Diné Entrepreneurship: Indigenous Contemporary Entrepreneurship

An Essay Presented

By

Damon Jack Clark

to

The Committee on Degrees in Social Studies

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a degree with honors of Bachelor of Arts

Harvard College

March 2017

Diné Entrepreneurship Table of Contents

1. Introduction

a. Thesis Statement: b. Background

i. Diné Context ii. Economy iii. Culture

c. Statement of Purpose d. Purpose of the Problem e. Research Questions f. Definition of Key Terms

i. Entrepreneurship ii. Navajo Nation iii. Native American/American Indian

g. Significance of Research 2. Literature Review

a. Entrepreneurship Studies b. Indigenous Studies c. Research on “Native American Entrepreneurship” d. Research on “Diné Entrepreneurship”

3. Research Method a. Research Methods and Design b. Population and Sample c. Materials/Instruments d. Data Collection, Processing, and Analysis e. Assumptions f. Limitations

4. Findings a. Results b. Evaluation of Findings

5. Implications, Recommendations, and Conclusions a. Implications b. Recommendations c. Conclusion

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Abstract: This qualitative study researches the concept of entrepreneurship in an indigenous population by assessing the external and internal challenges faced, discusses the various types of support offered, and compiles recommendations for partners to understand the Diné individual with a business. This research interviewed nine formal entrepreneurs who are enrolled members of the Navajo Nation tribe who have either created businesses on the reservations, manage nonprofits aimed at supporting entrepreneurs, or possess a wealth of entrepreneurial experiences working both on or off the Navajo Nation Reservation. Entering a specific academic field, the research is a contemporary addition to previous economic research conducted on the Navajo Nation. Utilizing the frameworks of “Nation Building” as the foundational methodology, the text builds upon the themes of economic development, cultural-match, and indigenous sovereignty by analyzing the concept, action, and future of Diné entrepreneurship. Research finds a high degree of miscommunication between key groups, misinterpretation of the term “entrepreneurship” and expectations of each role, and missed opportunities for each sector to benefit from cross-sector partnerships. Additionally, while addressing many of the standard themes of business creation and management, Diné entrepreneurs are simultaneously presented with the twin challenges of embodying Diné values (i.e., a commitment to their community and family) and overcoming specific technical, economic, and social hurdles within the Navajo Nation Reservation. As individuals, various internal factors like private aspirations and academic, personal, and professional experiences work to shape the interviewed entrepreneurs into figures who accept risk, promote innovation, and are audacious. Similarly, a series of external factors were noted as influencing the entrepreneurs, including the role of the nuclear and extended family, actions by the federal, state, and tribal governments, and the concerns of their specific communities, all of which combine to create an environment that either supported or challenged the Diné Entrepreneur.

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1. Introduction “I am for the betterment of the Navajo people and I do not want any harm to fall upon them.” - David Clark (Iverson 228-230)

Diné (Navajo) people have their own government, economy, and lifestyle based on Diné

values, history, sovereignty, oral traditions, and language. These concepts have previously been

researched and analyzed from multiple perspectives; however, such research has not considered the

themes of tribal economy, entrepreneurship, and economic development from an indigenous Diné

perspective. With this in mind, this thesis intends to examine different forms of Diné

entrepreneurship on the Navajo Nation and consider the unique tribal community perspective of the

Navajo economy in relation to the governmental and economic development environment of the

contemporary United States.

Diné entrepreneurship is a unique social phenomenon in the economic world as it embodies

commerce, capitalism, and consumerism for the Diné people. Diné economic development derives

from an understanding of a Diné economy that is primarily built by Diné entrepreneurs and

consumers. Therefore, Diné entrepreneurship allows researchers and communities to further

understand the Diné economy as it influences the Diné people.

By utilizing previous research on Native American and Navajo entrepreneurship, Diné

entrepreneurship enters an academic conversation on the development of “entrepreneurship” as a

multi-faceted, multi-use academic term. Diné entrepreneurship has not been a common term in

academic research, but it is an essential consideration because it encompasses the challenges,

benefits, and aspirations of Diné entrepreneurs from an Indigenous perspective in the twenty-first

century.

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a. Background

i. Diné Demographics

The Navajo Nation is a unique illustration of an American Indian tribe in the United States.

As a federally recognized tribe with both the largest tribal enrollment and reservation land base in

the United States of America, the Navajo Nation enrolls approximately 300,000 Navajo people

(Wilkins xvii). Approximately 180,000 Diné people reside on the Navajo Reservation proper, while

the other 120,000 Diné people live off the reservation in border town communities or in large urban

cities (Wilkins xvii). The Navajo Reservation covers approximately 27,000 square miles and is

located in the southwestern portion of the United States reaching into the states of Arizona, New

Mexico, and Utah. Due to these demographic and geographical factors, the Navajo Nation

government bears a great deal of responsibility for and many challenges in representing and serving

the Diné people.

ii. Diné Context

1. Navajo Nation Government

The 567 federally recognized Native American tribes in the United States are legally defined

as sovereign nations according to the U.S. Constitution (Commerce Clause), U.S. Federal Indian

Law, and numerous U.S. treaties with individual tribes. Although tribes have faced great challenges

to their status as sovereign political entities due to a history of restrictive Federal Indian Policies like

removal, extermination, assimilation, and self-determination, most tribal communities have

maintained their own governments and constitutions. As sovereign nations, American Indian tribal

governments today maintain a unique “trust” status with the U.S. federal government. Prior to the

arrival of Europeans, American Indian tribes practiced a diverse array of traditional forms of

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governance. Because of the treaties signed with the U.S. government, however, tribes eventually

transformed into the modern tribal governments of today, which are modeled on the federal system

and operate within the United States boundaries. The Navajo tribe’s governmental structure holds a

unique history because it developed from a traditional local style of government into the “Navajo

Nation,” the reservation’s largest employer and a highly bureaucratic entity active in the spheres of

business and commerce.

Before the modern Navajo Nation government, the Diné people had a “traditional” Diné

political structure. Unlike the federal model, this traditional political structure was rather

decentralized, with Diné leadership stemming from the traditional clan system and representing

geographically discrete community areas (Wilkins “Diné Bibeehaz’áanii” 42). The traditional Diné

governance structure was built upon clans and extended family groups that lived in specific locations

in Diné Bikéyah (“Among the People”), the traditional Navajo homeland as identified by six

traditional mountains. Specifically, the Diné people describe Diné Bikéyah as the land within the

four sacred cardinal Dził (mountains) - Sis Naajiní (Blanca Peak, Colorado), Tsoodził (Mount Taylor,

New Mexico), Dook’o’oosł ííd (San Francisco Peaks, Arizona), and Dibé Nitsaa (Mount Hesperus,

Colorado). Two other mountains, Dził Ná’oodił ii (Huerfano Mountain, New Mexico) and Ch’óol’į ’į

(Gobernador Knob, New Mexico), represent central places in Diné traditions. These small early

communities of Diné people were in large part shaped by the traditional hunting bands structure,

and were led by a naataaníí , or headman who represented between ten to forty families, depending

on the region (Wilkins Diné Bibeehaz’áanii 42, Young 16). Therefore, although the individual bands

could not represent all Diné people, the Diné people shared a similar Diné bizaad (Navajo language)

and way of life that led to cultural unity. (Young 16).

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Until 1923, the Diné people maintained their traditional band-oriented governmental

structure. The modern Navajo Nation government is the result of the Navajo Business Council

being created on January 7, 1923 with the signature of then Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Charles

H. Burke and the approval of Assistant Secretary of the Interior F.W. Goodwin (Young 58). This

new government found the Diné people to be a whole entity rather than segmentary bands, and it

allowed the Navajo Business Council to sign oil and gas leases (Young 9). On July 7, 1923 Addits’a’i

Sani was elected Chairman of this Navajo Business Tribal Council at Toadlena, New Mexico (Young

9). At the first meeting, the Council approved proposal (RB:1922-’51 p. 315) which gave the BIA

Commissioner their power of attorney, thus allowing him to sign all oil and gas mining leases on

behalf of the Diné people (Young 63). Unintentionally and unknowingly the Council and Chairman

Addits’a’i Sani surrendered their authority to the Commissioner, thus losing their authority and

power as appointed leaders of the Navajo Nation.

