainment of this state opens before the self the possibility of a new

kind of experience – the experience of the Universal – of the One

which expresses itself everywhere. Faint glimpses of such an experience

can be found in artistic or aesthetic or ethical sensibility. One of its

clearest examples is in the mystical experience of gifted saints and

seers. In the realization of unity one feels the presence of one spirit in

all minds, lives and bodies, and therefore, the life of the self becomes

almost as comprehensive as the universe itself. Radhakrishnan seems

to be impressed by ancient Indian concept of Jivanmukta, but describes

it in his own peculiar way. The liberated individual is the Jivanmukta


as he does not have any passion or attachment left for the worldly

possession, and as such acts in a selfless and disinterested manner and

works simply for the good of others. The Advaitic tradition believes

that the ‘Jivanmukta’ becomes ‘Videhmukta’ as soon as he is free from

the fetters of the body which, as a result of the momentum generated

by the forces of karma, has continued to exist even after the attainment

of liberation by the self. According to Radhakrishnan this is not necessary

course of action. He feels that even when an individual has attained

liberation, his task is not complete; he has now to play a part in the

liberation of others.

It is not necessary for the liberated individual to be fully free from

rebirth. He lives and moves in the world for the liberation of others and

for that purpose it becomes essential for him to assume different bodily

forms. The only thing is that he has become finally free from the

bondage of love and passion for life and fear of death. Hence, even

when an individual is liberated, he does not become free from the

cosmic process till others are liberated. The world process will reach

its final goal when every individual will realize Divinity. Therefore, the

ultimate human destiny is not individual liberation (Mukti) but universal

liberation (Sarvamukti). There is a very interesting issue regarding

liberation that whether individuality of the individual is lost or

individuality is retained in that state. For Radhakrishnan realization is

realization of one’s true nature, and in that sense it cannot be denial of

individuality. Moreover, even after attaining liberation, an individual

has to stay as an individual in the world and has to work for the

liberation of others. This also depicts that the individuality of the

individual is not obliterated. This can be further proved on the ground

that the individual after liberation realizes Divinity, but the individual

does not become the Supreme – the identity of the two is not established

in an objective manner. How can man attain the ultimate human destiny?

It is the serious question which is well responded by Radhakrishnan.

He maintains that one must begin with a faith – a faith in religious

experience, because that alone is capable of making man realize his

spirituality. It is called an experience because it produces an objective

awareness – an apprehension of the real coupled with an enjoyment – a

sort of an inner satisfaction. It is called religious because of its peculiar

nature – a uniqueness that cannot be reduced to any other forms of

experience. Its peculiarity consists in its attempt to discover eternal

truths, in its effort to raise the life-spirit to some higher spiritual level.

It is a quest for the emancipation of mankind from the compulsions of


finite existence. Radhakrishnan asserts that one must have a faith in the

reality and significance of such experiences. We witness that now-a-

days it has almost become fashion to dismiss all talks about such

experiences as purely imaginative or nonsensical. He remarks that

“However much we may quarrel about the implications of this kind of

experience, we cannot question the actuality of such experience itself.”21

Radhakrishnan further pointed out that “The witness to this spiritual

life is borne not only by the great religious teachers and leaders of

mankind, but by the ordinary man in the street in whose inmost being

the well of the spirit is set asleep. In our normal experience events

occur which imply the existence of a spiritual world.”22 He further

remarks, “when we experience the illumination of new knowledge, the

ecstasy of poetry, the subordination of self to something greater; family

or nation, the self-abandonment of falling in love, we have faint glimpses

of mystic moods.”23

Radhakrishnan furnishes the characteristics of religious experience

as:

1. It is an experience; that means firstly that it is not something

extra-ordinary or supernatural, secondly that every man is

capable of it, and thirdly that it involves an awareness of

objective kind.

2. It is an integral and undivided consciousness which

distinguishes it from ordinary experience. In ordinary

experience the duality of the subject and the object is always

maintained, but in religious experience such kind of distinction

is obliterated. In the fullness of felt life and freedom the

distinction of the knower and the known disappears.

3. It is autonomous in character in so far as it is an independent

function of the mind. It is not in any way determined by

extraneous factors, rather its inspiration are inner and

spontaneous.

4. Religious experience is inward and personal, and here

Radhakrishnan seems to be deeply impressed by Whitehead’s

‘Religion in the making.’ It is an experience developed in the

human inwardness, it is a life being lived in subjectivity.

5. The peculiarity of this experience is that it somehow shows an

attitude of complete indifference towards worldly possession.

This experience shows an intense dissatisfaction with ‘the

finiteness of the finite and the transiency of the transient,’ and

therefore, constantly aims at the attainment of perfection.


6. Religious experience, Radhakrishnan remarks, is the total

reaction of the whole man to the whole reality. It involves the

whole of the subject, and the reaction of him in the experience

is not towards any particular aspect of the reality, but to the

reality as a whole “The privacy of the individual self is broken

into and invaded by the universal self which the individual

feels his own.”24 Radhakrishnan further remarks that “it is a

vision which is the precious possession of the soul coming out

in life on every side.”25 Here ‘on every side’ signifies that it is

not mere knowing or feeling, rather it is a total reaction of the

total man including the intellectual, moral and aesthetic aspects

of the complete man.

7. This kind of experience brings peace and equanimity of mind.

It is “a positive feeling of calm and confidence, joy and strength

in the midst of outward pain and defeat, loss and frustration.”26

8. Religious experience is the most certain and the most ineffable

possession of man’s life. But, this certitude and ineffability

can neither be demonstrated or proved. Radhakrishnan uses

the expressions ‘self-established,’ ‘self-evidencing,’ ‘self-

luminous’ etc. to describe the nature of such an experience. Its

certitude is not based on rational argumentation, the experience

itself is “pure comprehension, entire significance, complete

validity. It comes with a constraint that brooks no denial.”27

9. We come to realize the element of mysticism in religious

experience. Deep intuition is utter silence. Through silence we

‘confess without confession’ that the glory of spiritual life is

inexplicable and beyond the ken of speech and mind. It is the

great unfathomable mystery and words are treacherous.

Religious experience is treated as mystical because the rational

and scientific ways of understanding realize their limitations

and this prompts us to go beyond that transcends the rational

and scientific understanding. This shows that there is a hidden

capacity in man to go beyond himself. If this capacity is

sufficiently developed, man can extend his consciousness far

beyond his egoistic nature – possibly to universal consciousness

or altruism. It is mystical only because it is not completely

comprehensible, and yet it is a real aspect of man’s life

constituting the essence of all his activities.


V

The deep sense of mystery regarding the Absolute’s manifestation in

the finite world is reflected in Radhakrishnan’s theory of intuition.

“The rationality of the world,” he says: “is transparent to the intellect,

but its mysteriousness can be grasped only by intuition.” This brings us

near to the perennial issue in epistemology regarding the contrast

between intellectual knowledge of reality and immediate awareness of

it. By establishing the relationship between intuition and intellect on a

more satisfactory basis, Radhakrishnan has tried to remove a serious

limitation in orthodox Advaita Vedanta. This has been nicely pointed

out by P.T. Raju in these words: “The Vedantins, following

Samkara........... came to the conclusion that Âtman and Brahman were

beyond intellect and could only be directly experienced through intuition.

But they did not take the trouble to show clearly that this direct

experience is a form of knowledge involved in and presupposed by the

discursive knowledge of the intellect, and the intellect is not opposed

to the higher experience but is absorbed in it and completed by it.”28

Radhakrishnan rarely uses the word ‘intuition’ to designate ‘mystical

awareness,’ rather he prefers the term ‘integral experience.’ Intuition

must not only be accepted as one of the ways of knowledge, but it must

also be regarded as a form of thought. But if we want to know things in

their uniqueness, in their indefeasible reality, we must transcend

discursive thinking. The emphasis is here on ‘transcending’ rather than

‘abandoning’ discursive thought.

Man’s awareness is, broadly speaking, of three kinds – the

perceptual, the logical and the intuitive; or to put it in Indian parlance

– manas or the sense mind, Vijòâna or logical intelligence and ananda

or spiritual intuition. All the three belong to the human consciousness.

Those who exalt intuition at the expense of other modes of knowledge

often begin with the mistaken belief that the mind is a conglomeration

of separate ‘faculties.’ But “the human mind does not function in

fractions. We need not assume that at the sense level there is no work

for intuition or at the level of intuition there is no function for intellect

to perform. When intuition is defined as integral insight, the suggestion

is that the whole mind is at work in it.” The emphasis on the totality of

the knowledge process brings Radhakrishnan’s theory of intuition very

close to the philosophical basis of Gestalt psychology. Like Wertheimer

and Kaffka, he insists upon the all-inclusive nature of the act of

‘perception’ being used in the widest sense. “All dynamic acts of


thinking,” he says: “whether in the game of chess or a mathematical

problem, are controlled by an intuitive grasp of the situation as a

whole.”29 It therefore becomes necessary “for any coherent philosophy

to take into account observed data, rational reflection and intuitive

insight. All these should be articulated in a systematic way.”

Radhakrishnan sees no conflict between intuition and reason, as he

often uses the phrase ‘rational intuition.’ Intuition, if not adequately

supported by the intellect, will “lapse into self-satisfied obscurantism.”

Intuition must never be used “as an apology for doctrines which could

not or would not be justified on intellectual grounds.”30 Radhakrishnan

agrees with the views of Vedic saints and seers that in genuine intuition

“the mind must first be set free from anxiety and desire,” there must be

“adequate inward purity and self-mastery,” and the soul must first be

“shaped into harmony with invisible realities.” Intuition demands

“continuous creative effort” and is often the “result of a long and

arduous process of study and analysis.” It has been described by men

of deepest insights as “self-establishing, self-evidencing and self-

luminous.”31 Far from being of doubtful authenticity, intuition can offer

“pure comprehension, entire significance and complete validity.” Hence,

Radhakrishnan asserts that intuition is “higher than the discursive process

from which it issues and on which it supervenes.”

Radhakrishnan’s epistemological study is nothing but an exploration

into the possible sources of knowledge – Sense-experience, Intellectual

Cognition and Intuitive Apprehension and their relative merits and

demerits. Sense-experience is the source through which we know the

sensible qualities or external features of the object. The inadequacy of

sense experience is that it cannot provide true knowledge of the reality

and other limitation is that it is not always reliable. The senses can

deceive us and the examples of erroneous perceptions are illusion and

hallucination. Intellectual cognition is knowledge obtained by a process

of analysis and synthesis. The data supplied by the senses are analysed

by the intellect and the new synthesis is perceived. The knowledge

supplied by it is not only indirect but also symbolic. Intellectual cognition

is also unable to furnish the knowledge of reality for several reasons:

1. Intellectual deliberation rests on the presupposition of the

duality of the subject and the object, and therefore, the non-

dual – the Absolute cannot be known through this process.

2. Intellect moves in the realm of relations only and relations

presuppose multiplicity. Reality is One, and therefore above

multiplicity and relations.


3. Intellect is not primary or original or it works on the data

supplied by sense-experience.

4. Intellect or cognition is merely an aspect of our mental life;

feeling and willing are other aspects that being equally

important. A complete comprehension of reality will be possible

only when all these aspects are taken into account and satisfied.

Intuitive apprehension is the direct realization of its object. The

duality between knower and known is completely destroyed and here it

is knowing by becoming. The object known is seen not as an ‘object

outside the self, but as a part of the self.’ Intuition has certain advantages

over sense-impression and intellectual deliberations. Sense experience

can explore only external or superficial aspects of the object, whereas

intuition can apprehend its essence. Senses are liable to error and sense-

experience being fallible in nature, but intuition is infallible and self-

evident. Intellectual cognition is also not infallible or not free from

doubt. Its main tool is ‘analysis’ and so it fails to grasp the ‘whole’

nature of objects, while intuition fathoms the nature of reality.

Radhakrishnan maintains that this must not lead us to suppose that

intellect and intuition are quite opposed to each other. In fact intuition

needs intellect for the expression, elaboration and justification of its

result. Intellect, on the other hand, presupposes intuition without which

its deliberations cannot start. The function of intellect is ‘analysis’ but

there must be something to be analysed and that something must be a

whole. The whole as a whole can be grasped by intuition alone and that

gives to intuition its primacy.

Radhakrishnan has conceived intuition, more or less, in Bergson’s

way. Intuition has the directness, immediacy and unity of instinctive

knowledge and consciousness of the intellect. It is direct and immediate

because it deals with the objects themselves and not with their signs or

symbols. Intuition is self-evident because it does not need the support

of anything else for its truth and validity. It gives a very intimate

knowledge or insight about the object because it is knowing by

becoming. Radhakrishnan has made a very pertinent observation

regarding the nature of intuition that “Intuition is only the higher stage

of intelligence, intelligence rid of its separative and discursive

tendencies. While it liberates us from the prejudices of the understanding,

it carries out intellectual conclusions to a deeper synthesis. Instead of

being an unnatural and mysterious power, it is a deeper experience,

which by supplementing our narrow intellectual visions, amplifies it.

Intuition is not an appeal to the subjective whims of the individual, or a


dogmatic faculty of conscience, or the uncritical morbid view of the

psychopath. It is the experience which devout souls have in moments

of spiritual exaltation or religious devotion.”32

VI

Radhakrishnan has firm conviction that “any ethical theory must be

grounded in metaphysics, in a philosophical conception of the relation

between human conduct and ultimate reality. It is just because the

ethical ideal is grounded in values it cannot be indifferent to the nature

of reality which is the ultimate source of all values.” Are our values

merely empirical accidents, creations at best of the human mind, or do

they reveal to us an order of being which is more than merely human, a

spiritual reality which is the source of significance of what happens in

the temporal process?”33 But if ethics is dependent upon metaphysics,

and if Radhakrishnan accepts absolute idealism as the most satisfactory

metaphysical theory, is he not driven to deny the value of morality in

the ultimate sense? If the impersonal Brahman is the sole reality, can

we assign any fundamental significance to question of ethical conduct

which, after all, concern only finite beings living in a finite world?

Radhakrishnan brushes aside all such sceptical questions by pointing

out that the spiritual plane is higher than the moral plane. As life

emerges from matter, as mind emerges from life, and as a sense of

value emerges from mind, so does God’s consciousness emerge out of

a sense of values. Salvation is rising from ethical individualism to

spiritual universalism. This means that morality can be regarded as a

precondition of spiritual perfection, but cannot be equated with it. He

observed that the ethical life is an indispensable condition for the

attainment of perfection, and thus for the transcendence of the ethical

process itself.34 Just as the empirical world is not negated by the fact

that the Absolute transcends the finite, so also the ‘historical process’

which is the basis of ethical conduct is not nullified by the fact that in

the highest spiritual experience we rise above the ‘terms of reference’

applicable to that process. In a sense, morality survives even after

complete personal salvation. The freed soul “no longer has any object

to aim at, since he has achieved all,” and yet he works for the welfare

of the world.

Radhakrishnan, like Gandhi, is highly influenced by ‘Niskâma

Karmayoga’ of Bhagvad Gitâ. He asserts that “detachment of mind and

not renunciation of the world is what is demanded of us.” True

detachment consists in “the refusal to identify ourselves with the separate


ego,” in the abandonment of selfish interests, unreal objectives. 35

Extreme asceticism, manifested in self-mortification, rigorous celibacy,

and other stern ideals, is simply a declaration of war against the life-

process. Deeply influenced by Gandhi, he regards non-violence which

is only an aspect of love as the most comprehensive and universal

criterion of ethical life, and like Plato and Spinoza, he asserts that we

cannot be good unless we are “in love with goodness.” Forgiveness,

sacrifice, tolerance, pacifism and patience are only manifestations of

the single principle of love. Unlike Gandhi, however, Radhakrishnan

emphasizes that this principle must harmonize with the grace and charm

of life. Refinement, happiness, elegance and poise must blend with

love and righteousness. Material comforts are not to be derided and the

fruits of civilization, including those offered by science and technology

are to be greatly welcomed.

Radhakrishnan, like Kant, accepts freedom of will as a postulate

of morality. A world of ideas and values cannot be built upon blind

impersonal necessity. He formulates and expounds a comprehensive

theory of freedom. It is the key to the growth of human creativeness.

There are two approaches to the problem of freedom. The individualists

and liberals have interpreted freedom as absence of restraint. Hegel

maintained spirit to be self-contained freedom and Radhakrishnan

adheres to the Hegelian notion of freedom. “The freedom which human

beings desire is not the unreal, negative or absence of restraint, but the

real positive freedom to use to the full one’s natural endowments of

physique and brain.” He too endorses the Kantian-Spencerian concept

of freedom that one can enjoy his freedom only to the extent that he

does not infringe upon the equal freedom of others.

Radhakrishnan, like Tagore, believes that formidable challenges

are damaging the very fabric of modern civilization and spiritual

humanistic ethics. He dreams of a future civilization of man with a

universal orientation – sarvâtmabhâva. He pointed out that racial

chauvinism with the degrading cult of dictatorship and the barbaric

worship of military power and capital accumulation are the dark

consequences of the allegiance to narrow loyalties. In the true Gandhian

spirit, Radhakrishnan pledges his faith in the victory of the spirit or

Âtman over the formidable constellations of force, tyranny and

aggression. The Ptolemic ethnocentric patriotic approach to civilization

has to be replaced by a Copernican universalistic approach. Universalism

will be the basis of the future ideal civilization. A crusade for imposing

the criteria of one’s own civilization is fascistic and doomed to failure.


What is essential is a greater realization of the fundamental moral and

spiritual values of the east and the west. A psychic transformation

brought about by the spiritual discipline (tapas and yoga), broadening

integral thinking involving all aspects of mind, will and emotions will

bring into being a recreated world. Modern life is besieged with a

complicated predicament. The human being is subjected to diverse

types of psychological anxieties, discords, neuroses and grave

insecurities. Religion, for him, is a potent technic for the rehabilitation

of the disturbed life. He would press for the application of the religious

spirit of tolerance, love and genuine charity in all walks of life. Religion

signifies the quest for truth and apprehension of the unity of existence.

Radhakrishnan is an exponent of religious humanism. Humanism in the

west appeared as a reaction against scientific naturalism and theological

Ecclesiasticism. It exalted social and moral values and pleaded for the

solidarity of man, which is praiseworthy. But Radhakrishnan points out

two basic inadequacies in western humanism:

1. It sets the moral and natural elements in man’s being and

disposition in sharp opposition.

2. It lacks spiritual foundation as it has no place for life-

transcending and life-transforming righteousness.

Radhakrishnan, on the contrary, believes in relating values to spiritual

foundations.36 He, being a spiritual humanist, is repelled by the societarian

stress in Marxism. Instead of the dialectic of tension and struggle he pleads

for a reconciling spiritual harmony.37 A philosophy of spiritual humanism

must lead to the acceptance of the theory of a world community. The world

to be born in the future must be a cosmopolitan one. He thinks that a spirit

of religious humanism alone can provide the foundation for genuine

fellowship and co-operation. He maintains that “religious or spiritual

humanism seems to be the most powerful political instrument for peace

which the world has ever seen. Treaties and diplomatic understandings

may restrain passions but they do not remove fear. The world must be

imbued with a love of humanity. We want religious heroes who will not

wait for the transformation of the whole world but assert with their lives, if

necessary, the truth of the conviction – one earth one family.”38 The destiny

of the world consists in the transformed lives of men and women and their

redemption from sins, illusions and ignorance. This demands an education

for the purpose of the realization of spiritual freedom.

The political thought of Radhakrishnan may be said to constitute

the reinforcement of the school of “individualistic idealism.” He is an

individualist in his pre-eminent occupation with the renaissance of the


moral and spiritual values of man. He is also an individualist in his

quest for the spiritual equality of all human beings and in the assertion

of the technics of rational education for the elevation of man towards

increasing recognition of the values of liberty, reason, progress and

fellowship. Hence, amidst the pervasive gloom of political predicaments,

economic dislocations and social imbalances, Radhakrishnan’s quest

for the religion of the spirit reveals that he is thoroughly rooted in the

Indian philosophic tradition of absolute idealism.

Notes and References

1. Joad, C.E.M., Counterattacks from the East, George Allen and Unwin

Ltd. London, 1933, p. 38.2. Radhakrishnan, S., The Hindu View of Life, George Allen and Unwin

Ltd. London, 1928, p. 79.3. Ibid, pp. 129-30.4. Radhakrishnan, S., Eastern Religions and Western Thought, Oxford

University Press, 1939, pp. 307-08.5. Radhakrishnan, S. An Idealist View of Life, George Allen and Unwin

Ltd., London, 1923, p. 333.6. Radhakrishnan, S., Indian Philosophy, Volume II, George Allen and Unwin

Ltd. London, 1923, p. 649.7. Radhakrishnan, S., An Idealist View of Life, p. 345.8. Ibid, p. 314.9. Radhakrishnan, S., The Recovery of Faith, George Allen and Unwin Ltd.,

London, 1956, p. 87.10. Radhakrishnan, S., An Idealist View of Life, p. 338.11. Ibid, p. 340.12. Ibid, p. 225.13. Moore, Charles A., Radhakrishnan’s Metaphysics and Ethics in Volume

on Radhakrishnan in the Library of Living Philosophers edited by Paul

Arther Schilpp, Tudor Publishing Company, 1952, p. 302.14. Radhakrishnan, S., Eastern Religions and Western Thought , p. 27.15. Radhakrishnan also remarks, however : “He is the ceaseless creative

activity which actualises everything.” This would mean that the Absolute

is not the ‘ideal home’ but the ‘actual source.’16. Radhakrishnan, S., The Reign of Religion in Contemporary Philosophy,

Macmillan and Company, London, 1920, p. 443.17. Ibid. p. 442.18. Schilpp, P.A. (ed.), The Philosophy of Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan, Tudor

Publishing Company, New York, 1952, p. 142.


19. Radhakrishnan, S., The Hindu View of Life, p. 75.20. Radhakrishnan, S., Eastern Religions and Western Thought, p. 96.21. Radhakrishnan, S., An Idealist View of Life, p. 93.22. Radhakrishnan, S., Eastern Religions and Western Thought, p. 61.23. Radhakrishnan, S., An Idealist View of Life, p. 93.24. Ibid, p. 92.25. Radhakrishnan, S., Reign of Religion in Contemporary Philosophy

p. 305.26. Radhakrishnan, S., An Idealist View of Life, p. 93.27. Ibid, pp. 92-93.28. Raju, P.T., Radhakrishnan and Indian Thought in volume on

Radhakrishnan in the Library of Living Philosophers edited by Paul

Arthur Schilpp, Tudor Publishing House, New York, 1952, p. 536.29. Radhakrishnan, S., An Idealist View of Life, p. 149.30. Radhakrishnan, S., The Spirit in Man in Contemporary Indian Philosophy,

S. Chand & Company Ltd., New Delhi, 1982, p. 486.31. Radhakrishnan, S., An Idealist View of Life, p. 92.32. Radhakrishnan, S., Reign of Religion in Contemporary Philosophy,

p. 439.33. Radhakrishnan, S., An Idealist View of Life, p. 69.34. Moore, Charles, A., Radhakrishnan’s Metaphysics and Ethics in Volume

on Radhakrishnan in the Library of Living Philosophers , p. 288.35. Radhakrishnan, S., Eastern Religions and Western Thought, p. 101.36. Radhakrishnan maintains that “Religion is a challenge to replace the

world of power by that of spirit. Spiritual awareness and social efficiency

are not only consistent but also complementary. Fellowship and service

spring from spiritual sources. Altruism is not a substitute for adoration

from which it arises.”37. Radhakrishnan, S., Eastern Religions and Western Thought, p. 268.38. Radhakrishnan, S., Kalki or The Future of Civilization, 2nd edition,

Hind Kitabs, Bombay, 1949, p. 64.


The Political Frame of the Bhagavadgita

1. Introduction

The context of the dialogue in the Bhagavadgita is in-war discussion

when the Great War (Mahabharata) has just begun according to the

epic Mahabharata, in which the Bhagavadgita is embedded. It is an

in-war discussion and not a pre-war discussion as many think. In the

epic Mahabharata, the war between the Pandavas and the Kauravas

was a yajña, i.e. rana-sattra (Mahabharata 3.242.14), ranayajña

(Mahabharata 5.57.12 & 5.154.4) and sastrayajña (Mahabharata

5.139.29). In our understanding war is not only a political action but

also a collective institutional action. So, the discussion of the

Bhagavadgita is framed by this ranayajña context, which is a political

frame. As the Great War (Mahabharata) was taken as ranayajña and in

the yajña mantras have to be recited, the verses of the Bhagavadgita

are the analogue of the mantra recitation in ranayajña for the growth

of the form (rupasamrddhi)1 of the collective political institutional

action and political institutional actuality that was going on.

2. The Compositional Style

The Bhagavadgita is a deceptively simple text. The author of the

Bhagavadgita utilized, to develop the compositional structure of the

Bhagavadgita, a simile given in Mundaka Upanisada 2.2.3-4: “Having

taken the bow furnished by the Upanisadas, the great weapon – and

* Dr. Binod Kumar Agarwala is Professor, Department of Philosophy and Dean,

School of Humanities, North Eastern Hill University, Shillong – 793022

(Meghalaya), Mobile No. 09436111478; [email protected]


mounted in it arrow rendered pointed by constant meditation and having

drawn it with the mind fixed on the Brahman, hit good looking youth,

at that mark – the immortal Brahman. The pranava is the bow, the

atman is the arrow and the Brahman is said to be its mark. It should

be hit by one who is self-collected and that which hits becomes, like

the arrow, one with the mark, i.e. Brahman.” This simile, with some

modification, is used by the author of the Bhagavadgita as the

compositional structure of the text. The modification is that for the

author of the Bhagavadgita the mounted and drawn arrow points to the

mark and hits it when it divides equally the bow circle and balances

them equally. This means that the two halves of the various bow circles

of chapters and verses are evenly balanced. So, one has to read the text

of the Bhagavadgita like an archer trying to hit the mark by bow (of

the text) and arrow (of consciousness, which is the self). Interpreter has

to join the opposite ends of the text of the Bhagavadgita just as the

archer joins the opposite ends of bow by mounting the pratyañca (the

bow string) to the loose end. The text of the Bhagavadgita has to be

understood as a circle balanced and drawn tight and bisected in the

middle by the aiming arrow to hit the meaning (laksa, laksartha). This

is how the Bhagavadgita is composed and needs to be read.

The readers of the Bhagavadgita have found themselves in the

situation of Sita svayamvara where either they could not lift the bow

or found themselves unequal to the task of mounting the bowstring on

the loose end of the bow. Needless to say that none of the commentators

ever succeeded in mounting the arrow of thought on the bow of the

Bhagavatgita to draw it back to aim to hit (viddhi) the mark (laksa).

It is needless to speak of ordinary readers, when even the ones of the

caliber of Samkara, Ramanuja, Abhinavagupta could not do so.

Modern Indian scholars like D. D. Kosambi, Ambedkar, S. D.

Pendse, G. V. Ketkar, G. S. Khair and P. L. Bhargava, and western

scholars like Humboldt, Holtzmann, Hopkins, Richard Garbe and his

pupil Rudolph Otto could not even lift the bow of the text of the

Bhagavadgita, as it was too heavy for them like the bow of Siva. They

suggested breaking it into parts like original core and latter additions

and interpolations so that they can lift the smaller piece of it called the

original core or Ur-Gita. Sankara(?),2 Ramanuja and Abhinavagupta,

even though lifted the whole of bow of the text of the Bhagavadgita,

could not mount pratyañca (the bow string) to the loose end and

produced only sectarian commentaries. These traditional thinkers were


not interested in interpreting the Bhagavadgita in its own terms. They

had their own philosophy and, hence, merely tried to reconcile the text

of the Bhagavadgita with their own philosophies, by misconstruing the

syntax of verses and semantics of terms.

The topic introduced in the first chapter of the Bhagavadgita is

not on the surface. It is informed in the text itself, at least nine times

that the message of the Bhagavadgita is a hidden message. The teaching

of the Bhagavadgita is described variously as secret (4.3), ‘know-how

of administration, secrets of administration’ (9.2), ‘hidden knowledgeable

resolve’ (10.38), ‘the most secret song of adhyatma’ (11.1), ‘the most

secret instruction’ (15.20), ‘knowledgeable resolve more secret than

the secret one’ (18.63), ‘the greatest of all secrets’ (18.64), the ‘ultimate

secret’ (18.68), and ‘supreme secret’ (18.75). The Bhagavadgita was

firmly rooted in the Brahmanical tradition, where the speech of deities

is nether direct nor immediate; it is always indirect and mediated.3

3. The Balanced Contrast

So, to understand the topic of the Bhagavadgita we have to understand

its first chapter keeping in view its compositional style as mentioned

above. The first chapter of the Bhagavadgita contains 47 slokas which

form a bow circle with the mounted and drawn arrow passing between

the two lines of the 24th verse, which is the middle verse, dividing and

balancing the two equal halves of 23 verses each, pointing to the target

(laksa) of the discussion or the laksartha, i.e. the meaning of the chapter

aims at.