This loss of political power would lead to Chairman Chee Dodge becoming the first

Chairman of the Navajo People in 1933, the same year John Collier became the Commissioner on

Indian Affairs. In the 1934, Collier would push the majority of tribes to adopt the Indian

Reorganization Act (IRA), also known as the “Indian New Deal” and Wheeler-Howard Act. The

IRA aimed to replace assimilation practices with Native cultural practices; therefore many tribes

ultimately adopted it and became IRA-defined governments that would emulate a U.S. democratic

governance structure. Narrowly rejected by a nation-wide vote on the Navajo Nation, the

Wheeler-Howard Act was not adopted by the Diné people because the community distrusted any

form of western governance after the BIA’s manipulated control of their resources. Eventually, the

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Diné people adopted the 1938 Rules of Order as their system of government and bylaws of the

Navajo Nation which continues to this day.

iii. Economy

Inhabiting the region for hundreds of years as hunters and gatherers, with time and forced

federal policies of extermination, termination, and self-determination, the Diné people have

transformed into farmers, ranchers, and now participants of the global economy. Historically, the

Diné economy existed before contact with the Spaniards, Mexicans, and then the Americans, which

all in some form or another influenced the current Navajo economy.

Building upon the foundational aspects of Navajo history, a brief history of Navajo conflict

brings greater clarity on Navajo societal factors and development. Before European contact, the

Diné people interacted with the numerous Pueblo communities, Apaches, and the Utes in the local

region. In terms of the Navajo economy, the Navajo people have shifted from being hunters (deer,

elk, and other small game) and gatherers (traditional berries, plants, and roots) to agriculturalists. The

Diné people adopted many Pueblo farming practices (corn, three sister plants, etc.) during the time

of great Spanish conflict with the Pueblos. During the Spanish occupation of modern New Mexico,

many Navajo people embraced the numerous Pueblos of New Mexico and collaborated with the

Pueblo people. This collaboration ultimately influenced the Diné people with the various farming

techniques of the Pueblos.

The arrival of the Spanish arrival introduced domesticated livestock and use of metal into

Navajo society, and thus an economy was being built upon trading livestock, products of livestock

(wool, hides, meat), and metal. The Spanish conquistadors and religious leaders would document the

first-recorded history of their contact with Diné people dating back to the 17th century. In reality, the

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Navajo people have been known to adopt members of other tribes’ useful practices (such as

weaving, jewelry, and livestock), and social practices (commerce, governance, etc.).

When the Americans came, they brought trading posts, boarding schools, and an American

workplace environment as assimilation practices after their extermination was seen as morally

wrong. This forced assimilation introduced and influenced the Navajo economy to become heavily

dependent on the American growth model of capitalism and the stressed Adam Smithian

perspective of growth. This concept of peaceful collaboration is greatly disregarded during the

Spanish and American conflicts, which heavily influenced the history and culture of the Diné people.

Thus, the Diné people and society held an initial culture that was ultimately heavily influenced by the

Spanish, American, and global influences.

In Red Capitalism , Kent Gilbreath builds an economic analysis of the Navajo Reservation that

highlights the various challenges for the Diné people. In his introduction he described that the

Navajo Nation having a:

“...lack of development in the manufacturing and business sectors, complicated by a rapidly growing population and a relatively unproductive land base, contributes greatly to the reservation’s inability to support its population adequately… The absence of a well-developed business community allows most of the income generated by the reservation’s basic industries to flow directly off the reservation without generating additional jobs or secondary sources of income in the Navajo economy.” (Gilbreath 6) Although written in 1970, this quote still holds true about today’s Navajo economy. As a foreign

researcher, Gilbreath vigorously challenged all the various factors impeding the Navajo economic

growth by creating quantitative data of the Navajo economy.

In 1970, the business population on the Navajo Reservation was a total of 196

entrepreneurs; of those 69 were Navajo-owned, and the other 125 were Non-Navajo-owned

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(Gilbreath Table 1). In contrast, the Navajo Nation had approximately 217 Native-owned businesses

on the Navajo Nation in July of 2016 (Division of Economic Development Business Regulatory

Department). This amount is relatively low when considering the sizeable number of formal

entrepreneurs located with the border towns of the Navajo Nation. When considering the numbers

of formal entrepreneurs, Gilbreath’s research highlights a great influx of informal entrepreneurs at

approximately 24%, these numbers usually represent the artists, farmers, and ranchers in the Navajo

community. Highlighting this difference, the focus of contrast is created by the legal definition and

process of entrepreneurs. By focusing on the legal definitions of “entrepreneurship,” it raises the

question of what makes it difficult for informal Navajo entrepreneurs to become formal Navajo

entrepreneurs.

Building upon a community emphasis, the traditional Diné people held rare nation-wide

gatherings (Naachid) where the peace and war chiefs served to check and balance each other. After a

coercive U.S. government, which enforced removal and forced assimilation policies, the U.S. Bureau

of Indian Affairs (BIA) under the War Department, artificially created the Navajo Oil Business

Council by hand-selecting leaders. This Navajo Business Council was further developed into the

Navajo Tribal Council with a purpose of signing mining/drilling leases with U.S national oil

companies at well below average market prices. This bias eventually created the structure of the

modern centralized Navajo Nation Government. In the 1930s, member of the Navajo Tribal

Council and a BIA agent saw the opportunity for the Navajo Nation to adopt a “Reservation

Chapter System” which incorporated local leadership to solve local problems (Gilbreath 35).

In Red Capitalism , Kent Gilbreath outlined the key elements for creating a conducive

economic development and entrepreneurship environment on the Navajo Nation by describing the

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importance of sovereignty, the structure and history of the Navajo Government, federal programs,

tribal attitude toward business development, land tenure, business leases, taxes, and the political

emergence (Gilbreath 32-53). The concept of sovereignty is best represented by how the Navajo

Nation Code defines the Navajo Nation’s “inherent sovereign authority to authorize and regulate

business activities of business entities within the jurisdiction of the Navajo Nation” (5 N.N.C. §

202). The Navajo Nation Code further describes commercial codes, leasing acts, and regulatory

policies that are distinctly bureaucratic from states, cities, and municipalities. Exhibiting the Navajo

Nation governance structure as a three-branch government, Gilbreath explains how legal problems

heavily influence businesses on the reservation (Gilbreath 34).

Focusing on an important Navajo Nation business-related legislation, the Navajo Nation

Business Opportunity Act (NNBOA) was originally drafted on July 30, 1985 as an act to “promote

the economic self-sufficiency of the Navajo Nation” by giving contracting preferences to Navajo

owned and operated businesses (Title 5, Navajo Nation Code, §§ 201-216). This preference

advantage gave the Diné entrepreneur a slight advantage during the bidding process, but the Navajo

Tribal Council still required proper qualifications from Navajo entrepreneurs (5 N.N.C. § 201 D).

The key purpose of the act was to “accelerate the development of privately owned businesses and

provide more employment opportunities…within the Navajo Nation.” (Title 5, Navajo Nation

Code, §§ 201A). This process thus created the promise of helping Navajo entrepreneurs by giving

them the “first opportunity” to the various contracting, subcontracting, grants, and sub-grants

sponsored by the Navajo Nation (5 N.N.C. § 201).