The first half of the chapter presents the individualist outlook of

Duryodhana in upbeat mood, but the second half represents the clannish

tribal outlook of Arjuna in a mood of despondency. It is because of the

second part that the first chapter is traditionally named as

Arjunavisadayoga meaning Arjuna’s yoga (a balanced relation which

is neither samyoga ‘joining’ nor viyoga ‘separation’) with visada

(depression/dejection/despondency).

In the first chapter of the Bhagavadgita verse 2 Samjaya informs:

“Having seen the army of the Pandavas drawn up in battle-array, king

Duryodhana then approached his teacher and spoke (these) words.” In

the next seven verses from 1.3 to 1.9, Duryodhana speaks. It is important

to note that in his speech, Duryodhana, the representative of Kaurava

clan introduces the members of his army and opposite army either by


name or by definite description identifying an individual warrior.

Duryodhana is not only quite modern in his description of persons and

use of language but also he is individualist in his social outlook. He is

participating in the forceful settlement (samgramam) with modern

individualist outlook.

But it is also depicted that in the process of introducing the heroes

in the two armies, individually Duryodhana could not see the institution

(organization) that army is, or the collectivity that the army is, for it

was for him just a power of individuals collected and protected by one

individual (balam bhismabhiraksitam, balam bhimabhiraksitam in 1.10),

which is consistent with his modern individualist outlook.

To emphasize the individualist outlook of Duryodhana in the first

half of the chapter, it is further heightened in verses 1.12 to 1.18,

where individualism is carried to the extreme of not only separately

identifying individual persons, but also individually identifying the conch

shells by name, blown by the individual warriors.Vedavyasa, through

these seven verses put in the mouth of Samjaya, has intensified the

modern individualist outlook of Duryodhana. Apart from the extreme

modern individualist outlook, what this passage shows is the upbeat

mood of the warriors assembled there, indicating that individualism is

in upbeat mood.4 But this upbeat mood also indicates the enthusiasm

of all the warriors who have assembled in the battleground to fight.

But when Arjuna, representing Pandavas, who were not a real

clan, looked at the army on both sides he saw only relations, mostly

tribal relations, of birth and alliance. It is put in the mouth of Samjaya

in the Bhagavadgita 1.26-27. Later a similar statement is put in the

mouth of Arjuna himself in Bhagavadgita 1.33-34.The repetition of list

of relations by birth and alliance first through the mouth of Samjaya

as a third person description of what Arjuna saw and then through his

own speech in first person is very significant. The author of the

Bhagavadgita through repetition is trying to emphasize this fact

regarding what Arjuna saw. This is made more emphatic, by making

Arjuna refer to the people assembled to fight as svajana (own-people)

four times in four different verses: 1.28, 1.31, 1.37, and 1.45. Arjuna

merely saw his own kinsmen related by birth or alliance.5 So, this fact

that Arjuna is tribal and clannish in his social outlook is important in

understanding and interpreting the Bagavadgita, as it underlies the

confusion of Arjuna and makes him dharmasammudhacetah ‘confused

in mind regarding dharma’. Similarly, the long list of warriors by name


or definite description through the mouth of Duryodhana is put

deliberately by the author of the Bhagavadgita and it is meant for

recognizing the principle operative implicitly in the mind of Duryodhana

as it is put in contrast to what Arjuna saw when he looked at the same

warriors. The contrast highlights that Duryodhana is not seeing warriors

on both sides as related by birth or alliance, but as individuals. This

fact is also important for interpretation of the Bhagavadgita. So the

contrast is between the modern individualist outlook of Duryodhana

and the primitive clannish and tribal outlook of Arjuna.

It is surprising that it is the representative of Kaurava clan, i.e.

Duryodhana who is already attuned in his thinking unawares for the

advanced kind of social outlook that is opposite to what he really

represents. He represents Kaurava clan or the Kuru tribe. In contrast

Arjuna’s despondency is as much for the relatives as much it is for the

death of old social order he is familiar with, i.e. clan and tribe.6 The

significance of the opening scene of the dialogue in the first chapter is

that it dramatically highlights through the words of the two protagonists

–Arjuna and Duryodhana – the conflict of social outlook, i.e. the outlook

of social order of clans and tribes based on relation through birth or

alliance, and the outlook of yearning for a modern individualist social

order without depending on relation through birth or alliance.7 The

manner in which the two kinds of concerns – concern for social order

of clans based on relation through birth or alliance, and concern for

individualist social order without depending on relation through birth

or alliance – are introduced highlight another contrast.

The forty-seven verses of the first chapter are divided equally by

the twenty-fourth verse, which is the middle verse. The first twenty-

three verses are written with a view to represent the upbeat mood of

Duryodhana and Arjuna, with both the protagonists bristling with

enthusiasm to fight. And in the context of this upbeat mood the theme

of concern for the modern individualist social order without depending

on relation through birth or alliance is brought in implicitly. Will it be

realized? Can it be realized? There is an enthusiastic hopeful outlook

of expectation of realizing a social world in future. But from verse

twenty-five onwards the upbeat mood all of a sudden gives way to

despondency of down cast Arjuna, who starts lamenting the possible

demise of people related to him by birth and alliances, and thereby

demise of social order of clans and tribes based on relations of birth

and alliance etc. Can the decline be arrested? Can the demise be stopped?


Here there is no hope but despondency. But Krsna will find both the

expectation of a social order based on modern individualist outlook as

unjustified as the despondency at demise of tribes based on clannish

and tribal outlook. In chapter 16, Krsna will tell us regarding the

horrendous consequences of modern individualist outlook, which he

identifies as the outlook of those who are born with demoniac-destiny

(asuri-sampad) and will tell us regarding the inevitability of passing

away of that social formation which has come into being in time in

chapters 8 through 11 having introduced the general principle in 2.27.

4. The Middle Position

So what is the way out? The middle verse of the chapter of 47 verses,

i.e. 24th verse is telling: “O descendant of Bharata, Hrishikesa (Krishna)

thus addressed by Gudakesa (Arjuna) stationed that excellent chariot

between the two armies…” The verse tells as much about placing of

the physical chariot in the middle of the two physical armies, as it tells

about the placing of the entire carriage of discussion in the middle of

the two conflicting visions of the social order: the modern individualistic

social order without depending on relation based on birth or alliance

presented in upbeat mood and the outlook of the social order of clans

and tribes based on relations through birth or alliance presented in the

mood of despondency.

The middle position, between the modern individualistic social

formation and the old tribal formation, is what is advocated and

elaborated in every detail in the entire Bhagavadgita. That middle

position is the advocacy of socio-political formation based on institutions

and practice of institutions, a theory, which is available neither through

modern individualistic outlook nor through old tribal and clannish

outlook. This middle position of socio-political institutional formation

requires a way of thinking different from both modern thought as well

as tribal thought, which is elaborated in the entire Bhagavadgita.

Ratha ‘chariot’ from the very beginning of the Vedic thought was

used to refer to dynamic practice of institution, i.e. yajña. The later

Vedic literature exploits the simile of yajña as ratha to elaborate various

internal arrangements of the yajña.8

Therefore,when it is stated in the middle verse, i.e. 24th verse of

the first chapter of the Bhagavadgita, which consists of total 47 verses,

that Krsna stationed that excellent chariot between the two armies, it


is an indication that the Bhagavadgita has a lakca (goal) of expounding

the theory of socio-political institutions, institutional actions, and

institutional revision which has its roots in Rgveda, in which institution

was conceived of as purusa (person) for the first time in the entire

annals of mankind.

What the Bhagavadgita aims at is the theory of socio-political

institutions, which has its roots directly in the Rgveda. From the very

first recorded word preserved by mankind for the posterity, the entire

concern of the Rgveda to the last word is to theorize about the institution

as a person. Rgveda 10.191.4, which is the concluding mantra of the

entire theorizing from the beginning to the end, implies that the one

common socio-political institution as person be reflected in the buddhi

of all people, which is advocated by the Bhagavadgita too as this

commonality of presence of institutional person in all people’s heart is

one of the necessary conditions of the being of manifest institution as

person and also man’s participation in it by way of performance of

institutional action, i.e. action properly vested (samnyasta) on the

institution as person.

It is interesting to note that in the epic Mahabharata, social

organization before Mahabharata (the Great War) was that of clan and

tribe, based on relations through birth and alliance. Kurus (Kauravas),

Pañcalas, and Vrsnis etc. were such clans and tribes. All such clans

and tribes were wiped out at the end of the war, except Vrsnis who

annihilated themselves completely by internal fight later. Only Pandavas

survived annihilation, but they survived as persons organized together

as an institution. But they were not organized together as modern

individuals held together by the supreme force of one of them; they

were organized together guided by Krsna as an institutional person and

that institutional organization survives even after their departure from

the world to be manned by the survivors. What the Mahabharata

portrays and shows is that the period was in confusion regarding dharma

because the tribal formation with its conception of dharma based on

birth and alliance is going out and the contours of the dharma, which

is independent of social organization based on birth and alliance, which

is emerging from the womb of the future, is not yet clear. It is the

Mahabharata (Great War) that settles the confusion, because the victory

was of the party that stood under the guidance of Krsna for the social

formation based on the sovereignty of sui generis institution.


5. The Balanced Errors

Since the erroneous outlooks of Duryodhana and Arjuna, which were

respectively the individualist outlook and clannish tribal outlook, were

presented in equally balanced contrast in the two equal halves of the

first chapter divided by the middle verse, i.e. 24th verse, to give an

indication of the error in thinking of the two protagonists in the first

chapter, the author, i.e. Vedavyasa, deliberately puts erroneous statements

equally balanced in the mouth of the two protagonists, i.e. Duryodhana

and Arjuna. These errors are not inadvertent errors of some copyist, as

these are entrenched errors, which cannot be eliminated by revision of

some words here and there. In the two consecutive verses 1.10 and

1.11 two errors are put by Vedavyasa in the mouth of Duryodhana in

the first part of the chapter. The compositional style of Vedavyasa

demanded that to indicate the error of Arjuna’s thinking the author

must put erroneous statements in the mouth of Arjuna in the second

half of the chapter in consecutive verses. So, Vedavyasa has deliberately

put errors in the mouth of Arjuna in three consecutive verses 1.35-37.

6. The First Two Errors

Duryodhana makes the first two errors. The two verses 1.10 & 11 of

the Bhagavadgita put deliberately in the mouth of Duryodhana are the

most obviously incongruous and erroneous in the entiretext: “This power

(or army) of ours protected by Bhisma is inadequate, whereas that

power (or army) of theirs which is under the protection of Bhisma is

adequate. And therefore do you all, occupying your respective positions

in the several divisions of the army, protect Bhisma only.”9

Bhisma was leading an army of eleven aksauhini, while Bhima

was leading an army of seven aksauhini, where an aksauhini consists

of 21870 elephants, 21870 chariots, 65610 horses, and 109350 foot-

soldiers. Therefore, commentators have obviously noticed the

incongruity of Duryodhan’s claim that the army of his own led by

Bhisma is inadequate, whereas the army of Pandavas, which is under

the leadership of Bhima, is adequate.

Similar reasons are available for noticing the error of Duryodhan’s

utterance in 1.11. Bhisma had the boon from his father that he will die

only if he himself wishes. No one can kill him. It was precisely for this

reason that he was chosen to lead his army by Duryodhana despite his


old age and yet in 1.11 Duryodhana orders all to protect only Bhisma

(bhismam evabhiraksantu). This was a greater error than that of 1.10.

This greater error of Duryodhana, put deliberately by Vedavyasa cannot

be eliminated. The old age of Bhisma was emphasized in the very next

verse 1.12 where he is referred to as kuruvrddhah pitamahah “the old

kuru, the grandfather.”

Both 1.10 and 1.11 are erroneous as spoken by Duryodhana, but

as sentences of Vedavyasa these state the truth. When Duryodhana

introduced the members of the army in verses I.3-9 he identified them

in the modern way as individuals. That is to say that Vedavyasa depicts

Duryodhana in the first chapter of the Bhagavadgita as having a modern

individualist outlook. But it is also depicted that in the process of

introducing the heroes in the two armies individually, he could not see

the institution (organization) that army is, for it was for him a power

of individuals collected and protected under one individual (balam

bhismabhiraksitam, balam bhimabhiraksitam) and yet he expected to

win in the forceful settlement of social organization (samgramam),

when he had no conception of institutional arrangement of social

organization. Yet he expected to win in yuddha to create a collective

power, under the supremacy and protection of one individual, i.e.

Duryodhana himself, when he had no conception of institution that

army is. So, inspite of the numerical superiority he realized that behind

the smaller power protected by Bhima, there is something extraordinary

in the person of Krsna, which Duryodhana had witnessed already, when

he tried in vain to arrest Krsna when Krsna went to Kaurava court with

peace mission, which of course he can’t fathom as he was blind to the

institutional personality of Krsna, Duryodhana failed because there was

no way he could arrest the person that is institution. He had seen the

tejas, the capacity of the institutional personality of Krsna for impelling

and moving people, without understanding or accepting what this

personality of Krsna is. The author Vedavyasa puts across this truth

through the first error of Duryodhana.

Krsna himself represents the abstract person of the institution in

general in the Bhagavadgita, and this is represented as divinity

(aisvarya) of Krsna in the language of the Bhagavadgita. In 11.43

when it was stated regarding the visvarupa of Krsna by Arjuna that

‘(for) your equal exists not; whence another, superior to you, even in

the three worlds (you are) imageless manifest-being (being of unequalled/

unprecedented influence?’10 He was rephrasing the Patanjali’s definition


of isvara, which as per definition, is unrivalled by any superior or

equal power just like the sovereign conceived by Jean Bodin in the

beginning of modern period in Europe. But the difference is that in

Vedic thought in general and the Bhagavadgita in particular what is

unrivalled by any superior or equal power is the abstract institution as

person in general and not any human person as it was in Jean Bodin.

That’s why aisvarya is neither sovereignty of human person nor so-

called people’s sovereignty, rather it is the sovereignty of imageless

(abstract) manifest-being (manifest in existing institution as immanent

in it but unmanifest otherwise) of the institution which is person in

general. Krsna’s aisvarya, i.e. sovereignty of Krsna as invisible dark

institutional personality in general, is one of the central themes of the

Mahabharata. The narrative develops the flaw in the character of

Duryodhana, which is his opposition to Krsna Vasudeva, his blindness

to Krsna’s aisvarya, his blindness to sovereignty (=aisvarya) of sui

generis institutional person in general that Krsna is. But Duryodhana

had witnessed Krsna’s aisvarya when he tried to arrest Krsna, but he

cannot understand this abstract institution as person in Krsna and his

aisvarya (=sovereignty), which is the source of strength of the army

under the protection of Bhima. Hence, Duryodhana is afraid of the

army protected by Bhima. It is this unknown fear of Duryodhana that

is highlighted by his error in 1.10. Behind the explicit error of

Duryodhana is his error of non-recognition of Krsna’s aisvarya, which

is making him fearful enough to commit a different but explicit error.

The author Vedavyasa puts across this truth through the first error of

Duryodhana in I.10. Without the presence and recognition of this error

and recognition of what is behind the error in 1.10 there is no question

of ever understanding the development of the argument of Vedavyasa

in the Bhagavadgita from the first to last verse.

The error of Duryodhana in verse 1.11 highlights a different but

related truth of Vedavyasa. Duryodhana made his army

bhismabhiraksitam (protected by Bhisma) in the yuddha (battle)

precisely because, as mentioned before, he cannot be killed by anybody,

as he had the boon from his father to die at his own wish. So, for him

yuddha (battle) is not samgramam, i.e. forceful settlement of institution.

That view he cannot have as gramam (settlement) involves setting up

of institutions, but of which Duryodhana has no inkling, as he is modern

individualist in outlook. For him yuddha (battle) is primarily to kill the

recalcitrant opponents to establish the superiority of one’s own individual


power to subdue and control all to make them accept the superiority of

his power. Since, essence of yuddha (battle) for Duryodhana is not

samgramam, i.e. forceful right settlement; rather it is killing or getting

killed, he is haunted by the fear, despite the knowledge of the boon,

that may be Bh sma will be killed in the battle and hence, he makes the

error of ordering everyone in his army to protect only Bh sma. This is

the truth regarding Duryodhana that Vedavyasa highlights through this

second error of the former in 1.11.

This is a common error that has led many commentators to claim

that the Bhagavadg ta justifies killing in battle. For example Ambedkar

claims that Krishna offers a philosophic defense of war and killing in

war in the Bhagavadg ta.11 Vedavyasa was far sighted enough to take

care against such misreading of what he advocates. For him war itself

is a practice, but a practice at a limit point, where solidarity and reason

of institutional practice is about to break or broken. It is an ambiguous

point. So, war is a practice, where every other way of practice like the

practice of dialogue has failed, to restore institutional practice. So it

has its own dharma as practice. Its dharma, its essence, and its ideation

have nothing to do with killing or being killed. It is an accidental extra

added in the situation of war, to the ideation of war. Killing and getting

killed is only an accidental contingency in samgramam ‘the forceful

right settlement.’ Plato also accepts this point in his Republic where he

makes Socrates refute Polemarchus by claiming that the justice of war

is not in hurting the enemy but in setting enemy right with force.12 This

idea is presented in the Bhagavadgita in the figure of Bh sma in the

first chapter, who cannot be killed as he is portrayed as someone who

can die only if he himself wishes. If essence of war is to kill and be

killed, then Bh sma being the commander of one army is a logical

contradiction in war. What this contradiction is meant to highlight is

that killing and be killed, dying and causing death is not the dharma

of war. In the first chapter itself, the presence of Bh sma in the war was

underlined through the two errors of Duryodhana as mentioned above.

His presence in the war is mentioned thrice by Duryodhana in 1.8,

1.10, and 1.11 as if the author is underlining this fact as relevant to

understanding the Bhagavadgita. The author also draws attention of

the readers to the old age of Bh sma by making Samjaya refer to

Bh sma thrice: in 1.12 as kuruvrddha pitamah (elderly kuru the

grandfather), in 1.25 by name Bh sma, and in 1.26 as pitamahan

(grandfather). Author wants to emphasize Bh sma’s presence in war


even more, so that there is no misunderstanding that Bh sma’s presence

in the war is incongruous if Duryodhana and Arjuna’s understanding of

the essence of war is taken as correct. So, Arjuna also acknowledges

Bh sma’s presence in war twice in 1.34 as pitamahah (grandfather) and

in the beginning of chapter 2 in 2.4 by name. When the presence of

Bh sma, who can die only if he himself wishes, in war is emphasized

it is meant to discount the idea that killing is essential to war or that

killing is dharma of war. Then what is dharma of war? The dharma

of war is not to kill or harm the opponent, but to set him right by force,

to use force to restore practice, to use force to prevent him from breaking

the practice. Yuddha is samgramam, i.e. forceful settlement. Even when

Bh sma could not be killed, he could still be forced out of the war for

settlement of the issue, but not for settling the scores as mentality of

many critiques of the Bhagavadg ta makes it out to be. Unless one

grasps this second error of Duryodhana, how can a reader ever grasp

how the argument of the Bhagavadgita is going to be developed by

Vedavyasa.

7. The Fourth Error

The fourth error presented in the first chapter of the Bhagavadgita is

put in the mouth of Arjuna by Vyasa to indicate how wrong Arjuna is

in his argument. The fourth error is present in the verse 1.36: “O

Janardana, what delight shall be ours after killing the sons of

Dhritasashtra? On killing these felons, sin only will take hold of us.”13

Vasisthasmrti III. 16 says: “One who sets fire, gives poison, attacks

with weapon in hand, plunders the property, dispossessed others of

their territory as well as of their women, i.e. does these six are evil-

doers atatayinah.” With regard to such a heinous criminal, the

Manusmrti VIII, 350-351 says: “Whether he be a teacher, an infant, an

old man or a much learned brahmin, if he comes as a criminal (atatayi),

one should kill him without any consideration. There is no sin in killing

a criminal (atatayi).” Now, in the light of the story of the Mahabharata,

the Kauravas, had committed not one but all the six heinous crimes.

The error of Arjuna is that even when he recognizes the atatayinah and

uses the appropriate term to refer to them and yet he says papam

evasrayed asman hatvaitan atatayinah “on killing these felons, sin

only will take hold of us.” The action in which there is no sin he is

associating sin.


The error of Arjuna in 1.36 is that where it is appropriate (dharma)

to kill, i.e. atatayinah, he is not thinking of killing. This error is

deliberately put by Vedavyasa to highlight and to draw attention of

readers to the contrasting error of Arjuna that where it is not appropriate

(dharma) to associate killing, i.e. with yuddha or samgramam, there he

is all the time thinking of killing and getting killed. Even though essence

of yuddha is samgramam ‘forceful right settlement’ and killing or getting

killed is not its essence (dharma), Arjuna is associating killing and

getting killed with yuddha just like Duryodhana.

The error of Arjuna in 1.36 is also meant to bring out very erroneous

nature of his thinking regarding dharma, his violation of some

fundamental principle of activity of thinking per se, which is preventing

him from thinking correctly about dharma.

8. The Third and the Fifth Errors

The third and the fifth errors deliberately put by Vedavyasa in the

mouth of Arjuna are present hidden in the Bhagavadgita 1.35 and

1.37. In 1.35 Arjuna is speaking to Krsna: “These, O slayer of Madhu,

even if they kill me, I do not wish to kill, even for the sake of dominion

over the three worlds; how much less, for the sake of the earth.”14 In

1.37 also Arjuna is speaking to Krsna: “We had then better not slay our

own kinsmen, the sons of Dhritarashtra; for, how can we be happy, O

Madhava, after slaying our own people?”15

In these two verses Arjuna addresses Krsna as Madhusudana and

Madhava respectively. Both the addresses for Krsna in the mouth of

Arjuna are erroneous as these are two names of Visnu according to

Visnusahasranamastotram. There is no story in Indian literature in

which Krsna ever killed the demon Madhu. It was Visnu who killed

demons Madhu and Kaitabha. Visnu in his Hayagr va avatara, i.e.

manifestation in human form with the head of a horse, had performed

this feat. Santiparva of Mahabharata (XII.335.1-69) states that the

demons Madhu and Kaitabha stole the Vedas from Brahma. Visnu, in

his manifestation as Hayagr va, killed them, and retrieved the Vedas. In

the above verse under consideration Arjuna addressing Krsna as

Madhusudana is erroneous as Krsna’s identity with Visnu is not known

to Arjuna yet in the Bhagavadg ta, which will be revealed to him in

10.21 when Krsna will state: “of the adityas I am Visnu.”16 Arjuna in

the Bhagavadg ta did not know about Krsna’s previous births till 4.4


where he asks Krsna: “Your birth is later, and the birth of Vivasvat was

earlier; how am I to understand that you told this Yoga in the

beginning?”17 and was told about previous births of Krsna in the

Bhagavadg ta not before 4.5. So, Arjuna could not have addressed

Krsna as Madhusudana in the first chapter of the Bhagavadgita on its

own terms and yet the author has made Arjuna address Krsna in that

way in verse 1.35. Similarly, Madhava along with Madhusudana is

also the name or epithet of Vi snu according to

Visnusahasranamastotram. According to Sankaracarya’s commentary

on it, Madhava means the Consort (dhava) of Ma, i.e. Mahalaksmi.

But the correct meaning of Madhava is one who is fit to be known

through Madhu-Vidya. Hence, once again without knowing the identity

of Krsna with Visnu, Arjuna could not have used Madhava to address

Krsna.

In these five verses, where errors are present, what gesture does

Vedavyasa make? Through his gesture Vedavyasa is giving indication

of the erroneous nature of the individualistic power based conception

of social formation thought by Duryodhana and also giving indication

that the thinking of Arjuna based on tribal social formation and its

dharma is not tenable any more.

In the Bhagavadg ta the two errors made by Duryodhana are

deliberately put by Vedavyasa only to indicate the line of thought not

taken by Krsna. Duryodhana’s thinking is not engaged in the dialogue

by Krsna except in chapter 16 briefly and has no further role to play

than the negative role of prohibition of the individualist thinking. But

the errors of Arjuna are more significant, as Arjuna is the interlocutor

in the dialogue with Krsna and Arjuna’s erroneous thinking has to be

removed by Krsna for which Krsna is indulging in dialogue with Arjuna

to make him participate in the war, which has arrived and in the midst

of which Krsna finds Arjuna armed and prepared, but suddenly and

unexpectedly unwilling to fight due to his erroneous thinking.

Verse 1.35 is ambiguous because of the following reasons. As

statement by Arjuna it means “These, O Krsna, even if they kill me, I

do not wish to kill, even for the sake of dominion over the three

worlds; how much less, for the sake of the earth.” But as a composition

of Vedavyasa, this shows some lack in Arjuna, which is making him

think of only killing in the war even though the dharma of war does

not have any essential involvement of killing. And he is not thinking

of killing where killing is dharma, i.e. killing the felons in the next


verse, i.e. 1.36. Vedavyasa is giving indication of what Arjuna is lacking

by making Arjuna address Krsna as Madhusudana.

Apart from meaning destroyer of Madhu Madhusudana is literally

one who assents to and promises madhu, i.e. the Vedic madhu vidya,

which Arjuna lacks and which is now required for Arjuna, which Krsna

will impart to Arjuna. The Brhadaranyaka Upanisad II.v.1-19, and the

Chandogya Upanisad III 1-5 describe Madhu-vidya or ‘Honey-skill

(know-how)’ where the imagery of bees, beehive, honey, and the flower

from which the honey comes is described to create the enthusiasm of

the self. It is this imagery of bee, beehive and honey, which in later

literature, specifically in pañcaratra literature developed into a beehive

conception of institution as person.

9. Madhu-Vidya or ‘Honey-skill (or Honey Know-how)’

Arjuna is in need of this Madhu Vidya to recover his self, as he at this

stage, i.e. in first chapter, is under the sway of his ahamkara, i.e. ego.

The significance of madhu vidya is that it is the skill to make the self

of the institution in time (kala) to be present in the heart of all, as is

indicated in the pañcaratra literature. Madhu Vidyâ refers to knowledge

of abstract internal as well as external public institution, which is like

a beehive. So the specific skill that Arjuna lacks due to Ahamkara, and

which lack is indicated by his erroneous address to Krsna as

Madhusudana, is the skill of keeping the reflection of the institutional

person in the heart and buddhi required for performance of institutional

action.

Since Visnu as Madhava is graspable through Madhu Vidya, Arjuna

needs Madhu Vidya. Since Madhu Vidya is actually the skill in grasping

by buddhi the institutional person it is indicated by Vedavyasa, through

the error of Arjuna, that to grasp Visnu by buddhi Arjuna has to have

Madhu Vidya, because from the very beginning of the Vedic literature

Visnu is recognized as yajña puruca, i.e. institution as person. In

Satapatha Brahmana the expression yajño vai visnuh, i.e. identification

of yajña with Visnu, is repeated not less than 50 times e.g. 1.1.2.13,

5.2.3.6, 5.4.5.1 etc. In Kaus taki Brahmana 4.2, 1.8, 18.14 and in

Aitareya Brahmana 1.3.4 the identification of yajña and Visnu is

repeated. In the Bhagavadg ta Arjuna does not know the identity of

Krsna as Visnu or yajña purusa, i.e. institution as person in the first

chapter to be able to address him as Madhava. The identification of


yajña, i.e. institution, with Krsna will be made known to Arjuna when

Krsna speaking in first person will say in 9.16: “I am kratu, I am yajña,

I am svadha, I am aucadha, I am mantra, Myself the butter, I am fire,

I the act of offering.”18

It is the knowledgeable resolve of a collective institutional person,

which is imparted to Arjuna later. Bhagavatg ta 13.13-16 confirms

this.

Bhagavatg ta 13. 13 says: “With hands and feet everywhere, with

eyes and heads and mouths everywhere, with ears everywhere, that

exists enveloping all.”19 This verse is crystallizing the institution as

person. This is a description of a corporate institutional person, which

incorporates many human beings in it like the bees in the beehive.What

the verse 13.13 of the Bhagavadg ta is describing is a collectivity,

which is institution as person.