On January 29, 1986, the Navajo Tribal Council approved an amendment to include the

Navajo Nation Uniform Commercial Code (NNUCC) as wholly Title 5A. The Navajo Nation

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Uniform Commercial Code serves as the code of commercial interactions because it “governs the

sale of goods, enforcement of contracts, remedies for breaches of contract, obligations, and

liabilities of those using negotiable instruments in transactions, and procedures for a creditor to

enforce security interests” (5A N.N.C. § 1–101). In general, these are the commercial codes that

would be represented in the various states of the United States because of the uniformity it creates

in establishing businesses within U.S. communities. The simple adoption of this universal

commercial code builds a narrative that illustrates the influence of the United States on the Navajo

economy.

As a sovereign nation, the Navajo Nation holds the innate ability to tax goods and services

on the Navajo Nation Reservation. On July 20, 1995 the Navajo Tribal Council adopted the Navajo

Tax Code, the Uniform Tax Administration Statute, into the Navajo Nation Code in Title 24

“Taxation” (24 N.N.C. § 101). Creating the Navajo Nation Tax Commission (NNTC), the Tax

Code is implemented and administered by the NNTC to impose tax regulations they see fit (24

N.N.C. § 102). With the Office of Tax Commission located within the Navajo Nation Executive

Branch, they fall in line with the Presidential agenda and actions (24 N.N.C. § 104).

The bureaucracy that overlooks all of these regulations is the Navajo Nation Division of

Economic Development, which is housed under the Executive Branch of the Navajo Nation

government. As the Division of Economic Development works directly with Navajo and

non-Navajo business owners, the Division began to handle more procurement contracts for the

Navajo Nation tribe (Division of Economic Development, Registration). Working with the

community, the Division of Economic Development houses the Department of Commerce (DOC)

in their office. Because the Department of Commerce is “authorized to promulgate, upon the review

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and approval of the Attorney General and the Economic Development Committee of the Navajo

Nation Council” the DOC has both authority and accountability (§ 1–111). Thus, supporting the

Navajo Nation Code and the enforcement of the Navajo Business Opportunity Act, the Division of

Economic Development continues to be the regulator that attempts to support Navajo

entrepreneurs, while also protecting the Navajo community and consumers from the various forms

of fraudulent commerce and businesses.

One primary function of the Navajo Division of Economic Development is to certify

Navajo Businesses; therefore they are the main “gate keeper” of Navajo businesses. Through the

Navajo Business Opportunity Act the Office of Economic Development regulates the business

entities within the Navajo Nation that allows Navajo-owned businesses to bid on projects first. This

process is quite important because it builds the variations of bidding priority, which considers

percentage of Native American ownership and control of the business and ranks the priority of

certain bids.

Creating a business on the Navajo Nation requires a business to be certified as the initial

step. This step requires the Application (Supplier/Professional Service Provider), U.S. Internal

Revenue Services Identification Number, Resume of Owner(s), List of Past projects, Organizational

Chart, Financial Statement in company’s name, Duties and Responsibilities of the Owner(s), a

Certificate of Indian Blood (CIB), and a Business Plan (Professional Services Certification

Application). This initial step is followed by a lengthy bureaucratic process which includes a

procurement and conflict clearance, business site visit, and finally a certification but only if all

information is accurate and approved. This is the initial process of certification which doesn’t

consider the process of securing a business site lease which is fundamentally different from the

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United States process of starting a business. Therefore, creating a Diné-owned business on the

Navajo Nation requires great organizational skills, financial backing, persistence, and patience.

iv. Culture

Before European contact, the Diné people maintained a traditional matriarchal society built

upon the concepts of kinship, Sa’ah Naagha Bik’eh Hózhó (balanced life), and Hózhó (balance). The

Navajo people hold a special relationship to the land, this is best represented by the introduction of

the Navajo Nation Code that illustrates this cultural relationship in legal terms. Title 1 of the Navajo

Nation Code 205 E states:

“Mother Earth and Father Sky is part of us as the Diné and the Diné is part of Mother Earth and Father Sky; The Diné must treat this sacred bond with love and respect without exerting dominance for we do not own our mother or father;” (1 N.N.C. § 204).

By writing this portion of the Navajo Nation Code, the Navajo Nation declares its respect for land

as holding no monetary value that is a direct conflict with the modern U.S. idea of land/property as

holding a value of which can be purchased, bought, and owned. Navajo leaders see land as an

important element to Navajo culture which is not subject to a monetary value. In other words,

Navajo land and culture cannot be bought or sold but it’s a primary element in developing and

operating a business on the Navajo Nation. It indicates the large role that culture plays in Navajo

business and entrepreneurship. In Chapter II: The Navajo and the Land, Jones and company write

about The Navajo Indian Problem , where they depict the relationship of the land to the people as a way

of life for the Diné people (Jones et al. 7). Thus, the traditional culture doesn’t believe in

“ownership” of land, but rather a respectful relationship that benefits the Diné people and mother

earth. Thus, it’s easy to see formidable difficulties and contrasts this to other ideas of property. The

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traditional Diné value of land greatly contrasts with the ownership that the U.S. claims over territory

and property.

Definitions For this text, I will use the following references, throughout the thesis:

Diné (Navajo): “Navajo” has been the primary use of much research, however respecting their

self-designation his text aspired to utilize “Diné” (the people) as the appropriate term, however they

were used interchangeably in this text to designate the population of the Navajo Nation.

Formal Navajo Entrepreneur(s): Those who have been certified as a Navajo Business by the

Navajo Nation Division of Economic Development. Formal Entrepreneurs are those who pay

federal, state, and tribal taxes (if applicable), and those who own and maintain a legal business.

Informal Navajo Entrepreneur(s): Those who have not been certified as a Navajo Business

owner by the Navajo Nation Division of Economic Development. Those who do not pay federal

income, state, and tribal taxes (if applicable), and those who are not considered legal businesses.

Traditional: The point of time before European contact/assimilation referencing the ways of life

that the Diné people held for centuries. In contrast, I will reference “modern” as the current

concept of understanding within the reality of the situation and understanding.

Native American (American Indian): The 567 Federally recognized tribes in the United States are

designated by the U.S. Congress as “American Indians”, and has been used by other literature. This

text prefers to use “Native American”, however both terms will relate to this population within the

United States.

Off Reservation: should include Reservation Border Towns (which include Gallup, NM,

Farmington, NM, Holbrook, AZ, Winslow, AZ, Flagstaff, AZ, and Page, AZ) and the two largest

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metropolitan cities (Albuquerque, NM and Phoenix, AZ), all of which are highlighted in the map

Off-Reservation. This includes two of the larger off-reservation flea markets composed mainly of

Diné people, which include Yah-Tah-Hey Flea Market and the Large Gallup Flea Market.