The verse 13.14 of the Bhagavadg ta says: “Shining by the gunas

(strands of prakrti) of all the senses, (yet) without the senses; unattached,

yet supporting all; devoid of gunas but enjoyer of gunas.”20 This verse

reinforces the conception of institution as person. What it is describing

is the functions of the institution as person to further crystallize the

idea of institution as person. The institution as person does not have

any of the senses as human being as person has. How does the institution

as person then manifests with functions/workings/actions of senses? It

is because the institution as person manifests with functions/actions of

senses without having corporeal senses, the institution as person is

called the foremost and greatest person, which surpasses all human

persons. Institution in this crystallization is just an arrangement of

actions of senses spread over space and time divested of the corporeality

of senses, which belong to individual human beings who are members

of the institution. According to 13.14 of the Bhagavadg ta, the institution

as person manifests with functions of senses without having corporeal

senses. Hence, the institutional person is asaktam, because it does not

require indriyartha sannikarsa to exhibit functions of senses. The

indriyartha sannikarsa or matrasparsa will take place in the individual

human being who is member of the institution, but acquiring of prama

through pramana will be attributed to the institution as person.The

institutional person is sarvabhrc ‘supporting all,’ i.e. ‘filling all.’ The

institutional person is nirgunam ‘without strands of prakrti (nature)’

and it is because of this that it has no corporeal senses as these are

evolutes of strands of prakrti (nature). But the institution as person


even when devoid of strands of prakrti (nature), it is gunabhoktr ‘enjoyer

of gunas’ in the sense that it enjoys the functions/actions of gunas as

it manifests with functions/actions of senses even without having

corporeal senses. Here it must be kept in mind that it is the institution

as person, which is jñeyam ‘fit to be knowledgeably resolved’ which is

being explained.

The verses 13.15-16 of the Bhagavadg ta say: “Without and within

(all) existents, the unmoving as also the moving, from being subtle that

is without being knowledgeably actionably resolved; and far away and

near is that, And undivided, yet remaining divided as it were in beings;

filler of existents, too is that, fit to be knowledgeably resolved; grasping

and properly orienting to generate.”21 These verses are presenting the

institutional person. So the affirmation and promise of the madhu vidya

indicated by Vedavyasa through the erroneous address of Arjuna for

Krsna was fulfilled in the Bhagavadg ta.

The western tradition has criticized the beehive conception of

society as an advocacy of instinctive stratified static society. But

Vedavyasa developed, without stating it explicitly, the beehive

conception of institution as person, taking it over from Sruti and

pañcaratra texts, without any instinctive static stratification like the

system of four-fold varna and without any essential involvement of

static varna dharma rather developed it based on sasvata dharma so

that institution as person is ever manifesting with its changing forms in

accordance with sasvata dharma as pointed out earlier. The conception

person, which is institution as beehive is developed removing the defect,

which later western thinkers thought is present in it, but Vedic thinkers

developed the conception of person, which is institution as beehive, in

such a way that like beehive it is full of madhu, which is rasa, with

sweet taste, so that the institution is simultaneously rasa l la, as

recognized in pauranik literature and Vaisnava tradition, so that

institutional action becomes mere effortless enjoyable play rather than

drudgery of a work. Hence, this rasa played an important role in the

Vedic natya sastra, which depicted the protagonist (patra) playing his

or her institutional role performing institutional action exhibiting various

rasa, as if collected by various bees from various flowers to be presented

through actions on the stage. An attempt will be made to develop the

conception of person, which is institution as beehive functioning

according to the sa svata dharma as expounded in the

Bhagavadg talater.22


References

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Ambedkar, B. R. 1987. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar-Writings and Speeches. Vol

3. First Edition. Compiled by Vasant Moon. Department of Education.

Government of Maharastra.

Smith, Brian K. 1985. Gods and Men in Vedic Ritualism: Toward a Hierarchy

of Resemblance. History of Religions. Vol. 24, No. 4 (May).

Thapar, Romila. 1984. From Lineage to State:social formations in the mid-

first millennium B.C. in the Ganga Valley. Bombay: Oxford University

Press.

(Notes)

1 As stated in Aitareya-Brahmana I. 13, Yâska in Nirukta 1.16 and Gopatha

Brahmana 2.2.6.2 Sìankaracarya did not write any commentary on the verses of the first

chapter and the first ten verses of the second chapter of the Bhagavadg ta.

His commentary begins with the 11th verse of the second chapter.3 The Gopatha Brahmana 1.1.1, 1.1.7, 1.1.39, 1.2.21, 1.3.19 and 1.4.23;

Satapatha Brahmana 14.6.11.2 (=Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 4.2.2)

states:paroksapriya iva hi deva bhavanti pratyaksadvisah // “The deities

indeed love, as it were, the indirect/mediated [names], and hate the direct/

immediate [names].” Cf. Taittirîya Brahmana 3.12.2 also.4 The “modern” is an analytic category and not a temporal category for the

author, and “individualism” is one of the elements of modern outlook.

Hence, for him Protagoras was quite ‘modern’ in his outlook and

individualist in his ethico-political views, and so is Duryodhana as depicted

by Vedavyasa in Bhagavadgita in particular and Mahabharata in general.5 The relations of birth and alliance can characterize both family and a

tribe (or clan). The difference in family and tribe is that family as a unit

exists with its relations of birth and alliance in a larger society in which

other kinds of relations like the relation of citizen with citizen and citizens

with their representatives, subjects’ relation to sovereign etc. obtain. But

if the entire society is based on only relations of birth and alliance then it

is a tribe. The claim is that Arjuna recognized only tribal relations and no

other relations and, hence, he was not thinking of family but of tribe.6 The similar conclusion was reached by Romila Thapar much earlier on

historical consideration of Post Mauryan period. She treats the


Mahabharata War as a major time marker. It marks the end of an epoch.

Kshatriya rulerships are about to make way for the monarchical states of

the middle Ganga valley. “The intensive sorrow of the battle at Kurukshetra

is not merely at the death of kinsmen but also at the dying society . . .”

Thapar (1984): p. 141.7 Ajuna was not standing for the emerging practice. It was Krsna who was

standing for the emerging social practice. If we follow the narrative of

Mahabharata the real conflict was between Duryodhana and Krsna to

shape the emerging practice.8 Cf. Kamhaka Samhita (the Samhita of katha sakha) XXXIV.17: 47.16;

XXIII.6: 82.13; Krsnayajurvediya Taittiriyasamhita II.5.6; Maitrayani

Samhita III.6.9: 73.14; Pañcavimsa Brahmana - Tanya Mahabrahmana

XVI.1.13; Aitreyabrahmana II.37; Jaiminiya Brahmana I.129,130 (of

the Samaveda). Brian K. Smith writes, “Perhaps the most common image

for the sacrifice as vehicle is that which compares the ritual to a chariot

(ratha). In Kaus taki Brahmana the sacrifice is a “chariot of the gods”

(devaratha), the introductory and concluding rites the two matching sides:

“He who makes them equal to one another, just as one can make a

journey as desired by driving a chariot with two sides, so safely he

reaches the world of heaven” (7.7). Similarly, the Agnihotra sacrifice

should be performed after sunrise, according to one authority, so that it

will be like a chariot with both wheels: “Day and night are the wheels of

the year; truly, with them he goes through the year. If he offers before

sunrise, it is as if one were swiftly to make a journey with [a chariot

with] both wheels” (Aitareya Brahmana 5.30).” Smith (1985: p.294. He

also gives a note on the same page fn.4: “For the sacrifice as chariot, cf.

Pañcavimsa Brahmana 16.1.13, where the sacrificial fees (daksinas) are

likened to “internal fastenings” (slesmas); Pañcavimsa Brahmana 8.5.16,

where the chants (samans) are said to be “reins” (rasmi); Aitareya

Brahmana 2.37, comparing the recitations (sastras) to the “inner reins”

(antara rasmi); and esp. Jaimn ya Brahmana 1.129-30, where an elaborate

metaphor links the parts of the sacrifice to the parts of a chariot.”9 aparyaptam tad asmakam balam bhismabhiraksitam / paryaptam tv idam

etesam balam bhimabhiraksitam // ayanesu ca sarvesu yathabhagam

avasthitah / bhismam evabhiraksantu bhavantah sarva eva hi //10 na tvatsamo ‘sty abhyadhikah kuto ‘nyo; lokatraye ‘py apratimaprabh ava11 Ambedkar (1987): p 361.12 Plato, Republic, 334a ff.13 nihatya dhartarastran nah ka pritih syaj janardana /papam evasrayed

asman hatvaitan atatayinah//14 etan na hantum icchami ghnato ‘pi madhusudana / api trailokyarajyasya

hetoh kim nu mahikrte //


15 tasman narha vayam hantum dhartarastran sabandhavan / svajanam hi

katham hatva sukhinah syama madhava //16 adityanam aham visnur17 aparam bhavato janma param janma vivasvatah / katham etad vijaniyam

tvam adau proktavan iti //18 aham kratur aham yajñah svadhaham aham ausadham /mantro ’ham

aham evajyam aham agnir aham hutam //19 sarvatahpanipadam tat sarvatoksisiromukham/sarvatahsrutimal loke

sarvam avrtya tisthati //20 sarvendriyagunabhasam sarvendriyavivarjitam /asaktam sarvabhrc caiva

nirgunam gunabhoktr ca //21 bahir antas ca bhutanam acaram caram eva ca /suksmatvat tad avijñeyam

durastham cantike ca tat //avibhaktam ca bhutesu vibhaktam iva ca sthitam

/bhutabhartr ca taj jñeyam grasisnu prabhavisnu ca //22 The present author presented a paper entitled “Dharma in The

Bhagavadg ta” in a National Seminar on The Concept of Value in the

Contemporary Perspective, organized by Centre for Advanced Study,

Department of Philosophy, University of Allahabad, Allahabad-211002,

February 21-22, 2015, wherein he has argued that it is generally believed

that Bhagavadgita offers a philosophic defence of varna dharma but this

is an unfounded believe and has shown that Bhagavadgita advocates

sasvata/sattvata dharma, which is distinct and different from varna

dharma and this sasvata/sattvatadharma was elaborated extensively in

that paper. Also Cf. Agarwala (2016).


Quest for Academic Autonomy and theMaking of Public Intellectuals: SomeReflections on Martha Nussbaum’sHumanity Project

Abstract

The institution of public intellectualism in the democratic societies has

been a great ‘conscience-creator and shaper.’ First, Public Intellectualism

helps in consolidating the local aspirations and beliefs that guides the

society and political society to ‘govern’ constructively. Secondly, it

helps to bring changes in the ‘non-accommodative’ attitudes and

aspirations of people and establishes an ‘informed-debate’ over the

issues of common-concern.

The paper aims to examine Martha Nussbaum’s efforts to overcome

the crises of humanity as explicated in her two seminal texts – Cultivating

Humanity: A Classical Defense of Reform in Liberal Education

(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997) & Not for Profit: Why

Democracy Needs the Humanities (New Jersey: Princeton University

Press, 2010). Nussbaum asserts that science and technology can lead a

* Vaibhav Shah, Assistant Professor, English, Centre for Learning Future,

Ahmedabad University, GICT Building, Central Campus Navrangpura,

Ahmedabad-380009 Gujarat, India, E-Mail- [email protected],

Mobile - +91-9638885400.

** Ravi Saxena, Assistant Professor, Political Science, School of Law, SVKM’s

NMIMS (Deemed to be University), V. L. Mehta Road, Vile Parle West,

Mumbai-400-056, Maharashtra, India, E-Mail- [email protected] Mobile-

+91-9601908840.


democratic country to economic advancement; but to make it qualitative

and comprehensive living, it is imperative to create a decent world

culture which is possible by extensive study of humanities.

The last section of the paper attempts to critically evaluate the

functioning of ‘public-intellectualism’ in India in recent past. The

research method used in the paper is qualitative, normative and historical

in nature.

Key Words: Public Intellectual, Higher Education, Humanities,

Integrated Learning, Tolerance.

I

Since the past few decades, there has been an immense debate over the

characteristics of intellectuals and the kind of roles performed by them

in both academic and public sphere. Despite the claims of their different

and distinctive categories, most of the critics agree that intellectuals

strive to bring changes in the society by means of critical discourses or

active participation in revolutionary movements. The role of an

intellectual, as an agent of change in public sphere, is a product of the

discourse of enlightenment. The enlightenment project is an enquiry

into the truth about nature, man, and society for the progress of mankind.

This belief mobilizes a public intellectual to take up the task of

“transformation of consciousness by the dispelling of prejudice and the

spread of theoretical truth.” (Crick 128). This paper offers an inquiry

into the discourse of academic autonomy for the contemporary

intellectuals in Martha Nussbaum’s humanity project.

In the bio-bibliographical introduction of Nussbaum in Norton

Anthology of Theory & Criticism, a noted characteristic of her writing

has been pointed out which asseverates that she “differs from many

contemporary theorists in the accessibility of her writing. She deploys

philosophical concepts without jargon, determined to convey to a general

readership how theory contributes to making a good society.” (Leitch

2304). Most of the theorists are obscure in their writing, and hence,

their discourses are limited to the interest-field of a few experts who

specialize in that domain and can reciprocate. It becomes difficult for

lay persons to understand their conceptual frameworks and writings.

Nussbaum, on the other hand, is more lucid in her analysis and is

palatable to commoners (here ‘commoners’ refers to those common

people who do not theorize as opposed to the so-called ‘intellectuals’).

These two dichotomous positions of intellectuals i.e. ‘intellectual for

intellectual’ and ‘intellectual for commoner’ impel the introducer to


represent Nussbaum as the one who pulls out philosophical thought out

of the academic realm and brings it to public domain. In order to

communicate to commoners, she renders her intellectual discourse in

plain language through mundane and quotidian illustrations and

references. Doubtless to say, what propels this classification of

intellectuals is the usage of rhetoric that makes a discourse

comprehensible (or incomprehensible!) in the public domain. This brings

us to another important question pertaining to the role of rhetoric in an

intellectual discourse – to what extent can rhetoric be justified? Rhetoric

is justified so long as it aims at persuading the target audience and

reacts to a specific situation i.e. rhetorical situation which is defined as

“the nature of those contexts in which speakers or writers create

rhetorical discourse.” (Bitzer 1). This essay, therefore, seeks to argue

that Nussbaum’s project to reinstate the humanity programs from their

peripheral status across universities and schools is both persuasive and

responsive to a critical situation which is both ‘rhetorical’ and

‘philosophical.’ The latter term is an extension of Bitzer’s ‘rhetoric

situation’ by Crick. By raising a question: “whether philosophers,

scientists, or artists merely reflect qualities of their situations or whether

they act as agents of change,” Crick examines two positions of Richard

Rorty who on the one hand suggests ‘leftist academics’ to give away

with theory and participate actively in class struggle and on the other

hand, advocates pragmatism “that would treat theory as an aid to

practice” (134). Adhering to the latter position of Rorty, Crick

conceptualizes the notion of “philosophical situation” which takes

Bitzer’s idea of ‘rhetorical situation’ to a much wider setting and all the

three considerations i.e. exigence, constraints, and audience as espoused

by Bitzer are recontextualized in a broader sphere of philosophical

situation:

First, an exigence is no longer limited to a particular event in a

restricted time and place, such as Roosevelt’s reaction after Pearl

Harbour, but expands to include problems that face an entire culture

within historical time, such as Dewey’s long-term effort to construct

a working ideal of democratic life. Second, constraints are likewise

broadened from specific persons, events, objects, and relations to

include things like public institutions, governing bodies, religious

beliefs, economic relations, historical forces, communal norms,

and ethnic identities… the important qualities of a public (audience)

are the habits of thought and behaviour it relies upon to maintain

community life and confront problems when they arise.