On Reservation: should include large Navajo Towns (which include Window Rock, AZ, Kayenta,

AZ, Ganado, AZ, Chinle, AZ, Shiprock, NM, Tuba City, AZ), smaller Navajo communities (Navajo,

NM, Tsaile, AZ, Newcomb, NM, Sheep Springs, NM, and Tohatchi, NM), and known flea markets

(Ch’ihootso Indian Market [Window Rock], Chinle Flea Market, Shiprock Flea Market, Ganado Flea

Market, Burnside Flea Market, Navajo Flea Market, Monument Valley Flea Market), which is

described on the Research on Reservation Map in supporting documents. The Navajo Nation

Reservation is the largest Native American Reservation within the United States at 27,425 square

miles and is located in the states of Arizona, New Mexico, and Utah. The larger communities serve

as main hubs of commerce with typical small town features (grocery store, hardware store, post

office, and fast food restaurants), while border towns have more store options, big store names

(Wal-Mart, Home Depot, Best Buy, sit-down restaurants, etc.).

f. Statement of the Problem

In 2007, the Navajo Nation’s unemployment rate was reported at approximately 50.2%

(2007), approximately 40-45% higher than the national average, and had a $7,122 per capita income

level, well below the national average (Division of Economic Development, Comprehensive ED

Strategy). The economic disparity is further reflected by the high poverty rate of 36.76% (2007) that

reflects a lower standard of living of people living with inadequate access to electricity, clean water

supplies, healthy food, proper educational opportunities, and/or healthy living conditions

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(Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy). Numerous economic, political, and social

actions by the Navajo Nation Government to address many reservation social, health economic, and

political ills convene nation-led development and solutions, but individual actions are ignored and

often overlooked.

g. Purpose of the Problem

Understanding “entrepreneurship” for Diné people offers a valuable discussion on

entrepreneurship, a social phenomenon that seems to be understood, underestimated, and under

analyzed in Indian Country. With assumptions that all Native American people share similar

cultures, beliefs, and languages, I would like to highlight the complexities of Native communities,

politics, and economies within a particular community. Reviewing possible solutions, research

should consider the current state of commerce and employment on the Navajo Nation as an

indicator of previous actions and considerations for future opportunities. Therefore, utilizing

ethnographic surveys, interviews, and data collection in order to investigate Diné entrepreneurship,

this research derives findings and outlines recommendations for community consideration and

benefit.

h. Research Questions:

The primary research questions were: Question 1, builds a personal, cultural, educational, and professional background for each interviewee. This demographic research question focuses on understanding the entrepreneur’s background and their entrepreneurial work.

1. Could you please introduce yourself (traditional introduction/modern introduction)?

a. What community/region are you from? (Born/Raised)

b. Tell me a little bit about yourself (Age, Education, Language).

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c. When and how did you become a business owner/entrepreneur?

Question 2, allows the entrepreneurs to define and describe “entrepreneurship” from their role and perspective, and the role of Navajo culture. This eventually leads to their definition of a “Diné Entrepreneur”.

2. A lot of individuals utilize “entrepreneurship” in many various contexts, how would you

define and utilize the term “entrepreneur”?

a. Do you see Navajo culture as being incorporated in the term “entrepreneur”?

b. How would you define/describe a “Diné Entrepreneur”?

Question 3, inquires about the current business operation and/or the occupation. Seeking to

understand the external factors that have supported and challenged their businesses.

3. Please tell me a little about your professional occupation/business operation.

a. Who were the key individuals and groups that have/continue to support you?

b. Who were the key individuals and groups that have/continue to challenge you?

Question 4, asks the interviewee to describe their aspiration to be an entrepreneur. Seeking to

understand if the entrepreneurship was an individual or family effort.

4. If you are an entrepreneur, what made you become an entrepreneur? What role did your

immediate family and extended family play in becoming an entrepreneur?

Question 5, inquires on the impact government has had on the community and entrepreneur for it

holds the responsibility to regulate individuals and businesses.

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5. Overall, do you think the Navajo Nation Government has been successful in creating a

community that supports Navajo entrepreneurs? Why?

Question 6, building upon question 5, broadens the concept of barriers for the entrepreneur to list

and describe the barriers they face.

6. From your opinion, what types of barriers greatly influence Navajo entrepreneurs on and

off the Navajo Nation?

Question 7, switches from barriers to the types of support that have been of benefit to the

entrepreneur and their enterprise.

7. From your opinion, what kinds of support from the Navajo Nation, the federal

government, the local community would be of most benefit to Navajo entrepreneurs?

Question 8, allows the entrepreneur to list their concerns and comments to the governmental

leaders and their consumers, in order to share their perspective.

8. Based on the experience, what are key takeaways that you would like to share with the

Diné people/leaders on the topic of entrepreneurship and business development?

Question 9, finishes the interview by allowing them to consider different questions, answers, or

thoughts for the last portion of the interview.

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9. I am trying to understand how Navajo entrepreneurs navigate being an entrepreneur, and

I am using interviews and surveys as a way to look at this. Is there anything I should have asked

you that I didn’t, or anything you would like to add?

h. Significance of Research:

This research is significant for future studies on Diné entrepreneurship on and off the

Navajo Reservation and the future of the Navajo economy. This research connects the previous

academic literature on entrepreneurship and the emerging fields of Native American and Diné

entrepreneurship, in order to signify. Focusing on a largely unnoticed population in the Diné

community, this research signified a great interest in understanding contemporary a Diné

entrepreneur, economy, and environment. The research signifies the importance of Diné

Entrepreneurship and the concept of “entrepreneurship” in a 21st Century indigenous community.

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Literature Review

Entrepreneurship Research

Research on entrepreneurship has been a new academic phenomenon that has been

primarily established by existing disciplines, i.e., economics, management/business administration,

sociology, psychology, economic and cultural anthropology, business history, strategy, marketing,

and finance, and previous studies, therefore it offers a prime opportunity to analyze an academic

phenomenon (Carlsson, Braunerhjelm and McKelvey).

In “The evolving domain of entrepreneurship research,” the authors of the article detail the

history of entrepreneurship research, the evolution of the research domain, and the status of the

entrepreneurship academic field (Carlsson, Braunerhjelm and McKelvey 913). In this 2013 article,

the authors are all members of the Global Award for Entrepreneurship Research Prize Committee,

and they ultimately define “entrepreneurship research” as:

Entrepreneurship refers primarily to an economic function that is carried out by individuals, entrepreneurs, acting independently or within organizations, to perceive and create new opportunities and to introduce their ideas into the market, under uncertainty, by making decisions about location, product design, resource use, institutions, and reward systems. The entrepreneurial activity and the entrepreneurial ventures are influenced by the socioeconomic environment and result ultimately in economic growth and human welfare (Carlsson, Braunerhjelm and McKelvey 914).

Thus, the domain of entrepreneurship research embraces numerous dimensions while the analysis of

entrepreneurship can be held at various levels of examination (individual-entrepreneur, firm, market)

(Carlsson, Braunerhjelm and McKelvey 914). In comparison to the previous definitions, this

definition incorporates the “socioeconomic environment” as relevant to eventual product of

economic growth and human welfare. Factoring the socioeconomic environment as influential for

all entrepreneurial activity, the definitions incorporate the use of “institutions, norms, and culture as

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well as availability of finance, knowledge creation in the surrounding society, economic and social

policies, the presence of industry clusters, and geographic parameters” (Carlsson, Braunerhjelm and

McKelvey 914). Considering all the previous definitions and perspectives of the term

“entrepreneurship,” this text will utilize the latest term by the “The evolving domain of

entrepreneurship research” because it incorporates the economic function of the individual in the

market with uncertainty and is influenced by the socio-economic environment and the eventual

result of economic growth and welfare.

McClelland

Interested in human motivation, McClelland’s The Achieving Society aspired to clarify

reasons of economic development or regression by understanding the role of the

individual-entrepreneur (Carlsson, Braunerhjelm and McKelvey 918; McClelland). The Achieving

Society introduced McClelland’s “theory of needs” of individuals as that of achievement, affiliation,

and power (Erdmann 39; Luca, Cazan and Tomulescu). Basing the aggregate concepts of economic

growth from the individual motivations, McClelland established a concept of need for Achievement

(nAch) as the importance for development (Carlsson, Braunerhjelm and McKelvey 918;

McClelland). The need for achievement came with an aspiration to be “successful,” and the need for

power came from the ambition to have control over other individuals; and the need of affiliation

was from a longing for close interpersonal relationships (Erdmann 39; Luca, Cazan and Tomulescu).

These components of achievement and motivation are connected within the research on

entrepreneurship. The need for achievement has been linked to the creation of entrepreneurial

enterprises and the perseverance of the enterprise (Erdmann 39).