(Crick 134)


Crick thus in formulating his theory of philosophical situation offers

a comprehensive insight of the possible role of a public intellectual. He

asserts that public intellectual addresses the socio-historical problems

faced by public and responds to his philosophical situation “by producing

a work that conceptualizes and provides direction for solving

longstanding and pervasive problems and are then successful in helping

change the habits and practices of a public”(138). However, there is an

epistemological difference in the way rhetoric is mediated by the

intellectuals. Though both rhetoric and philosophical situations follow

persuasion model to bring change, the former is practiced at macro

level and the latter attempts to incite the micro level persuasion.

Another explanation of intellectuals which Edward Said posits in

his The Representations of an Intellectual assigns them much larger

responsibilities:

The attempt to hold to a universal and single standard as a theme

plays an important role in my account of the intellectual. Or rather

the interaction between universality and the local, the subjective,

the here and now. (xiii)

Said’s idea of universality and its relation with local matters offers

a broader definition of the nature of intellectuals for whom seeing

beyond the obvious is equally important as responding to any critical

situation. They must interrogate the implicit issues like the spirit of

nationalism, ideology of corporates and ruling parties, and prejudiced

behaviour towards a particular class, race, caste, gender or community

that are generally hidden beneath the surface of specific situations.

Thus an intellectual, in questioning covert issues, strives to adhere to

universal principals which proclaim that “all human beings are entitled

to expect decent standards of behaviour concerning freedom and justice,

and that deliberate or inadvertent violations of these standards need to

be testified and fought against courageously” (Said 12-13). The seminal

prerequisites of freedom and justice for living a decent life necessitate

any intellectual to participate in a kind of struggle to challenge the

hegemonic structures in a society. In order to substantiate this argument,

Said turns to Antonio Gramsci, an Italian Marxist, who classifies the

two types of intellectuals – ‘traditional’ and ‘organic.’ In the ‘traditional’

category, Gramsci puts teachers, priests and administrators who have a

tendency to compromise with their existing environment and “continue

to do the same things from generation to generation” (Said 4). The

organic intellectuals, on the other hand, actively participate in the society

as an agent of change. Such transformations are made possible through


their dynamic engagement in the spheres of both production and

distribution of knowledge, which albeit, is facilitated by power and

control acquired by them as representatives of specific groups or

institutions. Said argues that such intellectuals’ enterprises are

conditioned by the survival of such groups and institutions in a given

period of time. “As the institutions either rise or fall in ascendancy, so

too do their organic intellectuals” (67).

This brings to the fore Said’s classification of public intellectuals

(individual) as professional and amateur. At the core of this attempt

lies an urgent need of autonomous intellectual who can work

independently without succumbing to the academic, institutional and

political pressures that impose restrictions on organic intellectuals.

However, Said’s account of professional intellectuals defies this very

notion of autonomy by representing them as ‘uncontroversial,’

‘unpolitical’ and ‘objective’ (74). This is possible only in the event of

adopting a neutral attitude by public intellectuals when, in reality, they

are expected to challenge the accepted norms or conventions for the

sake of humankind. Said, in expounding the professional behaviour of

intellectuals, describes four kinds of pressures that challenge the

‘ingenuity’ and ‘will’ of intellectuals, namely specialization (in one’s

domain of knowledge), expertise (certified by authority), and inevitable

drift towards power and authority in its adherents. These pressures

have decisively led intellectuals to a state of insensitivity to pressing

issues of our time. As a counter to this professional attitude of

intellectuals which fail to overcome the selfish motif of rewards and

profits, the notion of ‘amateur’ intellectual is advanced by Said:

The intellectual today ought to be an amateur, someone who

considers that to be a thinking and concerned member of a society

one is entitled to raise moral issues at the heart of even the most

technical and professionalized activity as it involves one’s country,

its power, its mode of interacting with its citizens as well as with

other societies (82-83).

Said’s vision of amateurs evokes a much larger responsibility for

intellectuals which is not merely confined to the conventional role

assigned to them (i.e. reacting to a particular event or a situation) but

goes beyond by making them act in accordance with the moral and

ethical demands of our own time. This also engenders a significant

debate between the ‘method’ and the ‘end’ of the public discourse. As

has been stated earlier that the discourse of some intellectuals is too

vague to be understood, and hence, it gets relegated to the periphery of


public domain. This might be the case because of their over-emphasis

on the method rather than the larger goal of being accessible to the

wide range of people. Amateur intellectuals are more interested in the

ends rather than the complex methods as their discourses, which

essentially incorporate the moral attitude in professional behaviours

and for this very reason, aim to reach the masses unambiguously for

fruitful rendering of their ideas.

Another role of public intellectual can be perceived in Alcoff’s

proposition of three models of public intellectuals: permanent critic or

Socratic gadfly, popularizing intellectual and public theorist. By

permanent critic or Socratic gadfly model, Alcoff means a kind of

intellectual for whom the “only way to retain credibility is to be

incessantly critical” (525). The other extreme model ‘public theorist’

includes an intellectual who is capable of doing theory in public domain.

Quoting Foucault’s example of his concept of discipline as the principle

mode of political control and his analysis of power structures in society,

Alcoff asserts that “intellectuals should be theorists and critics who are

simultaneously engaged in teaching and learning” (533). Between these

two extremes, Alcoff puts popularizing model of intellectuals who take

theory or knowledge which is produced in academic sphere out and

places it before the masses in simple and comprehensible manner as

opposed to nuanced and ambiguous academic discourse. In order to

substantiate her position, she cites an example of Nussbaum’s Cultivating

Humanity by referring to her book as “more accessible treatise that

makes an educational and ethical case for multicultural curricular reform,

using contemporary classroom examples combined with considerations

drawn from Nussbaum’s scholarly area of expertise in ancient Greek

philosophy” (529).

Nussbaum’s project on humanity can be discerned as an attempt of

a public intellectual who not only reacts to a critical situation which

she refers to as a time of “the silent crisis” because of the drastic

negligence of liberal arts courses and programmes in universities and

schools across the globe but also acts as an amateur, in Said’s term, by

advancing a more profound and decisive role of humanities in inculcating

democratic values in humans as the citizens of the world. Needless to

say, Nussbaum’s erudite scholarship and her diversified interest areas

like moral philosophy, law, public policy, international development

and literature are key instruments in rendering such an influential critique

of present-day attitude towards humanities programmes and reinforcing

the capabilities like critical thinking, approaching world problems as a


cosmopolitan citizen and sympathetic imagination of the predicament

of ‘others’ to create a decent environment for living.

II

In a 2004 article “A Manifesto for the Humanities in a Technological

Age,” authors perceive a significant downfall of humanities programmes

and hold universities responsible for their unremitting interests in

material gains which have led to the imbalance between professional

courses and that of liberal arts. Another article which was published in

2010 in the same magazine offers a more point-blank question: “Can

the Humanities Survive the 21st Century?” The anxiety of the author in

raising this question is so deepened that what follows is an appalling

and eye-opening claim:

What has happened is that the center of gravity at almost all

universities has shifted from the humanities that the most pertinent

answer to the question “Will the humanities survive in the 21st

century?” is not “yes” or “no,” but “Who cares?” (Donoghue,

2010)

It is this predicament of humanities in present scenario that Martha

Nussbaum is impelled to address as “the silent crisis.” In her book

“Not For Profit: Why Democracy Needs Humanities,” she calls for the

attention of all (be they academicians, policy makers, students or anyone

else who cares for education) to the unwanted precipitation of such

crisis as she remarks:

We are in the midst of a crisis of massive proportions and grave

global significance. No, I do not mean the global economic crisis…

I mean a crisis that goes largely unnoticed, like a cancer, a crisis

that is likely to be, in the long-run, far more damaging to the

nature of democratic self-government: a worldwide crisis in

education (Nussbaum 1-2).

One of the factors responsible for this crisis, as Nussbaum avers,

is an arrant negligence of the skills that are prerequisites for the survival

of a healthy democracy. Policy makers’sole focus is the pursuit of

short- term gains which they can obtain by introducing applied skills

perfectly suitable for the making of profit. As a result, humanities and

arts which are considered as ‘useless frills,’ are rapidly replaced by so

called applied skills in the curriculum across US and abroad.

Concomitantly, such reforms have drastically affected the mindset of

parents and children who feel that a degree in liberal arts cannot bring


them enough financial security as promised by professional programmes.

Nussbaum envisages this crisis as a potential threat to the future of

democratic countries and warns:

If this trend continues, nations all over the world will soon be

producing generations of useful machines, rather than complete

citizens who can think for themselves, criticize tradition, and

understand the significance of another person’s sufferings and

achievements. The future of the world’s democracy hangs in the

balance (Not for Profit 2).

What lies at the center of this threat is Nussbaum’s critique of

material attitude of nations in their pursuit of economic growth and

total dismissal of those qualities that “connect person to world in a

rich, subtle, and complicated manner.” (Not for Profit 6). The desire

for material advancement which is closely tied with the gross national

product per capita calls for a crucial role of science and technology in

the development of a nation? Nussbaum makes a point here by arguing

that though one should not have any objection to either of these two

goals that nations aspire in order to develop; other skills which largely

emanate from the discipline of humanity and which are equally important

should not be given out at any cost in the process of economic growth.

The reason why such skills should not be discarded, as stated by

Nussbaum lies in the vital role they play in shaping the democratic

future of a nation and in creating “a decent world culture capable of

constructively addressing the world’s most pressing problems” (Not for

Profit 7).

The skills or abilities which Nussbaum suggests for the cultivation

of humanity include: the ability for critical self-examination and thinking

critically about one’s own society, culture and tradition; the ability to

approach the problems of the world as a cosmopolitan citizen; the

ability to empathize with others and understand their predicaments as

one’s own. Such abilities help an individual transcend the local matters

and face the problems as a citizen of the world. In order to develop

such abilities in individuals; Nussbaum proposes several changes in the

curriculum in both school and university level of education across the

globe. However, the changes which she suggests are not fully related to

the subject matter but to the method of teaching and learning which

needs to be refurbished in order to be evolved as a citizen of the world.

Nussbaum, in substantiating her thesis of curricular change, takes the

help of classical thinkers and educationists who emphasized on such

reforms in past and are relevant to modern democracies as well. By


reflecting upon the works of Plato, Diogenes, Cicero, Rousseau,

Pestalozzi, Froebel, Alcott, Mann, Dewey, Tagore and Winnicott;

Nussbaum not only offers a critical appraisal of present day education

model which demands a significant alteration but also undertakes an

exhaustive study of certain colleges and universities of US where

proposed reforms in curriculum and pedagogy are already in vogue.

These abilities, as stated above, belong to liberal arts courses and

therefore Nussbaum insists universities and policy makers to pay equal

attention to them. The first ability which is mentioned as critical self-

examination refers to Socratic way of ‘examined life’:

This means a life that accepts no belief as authoritative simply

because it has been handed down by tradition or become familiar

through habit, a life that questions all beliefs and accepts only

those that survive reason’s demand for consistency and for

justification. Training this capacity requires developing to reason

logically, to test what one reads or says for consistency of reasoning,

correctness of fact, and accuracy of judgment (Cultivating Humanity

9-10).

Socratic mode of thinking allows pupils to question everything they

perceive and not accept anything which is not logically justified. This

emphasizes the role of Philosophy in the intellectual growth of an individual

as logic and reasoning are the core components of Philosophy discipline.

Socratic inquiry aims to unveil the layers of ignorance for the establishment

of truth and justice. However, in a system where students are supposed to

regurgitate the text books in order to pass an exam or qualify for a selection

process for higher education, Socratic model turns out to be a myth only.

Here, obviously, the context is Indian education system which offers no

scope of self-reflexivity for learners which is possible through the critical

examination of ‘self’ and ‘other.’ They are not encouraged to think in an

alternative or unconventional way because it cannot lead them to score

good grades or percentiles in their exams. Moreover, teachers also are not

ready to move beyond their traditional realm of pedagogy as noted by

Nussbaum:

Notice that part of the issue is content, and part is pedagogy. Curricular

content has shifted away from material that focuses on enlivening

imagination and training the critical faculties toward material that is

directly relevant to test preparation. Along with the shift in content has

come an even more baneful shift in pedagogy; away from teaching

that seeks to promote questioning and individual responsibility toward

force-feeding for good exam results (Not for Profit 134).


Socratic examination method, on the other hand, requires a deeper

level of commitment from teachers by paying close attention on each

and every individual; who also, in turn, must ensure an active

participation in the class. Thus, it goes without saying that in order to

introduce Socratic model of thinking in the present educational system,

the entire structure as it exists now needs to be radically reconstructed.

Moreover, as Nussbaum notes, Socratic argument is challenged by two

powerful opponents: conservatives and postmodernists. While

conservative opposition holds a skeptical attitude, suspecting that such

an argument may subvert the traditional values; postmodernists reject

the whole notion of truth and objectivity which Socratic argument aims

for. Such oppositions against Socratic argument apparently decelerate

the efforts to bring change in the system. However, having refuted both

the claims, Nussbaum insists that Socratic argument is a necessary tool

to get away with prejudices and secure justice for every individual.

The ability to approach the pressing problems of our time as a

citizen of the world comes second in Nussbaum’s vision for the

cultivation of humanity. She lists certain problems viz. economic,

environmental, religious and political which are faced by almost all the

nations of the world and hence cosmopolitan in their scope. She argues

that such problems can be addressed only when one is able to surpass

one’s local loyalties and think in a global context. Therefore, Nussbaum

calls for all the schools, colleges, and universities of the world to

“cultivate in students the ability to see themselves as members of a

heterogeneous nation” (Not for Profit 80). To train people as members

of a pluralistic culture, it is required to sensitize them to the history and

character of the diversity of individuals, groups, and communities of

one’s own nation as well as those that exist outside. Such training will

have two fold advantages: first, it will nurture an attitude of mutual

respect between/among citizens, and second, they will be able to develop

a sensitive and empathetic belief towards the other religions, nations,

genders, class, and cultures which they are not the part of. Nussbaum

proposes several reforms in the curriculum for the inculcation of world

citizenship attitude by asking for “the construction of basic required

courses of a “multicultural” nature; the infusion of diverse perspectives

throughout the curriculum; support for the development of more

specialized elective courses in areas connected with human diversity;

and, finally, attention to the teaching of foreign languages, a part of the

multicultural story that has received too little emphasis.” (Cultivating

Humanity 70).


The third ability i.e. to empathize with others can be conceived of

as an extension of world citizenship attitude. The spirit of mutual respect

and capacity to recognize others naturally brings in the feeling of

empathy as well. Nussbaum posits that such capability is made possible

through the ‘narrative imagination’ provided by the disciplines like

literature and art. One important reason why Nussbaum turns to literature

and arts for the cultivation of humanitarian capabilities is that they

provide alternative ways of understanding reality. The complex human

situations and characters that are difficult to be observed and predicted

in real life are easily made perceptible and hence comprehensible in

literature through the narrative imagination it offers. What is central

here to the argument of Nussbaum is Aristotle’s famous claim that

literature shows us “not something that has happened but the kind of

things that might happen.” (Cultivating Humanity 92).

Not only that narrative imagination simplifies the complicated

human nature in real world but also helps to develop a more

sophisticated and non-parochial approach to ‘other’ persons. The

quintessential example here is, Nussbaum’s rendering of a nursery rhyme

‘twinkle twinkle little star” which she considers as a beginning of the

story telling. It does not generate a feeling of fear or disgust for other

entities like a star or any other creature but rather creates a kind of

curiosity and desire to know more about ‘others.’ This feeling of wonder

connects children with their inner life against the material world they

are part of which in turn develops a spirit of compassion:

Narrative imagination is an essential preparation for moral

interaction. Habits of empathy and conjecture conduce to a certain

type of citizenship and a certain form of community: one that

cultivates a sympathetic responsiveness to another’s needs and

understands the way circumstances shape those needs, while

respecting separateness and privacy (Cultivating Humanity 90).

Thus, arts and literature enact a pivotal role in framing a civic

imagination which propels the citizens to act in accordance with

democratic values. While tragedies make them vulnerable to the kind

of misfortunes they might face in future, they also learn the lessons of

sufferings which are essential for their future participation in politics.

One who is able to make sense of the sufferings of others will not use

them as object of manipulation and instead build up an environment of

compassionate coexistence with fellow citizen.

However, in conceiving the multicultural trend in literature which

refers to a proper recognition of the diversity of humans and cultures,


Nussbaum observes the emergence of an anti-humanist view – ‘identity

politics’ which she alarmingly declares as dangerous for the democratic

values of any nation. ‘Identity Politics’ as she avows, is a rapidly

growing approach that gives preference to one’s own (local) group be

it religious, ethnic or based on class, gender or sexuality over the

notion of world citizenship. Nussbaum claims that much teaching of

literature in current academy is instigated by this very ideology of

identity politics thereby ignoring the mutual human requirements and

concerns that provide the basis of compassion and respect. The prime

goal of identity politics is to present the citizen group as a “market

place of identity-based interest groups” who strives to achieve power

positions and perceives difference as a kind of attitude which needs to

be affirmed rather than understood as Nussbaum comments:

An especially damaging consequence of identity politics in the literary

academy is the belief, which one encounters in both students and

scholars, that only a member of a particular oppressed group can

write well or, perhaps, even read well about the group’s experience.

Neither individuals or groups are perfect in self-knowledge, and a

perceptive outsider may sometimes see what a person immersed in

an experience fails to see (Cultivating Humanity 111).

This observation of Nussbaum clearly states that such practices

only increase the ideological gaps between/among groups leading to

more conflicts and battles. Instead, literature and arts should be

instruments of reading diverse cultures and their complexities for the

fuller understanding of fellow humans who coexist with us. Thus, all

the three abilities discussed above are essential for a sound democratic

culture. However, Nussbaum notes that nowadays, there is an increased

popularity of vocational courses in universities and schools that aim to

develop the professional skills of undergraduates and graduates in order

to ensure better jobs. The rise of ‘vocationalism’ has significantly

reduced the liberal arts courses which is not a good sign for future

democracy. that a quality life requires a fine balance of vocational

skills and humanitarian abilities.

III

Considering the argumentative analysis in the last two parts of the

paper, it seems imperative to get back to the basic research questions

this paper tries to problematize. In the modern neoliberal times when

the idea of citizenship also imbibes the transformation of human beings


as ‘human resource,’ it becomes imperative to look back to choose the

future prudently. In such times when states are the economic guardians

of the interests of the capitalists, one must not forget the prospective

implications of the adoption of the belief of ‘transformation of the

social being into economic being.’ Liberal states have, generally and

globally, agreed upon the fact to give primacy to economic development

and claim that economic development is a pre-requisite to socio-cultural

development, and social justice at large as well. This claim needs a

close inquiry. How far these claims could prove, particularly in

developing nations like India and Brazil, that the economic reform

process could substantially prove itself as a panacea to social ills and

helped in the eradication of poverty and human miseries. In this context,

Martha Nussbaum’s extensive explanation in support of cultivating

humanities deserves to receive a considerable thought.

Universities in India, in the name of modern education system,

have adopted the courses that have a capacity to be run as ‘self-financed

courses.’ These self-financed courses come mostly from those areas of

study which guarantee employment. And this reversed the situation in

university system in India where one hardly finds the proactive presence

of the departments of Humanities, Social Science and Languages,

especially in the newly established (including the private UGC-

recognized) universities. The modes of research in such universities

have also undergone a deleterious transformation. Normative research

got a back seat and empiricism is appreciated. Old departments of

humanities, social science and languages in the state or central

universities are searching for good students. But, unfortunately all this

is continuing and remains as an unattended problem. University

authorities consider that it’s the socio-economic change that took place

with the opening up of Indian market that is responsible for it, and they

hardly can do anything in this regard.

How to deal with it? Is there any need to revive the sense of

relevance of humanities subjects in the post-modern contemporary times?

Have these subjects the capacity to contribute to human empowerment

in this so-called post-human, post-truth world? All these complex

questions necessitate a series of serious debates and discussions. How

far the growing insensitivity towards social values is conducive to

bring about a healthy community life can be reduced and removed

through the meaningful dissemination of such subjects of humanities in

university set-up requires an urgent re-look. In what ways can a

harmonious human growth be attained? Nussbaum, in her Humanities


Project, deals with such questions and relates it to the role and utility

of humanities in preparing good public intellectuals that would work as

a catalyst to social justice in any given society.

Ramchandra Guha an influential public intellectual of present-day

India claims that the Right in India has no intellectuals worth mentioning,

even though it is the Right-wing political party that is in power (1). In

this narrative, Guha tries to indicate the inherent relationship between

intellectuals and power-structures. As Congress dominated the power-

position in India, it also settled the intellectual discourse for a long

time. But, to Guha there seems no intellectual in sight from the Right

wing. Guha has been an eminent public intellectual of India with a

sharp understanding of issues around. It seems that Guha’s comments

are merely journalistic as they are not well researched revelling only in

gross generalizations and simplicisms without showing any attempt on

his part to apply objective critical insights to hegemony exerted by

either the Right or the Left or the Congress. Guha in his write-up takes

another critically untenable position by proposing and concluding, again

without logic, that it may be a failure of ‘patronizing of intellectuals’

by the Right-wing party in power but there is no dearth of Right-wing

intellectuals in India. But even a public intellectual like Guha, at times,

may make errors of interpretation, or self-consciously misinterpret the

public issues. It cannot, however, be gainsaid that public intellectuals,

like Guha and many others, have been successful in bringing the ‘critical

thinking’ mode to social explanations. Irrespective of this contribution

by such intellectuals, due to their limited readership, Indian situation is

quite peculiar in this sense. This brings the public intellectual debate to

another plane where one may ask a rather uncomfortable question –

Can the personalities, myths, morals and the issues confronting the

growing middle class be considered the cornucopia of ‘public-

intellectualism’ in India? Intellectuals have this tendency to appropriate

this terrain of personalities and myths, morals, mores and middle-class-

realities. All is grist that comes to the mills of public intellectualism in

India!

Romila Thapar, in her recent take on public intellectualism

denounced the Right in bringing down the level and integrity of ‘public-

debate’ in India in the last twenty years specially. To her, academia has

been a responsible institution for such downfall. Indian university system

is conducted on the ideological lines and this led to such a downfall of

intellectual public debate in India. She alleges the governments in general

and the current government in particular is interfering in setting the


course structure for universities in India. This, according to her, took

place on ideological lines. Here it seems that Thapar becomes the

victim of her own intellectual exposition. It has been the left that

dominated the intellectual discourse and academia in general in India

after the independence till now. She herself has been the member of the

various such committees that directly and indirectly influences the

university curricula. One may wonder as to how this interference could

be allowed considering the prominent presence of academic leaders

and intellectuals like Thapar herself! Governments do play with the

education systems. But, it cannot sustain if the intellectual dissemination

has been a profound process in academia. Many intellectuals were

found political in their intellectual functions and failed the possibility

to establish ‘public-intellectual’ debate in India. Amartya Sen, to a

great sense, could reach to appeal this ‘public-debate;’ otherwise

academia could not penetrate his intellectual rigor and become the

victim of its own trajectories. Martha Nussbaum’s thesis on public

intellectual debate deals with the issue from a Western perspective and

leaves enough space ‘unexplained’ in Indian case of public

intellectualism. Here, in India, institutions, processes and personalities

of past that reflect a relationship between intellectualism and public

good have always been timeless and are still followed and debated.

Works Cited

Alcoff, Linda Martín. “Does the public intellectual have intellectual

integrity?” Metaphilosophy, vol. 33, no. 5, 2002, pp. 521-534, http://

www.jstor.org/stable/24439434. Accessed 5 May 2016.

Bitzer, Lloyd F. “The rhetorical situation.” Philosophy & rhetoric, 1992,

pp. 1-14, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40237697. Accessed 5 May 2016.

Crick, Nathan. “Rhetoric, philosophy, and the public intellectual.”

Philosophy and Rhetoric vol. 39, no. 2, 2006, pp. 127-139, http://

www.jstor.org/stable/20697141. Accessed 27 May 2016.

Davidson, Cathy N., and David Theo Goldberg. “A manifesto for the

humanities in a technological age.” Chronicle of higher education vol.

50, no. 23, 2004, pp. B7.

Donoghue, Frank. “Can the humanities survive the 21st century?” The

Chronicle of Higher Education, vol. 5, 2010.

Leitch, Vincent B., and William E. Cain, eds. The Norton anthology of

theory and criticism. WW Norton & Company, 2010.


Nussbaum, Martha C. Cultivating humanity. Harvard University Press,

1998.

Nussbaum, Martha C. Not for profit: Why democracy needs the humanities.

Princeton University Press, 2010.

Said, Edward W. Representations of the Intellectual . Vintage, 1994.

Guha, Ramchandra. “In absentia: where are India’s conservative

intellectuals?” The Caravan: A journal of politics & culture, 2015, https:/

/www.caravanmagazine.in.

Thapar, Romila, et al. The public intellectual in India. Aleph in association

with The Book Review Literary Trust, 2015.


Configuring Kibithoo as an Entrepot inIndia-China Border Trade

Introduction

Border is the gateway to growth and development in the trajectory of

contemporary economic diplomacy. It is a new mode of interaction

which entails de-territorialized economic cooperation and free trade

architecture thereby making the spatial domain of territory secondary

in the global economic relations. Taking a cue from this, both India and

China looked ahead to revive their old trade routes in order to restore

cross-border ties traversing beyond their political boundaries.

The reopening of Nathula1 trade route was realised as a catalyst in

generating trust and confidence between India and China. Subsequently,

the success of Nathula propelled the academia, policy makers and the

civil society to rethink the model in the perspective of Arunachal Pradesh

as well. So, the question automatically arises here should we apply this

cross-border model in building up any entrepot in Arunachal Pradesh?

In this context, Kibithoo2 which has immense potentiality is configured

as an entrepot in India-China border trade based on historical as well

as geoeconomic and strategic considerations.

* Dr. Jajati K. Pattnaik ([email protected]) is an Associate Professor,

Department of Political Science, Jomin Tayeng Government Model Degree

College, Roing (Lower Dibang Valley District), Arunachal Pradesh. He was a

Visiting Scholar at the Gulf Studies Programme, School of International Studies,

Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.


Historical Backdrop

Kibithoo was a natural passage between Tibet and India’s North East

Frontier Tract 3during the British colonial period. The Mishmi tribes of

upper Lohit had regular trade links with the Zayul district of Tibet.

The Mishmis carried musk ponds, hides, skins, furs, Mishmi coats,

loincloths, barks and roots for dyes and drugs-getheon (an

odoriferous root), manjeet (madder)and Mishmi teeta in lieu of

cattle, brass-pipes, gongs, wollen goods, copper vessels and beads

for ornaments from Tibet. Similarly, Tibetans also paid regular

visits to Lohit to procure and barter their goods with the Mishmis,

Zakhrings and Meyors (Choudhury 1978). It was quite well known

that other tribes such as Monpas, Nyishis, Galos, Adis, Mishmis,

Membas and Khembas living in the North Eastern Frontier Tract

had also booming trade relations with Tibet.

The 1962 war brought fissures in Sino-Indian relations and as

a consequence, the cross-border trade went in total oblivion.

However, the changing contours of global economic order in the

recent past drove both India and China to accord primacy to free

trade and connectivity, thereby making the territorial space

secondary in their bilateralism. In this context, the reopening of

Kibithoo route was thought necessary in order to establish the old

ties and reconnect the lost linkages.4 As Shantanu Kri, Chief Editor

of a local weekly, The Lohit Mirror observed, ‘It is time to open

the curtain. The reopening of Kibithoo route shall not only enhance

the economic cooperation between the two neighbours but it shall

provide an opportunity to both sides to understand the social,

political and cultural values of the people more passionately. It

might also pave the way to improve mutual trust between the two

countries. India and China are the world’s most populated nations.

Both of them are beset with inherent problems like unemployment,

poverty, inequality, illiteracy and poor health care in their respective

borderlands. Opening the borders for trade could be an important

tool to alleviate poverty in the underdeveloped regions of both the

borderlands.’5

Thus, lifting the artificial barrier will definitely benefit both

the countries economically considering that both the countries have

good roads upto the borders. India has the advantage of favourable


geographical condition for trade than its counterpart. The region

is also peaceful and does not have any underground outfits to

sabotage the trade link. Therefore, India should consider reopening

Kibithoo as a vi tal t rade route without prejudging the

circumstances.6

Map of Border Trade Locations, Government of Arunachal Pradesh.