21

Including McClelland’s theory of needs, Brockhaus’s research, “The psychology of the

entrepreneur” was on the psychology of the entrepreneur with another theory of motivation

(Brockhaus). Brockhaus wrote about the internal factor of motivation which has been related to the

concepts of entrepreneurship (Brockhaus). From the research, Brockhaus determined that the

psychology of the entrepreneur also included the need for achievement as well as the concept of

uncertainty (Brockhaus).

In addition to McClelland and Brockhaus, Bandura’s social theory in “Self-efficacy: Toward

a unifying theory of behavioral change,” stressed the triangular relationship between individual, the

environment, and the behavior (Bandura). Grounding an individual as not automatically formed

from external factor nor completely compelled by internal factors, this theory considered the role of

man (Bandura). This type of system builds fundamental interactions between the personal,

behavioral, and environmental factors. This theory incorporated the concept of self-efficacy as a

process for individuals to maintain their actions with society and the environment (Erdmann 40;

Bandura)

With these needs, this text will now define “entrepreneur” and “culture” before

describing algorithmic knowledge and individualism and their use in previous research and

practice. The terms “entrepreneur” and “entrepreneurship” both hold numerous definitions and

distinctions. But because the majority of the definitions from previous research have shared similar

characteristics in defining these terms, the current research usually displays a shared conception of

the term through these multiple understandings. This portion of the text aims to enter this academic

conversation by recounting and analyzing the various terms of “entrepreneurship.”

22

Davidsson’s book “Researching Entrepreneurship” is a methods book that features previous

entrepreneurship research and the potential research opportunities (Davidsson ix). Davidsson’s first

chapter alone lists the variety of definitions and views of entrepreneurship by listing six definitions

of entrepreneurship, twelve entrepreneurial roles by various economic theorists, eight themes of

entrepreneurship by Gartner, and the ten most common definitional keywords for entrepreneurship

(Davidsson 1-2). These lists demonstrate the numerous definitions of “entrepreneurship,” therefore

the researcher must explain the differing views of entrepreneurship to originate from specific views

of entrepreneurship. As an academic on “entrepreneurship,” Davidsson concludes that the

differences of definitions derive from two social realities, the first social reality being the

independently owned organizations and their self-employed owners/managers and the second social

reality being the need for micro-level actors who embrace innovation and flexibility to make change

happen (Davidsson 4).

Listing the multiple definitions, Davidsson ultimately chose to utilize Austrian economist,

Kirzner, and his definition of entrepreneurship which is “the competitive behaviors that drive the

market process” (Kirzner 19-20; Davidsson 6). Kirzner’s definition was selected by Davidsson

because the definition was concise enough in eight words and well-defined on the exact function of

entrepreneurship in society, specifically the market (Davidsson 6). But again, Davidsson

acknowledges the lack of a comprehensive agreement on a definition of entrepreneurship, and he

suggests any use of the “entrepreneurship” definition should be clear and thoughtfully selected by

the researcher (Davidsson 7).

In “Entrepreneurship Mix and Classifying Emerging Subfields,” the academic article

examines the study of entrepreneurship by defining the various fields of entrepreneurship and the

23

subfields that exist in the developing academic subject (Osiri, McCarty and Davis). Evaluating an

“entrepreneur” as an individual who conveys “entrepreneurship,” the article explores both of the

terms and thus makes an entrepreneur relevant to the characteristic traits and behavioral approaches

of “entrepreneurship” (Osiri, McCarty and Davis 2). Therefore, according to this academic research

team, the definition of an individual “entrepreneur” must be established by the traits of the

collective understanding of “entrepreneurship.”

Seeking to write an article that incorporates the seven sub-fields of entrepreneurship

(academic, corporate, family, international, small business, social, and technological) the definition

had to be inclusive of those concepts. In their paper, J.K. Osiri, Magaret McCarty, Jordan Davis, and

John Osiri utilize the following definition:

“entrepreneurship involves the anticipation, identification, or creation of opportunities and innovatively harnessing a combination of resources to exploit the opportunities while motivated by some perceived value and deliberately assuming the risk associated with the newness of the process” (Osiri, McCarty and Davis 3).

This general definition allows other researchers to consider further features, possible correlation to

other roles and definitions, the motivations of entrepreneurs, and the ability to use a multi-discipline

framework for entrepreneurship (Osiri, McCarty and Davis 3). But it is broad enough to consider

non-market, non-organizational, and non-profit uses of “entrepreneurship” that other academic

research has critiqued.

In comparison to the previous broad term, W.B. Gartner utilizes a definition of

entrepreneurship that specifically focuses on the distinct spectacle of creating organizations and/or

employing the methods of creating an organization (Gartner). Detailing the creation of an

organization as the biggest trait of “entrepreneurship,” Gartner explains the study of entrepreneurs

24

to mainly derive from creating an organization. But, Gartner’s narrow role has been criticized

because of the inability to sufficiently describe “all acts of entrepreneurship,” that may include

academic entrepreneurship.

Following Gartner’s definition, E.E. Easton crafted a similar definition of

“entrepreneurship” that required “development, revitalization, and growth” of an organization, but

Easton included the acquisition of other organizations as a form of entrepreneurship (Easton).

Easton’s new definition then built a narrative that allowed individuals to create or overtake an

organization that is new to them as a form of entrepreneurship, as long as they develop it (Osiri,

McCarty and Davis 2). This definition thus argues that any innovative action at a new organization

that comes from an individual may be considered a possible entrepreneurial action. Therefore, this

“entrepreneurship” definition may include any innovation of any product or service for an

established organization, including one that adopts something new from an individual for the firm

(Osiri, McCarty and Davis 2).

In “Consequence of Cultural Practices for Entrepreneurial Behaviors,” their research

describes the future challenges of entrepreneurship on culture (Autio, Pathak and Wennberg 334).

Utilizing a multilevel methodology, they researched individual and aggregate levels in order to build

a more sound argument while preventing the ecological fallacy or the individualistic fallacies.

Describing the limits of previous research to be the lack of research on aggregate-level cultural

results for entrepreneurship (an individual-level endeavor), singular-entry answers between being an

entrepreneur or not, and the lack of effect of cultural practices on entrepreneurship (Autio, Pathak

and Wennberg 335). Their research outlined a need to understand how cultural values and practices

affect established entrepreneurs and their decisions, whether culture influences growth aspirations,

25

and the ideal methodology to better understand the relationship between entrepreneurship and

culture.

To understand why some individuals and not others choose to pursue entrepreneurial

growth, it is important to develop and test theories that consider not only individual-level

characteristics, but also the context within which those characteristics influence entrepreneurial

behaviors (Autio, Pathak and Wennberg 358). With very limited research conducted specifically on

the “effect of cultural practices on entrepreneurship,” there is an opportunity to understand

societal-level practices from the individual-entrepreneur level (Autio, Pathak and Wennberg 335).

Embodying the action theory of entrepreneurship, a personal feasibility and social perspective for

pursuing entrepreneurial opportunities, researchers evaluates an entrepreneur’s decision through

their first-person perspective (Autio, Pathak and Wennberg 335).

Stating how “entrepreneurship” does not always result from an entrepreneur, many

economists acknowledge the risk that entrepreneurial actions may result in a profitable venture. This

was then challenged by the concept of socially oriented entrepreneurship, a phenomenon that values

a social benefit (Osiri, McCarty and Davis 3). With an economists perspective of “entrepreneurship”

that understands the pursuit of profit, the concept of self-interest describes Adam Smith’s belief that

this self-interest would promote society, thereby creating an understanding of benefit beyond profit

(Osiri, McCarty and Davis 3). This realization broadens the concept of entrepreneurship to consider

a holistic perspective of entrepreneurship that would empower entrepreneurs (Osiri, McCarty and

Davis 3).

The majority of entrepreneurship research has been centered on the United States and

Europe, thus avoiding the global context and focusing on these certain contexts (Autio, Pathak and

26

Wennberg 358). For the concept of culture alters the significance of entrepreneurship in these

various contexts. Previous research has described the development of “generally applicable theories

of entrepreneurial behavior” requires the greater contextualization of variables in different

environments, thus cultures (Autio, Pathak and Wennberg 358).

Future research should consider how the cultural context moderates the effect of

individual-level attributes on entrepreneurial behaviors (e.g., Wennberg, Pathak, & Autio, 2013). Of

the societal-level constructs in our theoretical model, for they focused on the cultural norms of

institutional collectivism, uncertainty avoidance, and performance orientation. There are many more

cultural attributes that also might influence entrepreneurial behaviors. The extension of our

theoretical model with additional individual-level and country-level variables could further explain

the nuances of individual-level entry into entrepreneurship and post-entry growth aspirations in

cross-cultural settings. (Autio, Pathak and Wennberg 359).

Native American Economic Development Research Paragraph

The fundamental question of “development” essentially fluctuates for every tribe in the

Americas since initial contact with European empires to the present. Much western academic

scholarship has developed from this point of contact to the modern status of Native Nations today,

thus illustrating the western perception of property. In “Native American, Discovered and

Conquered,” Robert Miller details the western international legal principle of Doctrine of Discovery,

the divinely encroachment of Manifest Destiny, and the Exercise of Discovery against Indian

Nations (Miller 1-5). This western narrative and reasoning of property is also shown through Stuart

Banner’s “How the Indians Lost Their Land,” where he details the transactions of land ownership

by detailing the notable transition from contracts to treaties, ownership to occupancy, occupancy to

27

removal, and then allotment for Native Nations (Banner 1-9). This transfer of land ownership from

the indigenous populations to the United States is very much historical, political, and cultural. Jason

Edward Black details the same narratives as Miller and Banner, however he adds to their perspective

by detailing Pan-Indianism and Decolonial Challenges to Allotment before describing the duality of

the Native American Identity and the consequences of colonization (Black 103-5, 134-7). This

understanding on the overarching general Native American colonization, removal, and assimilation

is the building block of Native American academia, for tribes were affected in various ways.

Terry Anderson described the Property Rights Paradigm in the book “Property Rights and

Indian Economies” by detailing the importance of a successful economy to hold a stable

government, minimal bureaucracy, and a rule of law (Anderson, Property Rights and Indian

Economies 1-5). The book later examines the rule of law and property rights in Indigenous

communities, which turns to the “Congressional theory of Indian Property Rights,” which is

ultimately the U.S. federal influence on Native economies. But Anderson begins to narrow the

history of Native Americans from large notions of removal to more narrow economic thoughts,

such as property rights. Anderson shifts from this specification on property rights to the economic

history of the Native Economy in his later book “Sovereign Nations or Reservations?” where he

details the traditional “Red Man’s Law” before describing the “Political Economy of Indian-White

Relations” (161-76).

In 2006, Anderson, Benson, and Flanagan began challenging what they called “false myths”

by describing indigenous entrepreneurship, privatization, and commerce that existed before contact

(Anderson, Benson and Flanagan, Self-Determination: The Other Path for Native Americans 4-8).

Anderson, Benson, and Flanagan begin to challenge the myths that “indigenous populations

28

Historically had either a “different” or more communal sense of property ownership,”; “Indigenous

Populations Historically had a more collective attitude toward economic issues,”; and “Indigenous

People historically practice a Philosophy of Environmental Protectionism and were less concerned

about Productive innovative or entrepreneurial activity” (Anderson, Benson and Flanagan,

Self-Determination: The Other Path for Native Americans). But they also addressed property rights,

privatization, customary land rights, and the wealth of tribal nations by discussing various tribal

decisions and situations. This book on “Self-Determination,” creates the situation of using

pro-sovereignty, casinos, and governance to address issues in a wide angle approach

The Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development builds from this work of

Anderson by shifting to the idea of contemporary Nation building and development. In “Rebuilding

Native Nations: Strategies For Governance and Development,” the Harvard Project describes the

basis of governance, citizen entrepreneurship, and administration in creating “economic change and

community development in Indian Country” (Jorgensen xi). In “Rebuilding Native Nations,”

Stephen Cornell, Miriam Jorgensen, Ian Wilson Record and Joan Timeche describe how Kayenta’s

local unemployment rate was approximately near 50 percent, a majority of non-Navajo business

owners, and “frustrated” community members in Kayenta (Jorgensen 208-9). In Chapter “Citizen

Entrepreneurship,” they describe the push for community members to be more entrepreneurial by

describing the Navajo Nation Kayenta Experiment, which resulted in “a stable, attractive business

environment designed to appeal to a growing number of Navajo entrepreneurs” (Jorgensen 34-54).

Michael Nelson, Navajo entrepreneur, describes how he completely supports the Kayenta Township

Commission (KTC) and the Sales Tax initiative because it creates a “community on the reservation

that is trying to become self-sufficient” (Shaffer par 15).

29

In those regards, one of the most well known academic research on economic development

in Native American communities has been the Harvard Project on American Indian Economic

Development (Harvard Project). The Harvard Project has been one of the leading organizations on

conducting research and providing advice to various tribal nations throughout the country. Created

by Professor Joe Kalt and Stephen Cornell, the Harvard Project has published books such as:

Rebuilding Native Nations: Strategies for Governance and Development, The State of the Native

Nations: Conditions Under U.S. Policies of Self-Determination, American Indian Constitutional

Reform and the Rebuilding of Native Nations, and What Can Tribes Do? These published books

have been influential in the academic research on Native American Economic Development and the

Nation Building approach that has been created from Kalt and Cornell’s work in Indian Country.

With a focus on understanding the conditions that sustain “self-determined social and economic

development” within Native American nations, their research has been a leading force in this

academic field

Founded in 1987 by Professors Stephen Cornell and Joseph P. Kalt, the Harvard Project on

American Indian Economic Development has created the concept of “Nation Building” by

distinguishing from the “Standard Approach” of economic development within Native nations. The

Standard Approach is described by five characteristics: short-term and non-strategic decision

making, nonnative individuals and organizations create the development agenda, development is

treated primarily as an economic problem, the Indigenous culture is viewed as an obstacle to

development, and leadership is the distributor of resources (Cornell & Kalt 8). Because of this

standard approach, the typical results from Cornell & Kalt are described as: a politics of spoils, an

economy dependent on federal dollars and decisions making, brain drain, an impression of

30

incompetence and chaos that undermines the defense and sovereignty, continued poverty and

cultural stress (17). In the late 1980s, the Harvard Project studied the conditions under which

self-determined economic development can be successful on Indian reservations. The research

found that a revolution was happening among many Indigenous nations of North America, and it

has been impactful in the community.

From Cornell and Kalt’s research the five primary characteristics of the nation-building

approach: Native Nations assert decision-making power, nations back up decision-making power

with effective governing institutions, their institutions match their own political cultures; decision

making is strategic, and leaders serve as nation builders and mobilizers (18). The Standard approach

for Business and development can either hinder development through micromanagement, politics,

and overregulation or the tribal government clears the path for development through appropriate

rule and even-handed enforcement (31).

In “Rebuilding Native Nations,” Stephen Cornell, Miriam Jorgensen, Ian W. Record, and

Joan Timeche write a chapter of the book on “Citizen Entrepreneurship” by giving an overview of

citizen-led entrepreneurship with the contributions, challenges, various examples, and

recommendations for tribal leaders to embrace citizen entrepreneurship (Cornell, et. al 199).

Focusing on the tribal citizen, instead of the tribal nation, as the primary actor in reservation

economic development the chapter describes citizen entrepreneurship as “an underutilized

Development Resource” (197). Placing the responsibility of unemployment and other economic

issues upon the elected officials, the citizens, and federal government, build an attitude for

government to create economic benefit (197). Approaching entrepreneurship as an “appropriate and

31

essential component” of a sustainable economy, the authors describe a missed opportunity for

economic growth through entrepreneurship (198).