Source: http://aruntrade.gov.in/html/btcmap.htm

Geo-Economic Importance

Kibithoo is important from geo-economic perspective being most

conveniently placed in the entire Himalayan mountain range. It is situated

at an altitude of 4,070 feet above sea level as compared to Nathula

Pass which lies at an altitude of 14,400 feet above sea level. Even in

Arunachal Pradesh, low elevated mountain range of Kibithoo enjoys

geo-economic advantages over Bumla, Taksing, Mechuka, Monigong


and Gelling to be developed as an all weather road corridor to Tibet

Autonomous Region, Sichuan and Yunnan of China.7 Kibithoo as an

entrepot will be as useful as Nathula pass because this route will provide

not only access to Tibet but also to Yunnan as well. This route has

greater potential than Nathula, thereby reducing distance to Kunming

which is at the heart of China’s southward bridgehead stratagem.8 Thus,

India and China should at first develop Kibithoo-Kunming highways

and then undertake developing Stilwell Road (Ledo- Nampong –

Shindbwiyang-Bhamo – Muse-Ruili and Kunming) and BCIM Highways

(Kolkata-Dhaka-Sylhet-Silchar-Moreh-Tamu-Mandalay-Muse–Ruili and

Kunming). India should expand multiple trade routes along different

Highways in order to tap the Southwestern and Western Chinese

markets.9

Kibithoo as an entrepot would be more beneficial in terms of land

connectivity corridors as compared to the Stilwell road.10 On the other,

if Kibithoo entrepot project is taken up, then it would provide shorter

and faster access to the Indian industries to tap the South western and

South Eastern Chinese markets, and it would create adequate space for

the emergence of industrial clusters i.e. Guwahati- Tezpur- Jorhat-

Dibrugarh-Tinsukia Digboi- Margherita in Assam; Dimapur, Kohima

and Mokokchung in Nagaland and Itanagar- Ruksin- Pashighat- Roing-

Tezu- Hawai in Arunachal Pradesh. As Lt. General John Mukherjee

(Retd.) of the Eastern Command, said: ‘Tezu – Hayuliang – Walong –

Dichhu pass – Rima is the shortest route to mainland China and offers

tremendous potential to both Look and Act East for the entire region

provided the Indian Government wishes to do so.’11 Portraying a

comparative perspective, he observed that ‘the Stilwell Road has only

limited potential and that too only with Myanmar – there is also the

necessity to resolve the insurgency on both the Indian and Myanmar

sides of the border failing which movement would not be

feasible. Further, the Government needs to open Bomdila, Asafila/

Longju, Manigong, and Gelling routes for cross-border trade in due

course of time. The bottle neck to opening the routes is the bad relations

with China, border disputes and permission of both Governments.’12

Kibithoo as an Entrepot would provide easy access to National

Waterway II13 (Sadiya-Pandu-Dhubri) route on the river Brahmaputra

and the latter would be highly beneficial in terms of cost efficiency for

the movement of cargo and coverage of distance as compared to the

road corridors. Sadiya is only 345 kilometers from Kibithoo and the


cargo from Lower as well as Upper Assam can be transshipped through

Dhubri-Pandu-Sadiya inland route and then be transported through

Tezu- Hayuliang –Walong- Kibithoo land route on its way to Rima,

Chengdu and Kunming in China. It is quite pertinent to mention here

that India’s longest road bridge - Dhola- Sadiya (Bhupen Hazarika

Setu)14 could be a game changer in India’s cross-border trade vis-à-vis

China as a major transport corridor connecting the eastern region of

Arunachal Pradesh with that of Upper Assam.15 The ‘historic’ opening

of the Dhola-Sadiya bridge has given a ray of hope to the people of

Arunachal Pradesh in general and the people of the districts of Lower

Dibang Valley and Dibang Valley in particular. This is one of the major

developments of the Government of India’s initiative of ‘Act East Policy.’

These districts of Arunachal have already had the taste of investment

of corporate houses in hydro-power and related infrastructures. They

are hoping for such major investments by other corporate houses soon

to bring in development.”16

He also added: “In general, the development has broken the myth

that the Government of India is reluctant to develop Arunachal Pradesh

considering the nature of its relationship with China. Optimistically, it

is a positive sign for both the countries to cement the age-old ties and

move ahead. The 1962 hangover can be laid to rest. The onus is on

both the countries to open up avenues of trade and opening of cultural

centres and exchanges for mutual benefit.”17 Conversely, the

commissioning of country’s longest rail cum road bridge – Bogibeel18

would also prove to be a catalyst for cross-border trade reinforcing the

pace of inter-state connectivity between Upper Assam and Arunachal

Pradesh through the ongoing Trans -Arunachal highways.19

Strategic Significance

Kibithoo as an entrepot would counter Chinese penetration into the

region while reinforcing India’s strategic significance along the

McMahon line. It is pertinent to mention here that China has already

built up several infrastructure projects across the international boundary

including opening up a new highway link to Medog - “Tibet’s Nyingchi

prefecture” which is nearer to India’s land border in Arunachal Pradesh

(Krishnan 2013).

Thus, India should move forward to construct a 2000 kilometer

Frontier highway along the international boundary from Mago Thimbu


(Tawang) to Vijaynagar (Changlang) covering Upper hill areas of East

Kameng, Upper Subansiri, West Siang, Upper Siang, Lower Dibang

and Anjaw Districts for the development of its frontier territory and

build multiple trade corridors prioritizing the most viable- Kibithoo

corridor. As the Union minister of State for Home Affairs, Kiren Rijiju,

who represents the Aruncahal West parliamentary constituency said

‘India has all the right to create critical infrastructure in its area.’ He

added ‘We are at freedom to construct highway in our territory. We are

not harming neighbours interest. We have to develop our territories,

especially those areas which are neglected for too long time. We are

going to develop our own region’ (Singh 2014).Conversely, Shubir

Bhaumik, a prominent foreign policy watcher from Northeast remarked,

‘The frontier highway was long overdue and did not happen because of

muddle headed defence strategists who felt keeping infrastructure poor

in Arunachal Pradesh was a good way to slow down a possible Chinese

advance in the event of a war. It should be developed but not only for

defence purposes. It should have suitable arteries emanating from it

longitudinally to facilitate border trade with Tibet, much as the Nathula

pass was reopened to facilitate Sikkim-Tibet border trade. Once the

Chinese allow border trade with Arunachal Pradesh on a large-scale, it

serves to dilute their strident position about Arunachal Pradesh being

southern Tibet and weakens their claims.’20 So, the development of

Kibithoo as an entrepot would give chance to both India and China to

switch their priorities from security to trade or economic collaborations

based on sustainable engagement paradigms. In this context, Nathula

model may be emulated in Aruncahal Pradesh in order to boost trade and

commerce across the political boundaries. As Chinese scholar Kuei-hsiang

Hsu remarked: ‘China and India began to see signs of healthy progress in

border talks in 2003. Both countries smoothed the way for a friendly

relationship by agreeing to put aside border disputes and concentrate on

economic cooperation first. While there was some tug-of-war over the

reopening of Nathula, economic considerations, finally drove both

countries to come to terms with each other. China recognized India’s

sovereignty over Sikkim and India recognized Tibet as a part of Chinese

territory in exchange’ (Kuei-hsiang 2016).

Conclusions

Notwithstanding its potentialities, the development of Kibithoo as an

entrepot in India-China border trade is still in a conceptual stage, although


it has many backers at the civil society level. No such proactive step has

yet been initiated by the political machineries due to the Chinese

controversial position over the McMahon line. Hence, the need of the

hour is to break the India-China jinx over the boundary row and grab the

opportunities through cross-border collaborations. And if trade booms

up it may draw a different landscape in the bilateral relationship between

the two nations. That’s why, proactive and sustained dialogues have to be

made for economic engagement between India and China going beyond

the McMahon line.

India and china are emerging as global economic powers. And if

they cooperate with one another, it shall benefit both the countries.

China needs India to expand its trade in south Asia and India on the

other hand requires goodwill of the Chinese to penetrate into South

East Asia. If India opens up the Kibithoo route for trade and China

reciprocates in similar manner, it may herald a new relationship between

the two nations. As Kiren Rijiju, Union Minister of State for Home

Affairs, Govt. of India stated in the Lok Sabha, ‘China has to agree.

We can not enforce anyone. There has to be mutual consent, then

border haat can be set up. Without cooperation from the other country,

no trade can take place in any border haat’ (AT 2016).

On the other, in the event of unveiling any concrete measure for

such cross-border ventures, the road map should be crafted by roping

in all the stakeholders on board for a meaningful action. While mapping

their impending outcomes, Kibithoo should not be treated as a mere

land bridge or gateway; rather the potentialities of Arunachal Pradesh

should be harnessed in order to augment the export basket of our country

vis-à-vis China. Otherwise, Arunachal Pradesh would be a dumping

ground for the Chinese products which in turn would adversely affect

India’s long-term economic interest. What is required at this stage is

joint Indo-China effort to transform this spatial boundary into geo-

economic opportunities for the win-win situation of all the stakeholders

or else, it would remain purely a wishful thinking or rhetoric submission.

Notes

1. Nathula (Sikkim) is a trading point in Indo-China border which formally

got started on 6 July 2006 (Pattnaik 2016).2. Kibithoo/Kibithu is the easternmost administrative circle of India falling

under Anjaw District of Arunachal Pradesh in Indo-China border. It is

230 kilometers from Tezu, the District Headquarters of Lohit.


3. The North East Frontier Tract, consisting of three administrative units

(Central and Eastern Section, The Lakhimpur Frontier Tract and the

western section) was formed through Foreign and Political Department

Notification of 1914 by separating hill areas inhabited by various tribes

from the then Darrang and Lakhimpur districts of the province of

Assam as stipulated under Assam Frontier Tracts Regulations, 1880. The

North Eastern Frontier Tract became North East Frontier Agency (NEFA)

in 1954. NEFA was renamed as Arunachal Pradesh with a Union territory

status on 20 January 1972 and it became a full-fledged state of Indian

Union on 20 February 1987 (Luthra 1993; Kri 2010).4. Interviewed local persons to elicit views on cross-border trade at Tezu,

Headquarters of Lohit district on 16 February 2016.5. Noted the response given by Shantanu Kri against open ended

questionnaire on 15 February 2016.6. Ibid.7. Observed during my field visits to Nathula (Sikkim), and Kibithoo as

well as Upper Hill areas of Arunachal Pradesh several times during

December-January (2015-2016).8. Derived from an electronic mediated response given by Subir Bhaumik

against e-mailed questionnaire on 28 February 2016.9. Ibid.

10. The Stilwell Road covering a distance of 1726 kilometers starts from

Ledo in Assam (India) and passes through Nampong in Arunachal Pradesh

(India) and Bhamo in Myanmar before reaching Kunming in China. The

road covers 61 km in India, 1033 km in Myanmar and 632 km in China.

(Data collected during my field visits to Ledo-Nampong sector of Stilwell

Road on 29 -30 November 2015).11. Elicited from an electronic mediated response given by Lt. General John

Mukherjee against e-mailed questionnaire on 28 November 2015.12. Ibid.13. Brahmaputra River was declared as national waterway–II in 1988 covering

a distance of 891 kilometre from Dhubri to Sadiya in Assam. The Inland

Waterways Authority of India (IWAI) provides terminal services in key

locations for loading and uploading of cargo at Dhubri, Jogighopa, Pandu,

Silghat, Neamati and Dibrugarh. IWAI is developing Pandu port at

Guwahati as a multimodal transport corridor to cater to the interests of

whole Northeast (MDONER).


14. India’s longest bridge, Dhola-Sadiya, which was built over Lohit, a

tributary of the Brahmaputra river in the Tinsukia district of Assam

bordering Arunachal Pradesh, was inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra

Modi on May 26, 2017. The bridge, spanning over 9.15 km, connects

Dhola in the south bank and Sadiya in the north bank of the river.15. Obtained from my field visit to Dhola-Sadiya sector during my field

visits on 21 March 2016.16. Collected an electronic mediated response from Rajiv Miso, a local

academic on May 29, 2017.17. Ibid.18. India’s longest rail cum road bridge, Bogibeel is situated 17 km away

from Dibrugarh in upper Assam and spanning over 4.94 km will connect

NH - 37 on the south bank of river Brahmaputra with that of NH - 52 on

the north bank of Brahmaputra (ET 2015).19. The ongoing Trans-Arunachal Highway traversing 1811 kilometre would

connect Tawang in the western sector of Arunachal Pradesh with Kanubari

in its Eastern sector further linking it with NH-52 near Akajan on the

right side of Bogibeel Bridge in Assam. The Highway would connect

major places like Tawang, Bomdila, Nechipu, Seppa, Sagalee, Yupia,

Yazali, Ziro, Daporijo, Along, Pasighat, Roing, Tezu, Mahadevpur,

Bordumsa, Namchik, Changlang, Khonsa, Longding and Kanubari in

Arunachal Pradesh and would strengthen the intra-state arterial linkage

in the state (A Note 2008).20. Drew from an electronic mediated response from Shubir Bhaumik against

e-mailed questionnaire on 18 February 2016.

References

“A Note on Trans Arunachal Highways,” 13 March 2008, http://

www.arunachalpwd.org/pdf/Status-of-Trans-Arunachal-Highway-and-2-

Lane-connectivity.pdf (accessed on 15 February 2017).

“Bogibeel Bridge’s Girder Cost May Escalate by Rs. 300 Crore: HCC,”

Economic Times, 9 August 2015.

Choudhury, S. Dutta (ed.) (1978): Gazetteer of India: Lohit District,

Itanagar: Government of Arunachal Pradesh, pp. 162-163.

Ministry of Development of Northeastern Region (MDONER Undated):

“Inland Waterways in NER,” http://www.mdoner.gov.in/content/inland-

waterways-ner (accessed on December 2016).


“No Border Haats with China in Arunachal: Govt.,” Arunachal Times, 11

May 2016.

Kuei-hsiang, Hsu, “Impact of opening up Sikkim’s Nathula on China-

India Eastern Border Trade”, http://www.mtac.gov.tw/mtacbooke/upload/

09411/0202/2.pdf

Krishnan, Ananth, “China Opens New Highway near Arunachal Pradesh

Border,” Hindu, 1 November 2013.

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