Listing eleven advantages of the Indigenous Nations supporting citizen-owned businesses

centered on the “reservation economy” which includes: multiplying money in the economy,

building community wealth, buildings, generation of jobs, build a tax base, diversification of the

tribal economy, important positive signals to the community, retention of local talent, improvement

of quality of life, broaden the development effort, support the tribal community, and strengthen

tribal sovereignty (199-202).

With various benefits for the community, the small independent business sectors on

reservations are described as a mixture of obstacles. Having most reservations based in rural

environments, the Native American entrepreneur is trying to create a business in a place of low

population size and density, therefore they may be forced to create a business in a different market

(Cornell et. al 203). The rural & Native American entrepreneur also face the challenges of young

talent leaving the communities, take high upfront costs and loans, limited support network of

entrepreneurs and workshops available compared to more urban/suburban communities (Cornell et.

al 203). In addition to the challenges of rural entrepreneurship, the Native Entrepreneurs has the

added challenges of various political and legal environments on reservations. Describing a

reservation with a site-leasing process with more than one hundred steps and an average completion

time of twelve months, in comparison to an off-reservation time of a couple of steps and days

(Cornell et. al 204). This description highlights the difference between the reservation and

off-reservation policies for business and its effect to the reservation economy (Cornell et. al 204).

Characterizing the different business processes, the authors describe the cumulative effect of fewer

32

businesses to create: a smaller tax base, less community wealth, fewer opportunities for goods and

services to buy locally, a brain drain as energetic and ambitious people leave, and hundreds of jobs

lost. The authors caution against the dismantling of the business process, and recommend the

creation of a “sensible and effective process that protect what the nation wants to protect and for a

regulatory environment that encourages entrepreneurs to bet on the future at home” (Cornell et. al

205).

Because many native nations have a land base that is dictated by various legal, political, and

cultural stipulations, the authors discuss the role of land in the tribal economic development

(Cornell et. al 205). Various tribes do have site-leasing processes that are further complicated by an

extra layer of politics (Cornell et. al 205). That then causes a situation that benefit those with the

“right connections” which can speed the process for the business site lease and land use lease

(Cornell et. al 205). As such, any complaints about these business and land site leases are answered

by an overburdened government entity (Cornell et. al 205). This translates to a system that is

inefficient and difficult to address the requests of the community (Cornell et. al 205).

The role of government has an effect on the tribal economy for their regulatory and

nation-owned enterprises create an uncertain and competitive market. Inconsistent policies and

regulations, if any, can affect the business environment on reservations by having the entrepreneur’s

confidence dependent on who is in office (Cornell et. al 205). That uncertainty creates a business

atmosphere that doesn’t hold the policies, if any, at an accountable level (Cornell et. al 205). This

uncertainty is questionable when the Native governments create an enterprise that directly competes

with tribal citizens, even though the enterprise receives the subsidies from the tribe (Cornell et. al

206).

33

Recognizing the difficulty that non-Indian entrepreneurs face when creating and operating a

business off a reservation, the authors recognize the difficulty of starting a business on a reservation.

This difference is described as an institutional environment that makes citizen entrepreneurship on a

reservation a difficult challenge (Cornell et. al 206). Characterizing the process of creating a business

on reservation as an “insurmountable” task the authors recognize the existing entrepreneurs on

reservations as the “exceptionally determined, well connected,” or those able to make it through

these various challenges (Cornell et. al 206). Because this environment can be recognized by possible

entrepreneurs, they decide to create a business off the reservation or they don’t create one at all

(Cornell et. al 207). Utilizing a quote from the executive director of a chamber of commerce on a

reservation, the person identifies an identification of self-determination, instead of the “messiah

complex” which looks for Ford Motors Company to create a plant and jobs in the tribal community

(Cornell et. al 207).

With these benefits, the authors describe various stories about tribal communities adopting

more citizen entrepreneurship to economic development in their communities. These acts were

either deliberate attempts grown from tribal government initiatives or primarily tribal citizens with

or without tribal government support (Cornell et. al 207-8). The text describes the Kayenta

Township experiment that occurred in the western region of the Navajo Nation where they

established a township model in one community (Cornell et. al 208). The community recognized the

high unemployment, many non-Navajo entrepreneurs, a complicated Navajo Nation

business-site-leasing process, a limited commercial infrastructure, and an

unrepresentative/unresponsive Navajo Nation council that held great authority on their community

(Cornell et. al 208). Therefore in 1985 a group of Kayenta community members petitioned to the

34

Navajo Nation Council and gained the opportunity to create an experiment of a township model

(Cornell et. al 208). Gaining municipal powers, they organized the Kayenta Township and gained

trust land, a commission, a land use plan, and other measures to create a “business-friendly

environment” (Cornell et. al 208). The experiment was successful when in 1997 they created the

Kayenta Township Commission, developed municipal codes and bylaws, and adopted business

friendly regulations that simplified the business site process and held sales tax for the community,

instead of the tribal government as a whole (Cornell et. al 208). Those sales tax revenue support the

Kayenta Township Commission and the various public services, such as fire protection, street

maintenance, airport management, and various needs, for the community benefit (Cornell et. al 209).

Finishing their text on citizen entrepreneurship, the authors describe the role of

entrepreneurship as dependent on each tribal situation and environment (Cornell et. al 215).

Implying the role of entrepreneurship to be significant in most communities, the authors describe

the various types of businesses (goods and services) to be factors (Cornell et. al 215). But this

business friendly environment could be supported with actions in three categories: attitudinal

changes, institutional changes, and investment changes (Cornell et. al 216).

Attitudinal changes is the attitude of the entrepreneurs towards entrepreneurship and the

nation’s government on entrepreneurship (Cornell et. al 216). This relationship between

entrepreneurs is placed on the attitudes between both groups. They suggest tribal governments to

see the benefit of entrepreneurs to support the development challenge by providing revenue,

through fees and taxes, and creation of jobs (Cornell et. al 216). And the citizens should not rely on

the government to push development and hope for an outside businesses to come to the reservation

(Cornell et. al 216). This change in attitude could come from including entrepreneurs in

35

development plans, highlighting successful businesses, encourage the youth to consider

entrepreneurship, and committing resources to this change in attitude (Cornell et. al 216). This

attitude comes in conflict with the dependency on either the tribal government, federal government,

welfare/income aid (Cornell et. al 217). Thus, those entrepreneurs who create a business may be few

in numbers, but they have ideas, talent, and energy (Cornell et. al 217). Thus, entrepreneurship can

“be a powerful way to contribute to rebuilding communities and transforming lives,” but the

community and governmental enthusiasm can improve entrepreneurship in the community (Cornell

et. al 217).

Institutional changes is the second category of change required to create an environment

that supports entrepreneurs with facilitation of entrepreneurs. In this category, a fair independent

tribal court system encourages better accountability and dispute resolution for it allows parties to

resolve critical issues without political corruption (Cornell et. al 217). A commercial code in a tribal

government should dictate business-related laws on commercial transactions (of sale, financing,

documents of title, legal resource, jurisdiction, etc.) of which business should be customized to the

tribal community and enforced fairly (Cornell et. al 218). A sensible regulatory environment then

protects the health of the tribal natural resources, citizens, and communities by implementing

regulations and standards that protect the community, but not overburden the entrepreneur (Cornell

et. al 218). And finally, they suggest a capable tribal bureaucracy that is accountable to citizen

applications, fair treatment of people, and effective procedures to a level comparable to off the

reservation (Cornell et. al 219).

Investment changes it the third and last category that the authors list as a necessary change

for tribal government to support economic development through citizen entrepreneurship (Cornell

36

et. al 219). Types of investments vary, for it could be large scale infrastructure investments, loan

funds/seed capital, trainings and workshops, it could be improved relationships with organizations

that could offer workshops, such as local educational institutions, a U.S. Small Business

Administration office, or a tribal member (Cornell et. al 219). The types of investment in

entrepreneurship vary, therefore it comes from the need of the entrepreneurs (Cornell et. al 220).

With that, they recognize the greater lack of business education in the community and the effect it

has on potential entrepreneurs (Cornell et. al 220). They suggest implementing programming that

focuses on creating entrepreneurs and that help them with their issues (Cornell et. al 220). These

types of investment are seen as long-term benefits, thus not beneficial in the short-term process

(Cornell et. al 220).

They summarize the potential of the independent business sector in Indian Country as a

“major, potent, and largely untapped resource,” that has an impact in the community (Cornell et. al

220). Entrepreneurship offers an opportunity to have an impact, cultural effort, and makes

development sense, and encourages the tribal government to support them (Cornell et. al 220).

Research specific on Native American/American Indian Entrepreneurship has evolved

within a short time span as a field of inquiry. A 1988 report on “American Indian Entrepreneurs in

the Southwest” found that in 1977 that 44.1% of businesses in the states of California, Oklahoma,

Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas, a majority of companies were sole proprietorship, heavily

concentrated in construction, and indicated the difficulty of accessing capital (Humphreys and

McClung).

In 1991, Kenneth Provost wrote a dissertation titled, “American Indian entrepreneurs: A

case study” where he interviewed “successful” American Indian entrepreneurs located on the

37

American Indian areas of South Dakota (Provost). Aspiring to outline the factors that are associated

with successful entrepreneurialism for American Indians, he collected demographic information,

business and life history, and the characteristics that the interviews held (Provost). Utilizing four

theoretical perspectives, he found the learning theory perspective to have support of his results that

showed the entrepreneurs to have a strong orientation on people/customers by focusing on their

customer and being in customer-oriented enterprises (Provost). His research found that on average,

participants were middle aged, were married, had 4.2 children, had 12.8 years of formal education,

and were upwardly mobile individuals. Focusing on Native tribes in South Dakota, his research was

relevant to the tribes in that region during a different decade. Building upon this research, this

research considered the reasons why individuals created a business and the challenges they faced.

In March of 2002, the First Nations Development Institute (FNDI) issued “The Native

American Entrepreneurship Report,” which outlined the level of entrepreneurship in Native

communities and ways to increase the level of entrepreneurial activity. The research sent a survey to

70 institutions that provided services to entrepreneurs, which included tribal business information

centers, community-based financial institutions, and other enterprises. The survey was supplemented

with interviews with key individuals at five organizations (FDNI). This research estimated that in

2002 there was approximately 170,083 reservation-based micro-entrepreneurs, over 3500

entrepreneurs had received support from those surveyed organizations, and a total of $4.7 million

loans were disbursed that year (FDNI). They cited access to financing to be a significant barrier for

prospective entrepreneurs, this was attributed to the lack of capital and collateral resources, poor or

no credit histories, and isolation from standard financial institutions (FDNI). This overview of

38

Native Entrepreneurship showed a nation-wide snapshot of entrepreneurship in various Native

American communities and the amount of organizations working with entrepreneurs.

One of the foundational pieces of academic research on Native Americans was Michele

Lansdowne’s “American Indian Entrepreneurship: A Complex Web,” which described the success

and struggles for Native entrepreneurs (3). Using experts on entrepreneurship in Native

communities, she found the positive attributes of it, the obstacles, and the support system for the

entrepreneurs ( Lansdowne 3). Lansdowne found three major findings. The first being that

governmental bodies must understand Native entrepreneurs and consider how to make

governmental programs and policies sustainable and beneficial to the Native community (4). The

second, Native nations can advocate for entrepreneurs to influence federal policies and programs,

provide support, develop regulations (UCC Codes), and strengthen tribal sovereignty (Lansdowne

4). The third, describes embracing and educating about culturally-sensitive entrepreneurship to

overcome obstacles for Native entrepreneurs by building role models and business norms in the

community to further adopt (Lansdowne 4). Lansdowne utilized Grounded Theory methodology to

view this and produced a list of recommendations for policy makers in tribal government, federal

government, educators at tribal colleges and tribal entrepreneurs themselves (Lansdowne 4). This

research would be one of the most utilized paper in the Native American Entrepreneurship research

for it built the foundational base for understanding entrepreneurs and the types of support they

needed.

In “Entrepreneurial Leadership,” Hunt-Oxendine utilizes McClelland’s need for

achievement as an understanding of the motivations of American Indian entrepreneurs in North

Carolina (Hunt-Oxendine). Describing the “need for achievement” as significant for the

39

establishment of a new venture in the research, Hunt-Oxendine recognizes these motives in the

entrepreneurs (Hunt-Oxendine 92). However, the “Entrepreneurial Leadership” was not able to

explore the participants’ cognitive processes or personality behaviors, therefore she advised further

research to determine certain cognitive characteristics of personality traits that motivate American

Indian entrepreneurs (Hunt-Oxendine 92). Hunt-Oxendine found the majority indicated their

personal drive was the motivating factor and their concept of success was comparatively different

from “the mainstream corporate world” for they involved spirituality as the most influential strategy

of their career (Hunt-Oxendine). This research in North Carolina offers a lens with the qualitative

interviews conducted, however the research didn’t engage as much with the environment the

entrepreneurs worked in.

In 2013, Barbara Elise Schmitt wrote her dissertation on “Defining economic success as it

pertains to Native American owned businesses located on/or adjacent to North Dakota

reservations,” where the research focused on identifying successful economic development for

businesses (Schmitt). Exploring the, “perceived level of importance of knowledge, skills, and

attitudes and sustainable Native American owned business ventures,” Schmitt used quantitative

correlation research design with 194 survey respondents from four different tribal reservations in

North Dakota. This research found planning and organizational skills to be correlated with

“success” and found the need to be technical proficient in the proposed field of interest (Schmitt).

In addition to these skills, Schmitt outlines the important for the entrepreneurs to constantly seek

feedback for their enterprise. This research creates a specific study in a state and the correlation of

success with varying types of skills and aspects of business, but it doesn’t replicate to different tribal

communities.

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Charles Harrington’s article, “Culturally Relevant Strategies for Supporting American Indian

Entrepreneurship” in the Journal of Ethics & Entrepreneurship in Spring of 2015 found and

described the need of “culturally appropriate” strategies to support entrepreneurs. Understanding a

difference between Native and non-Native culture in general, Harrington describes the importance

to leverage strategies that engage with the entrepreneur in their cultural level. This text places a level

of importance upon the Native American culture and analyzes the importance of the

socio-environment of the entrepreneur.

In November of 2015, Stephanie Erdman wrote a dissertation on “ American Indian

Entrepreneurs’ Perceptions Regarding Their Success in Establishing Businesses on or near

Wisconsin Indian Reservations” where her phenomenological study seeks to understand the

perception of successful entrepreneurs. The in-depth interviews of seven American Indian

entrepreneurs found six themes from the findings: (a) were exposed to entrepreneurship and

entrepreneurial ideals; (b) had an understanding of business concepts; (c) were educated and sought

additional knowledge; (d) participated in special programs with tribal preferences; (e) were

risk-adverse to personal financial distress, and (f) nurtured relationships between and among

themselves and family as well as between and among their communities (Erdmann). These themes

allowed Erdmann to create recommendations for tribal leaders, tribal educators, government

agencies, and for further researchers on this subject. This research within Wisconsin shows an

importance to do this research, and six themes that the individual entrepreneurs held.

In 1976, Kent Gilbreath wrote, “Red Capitalism: An Analysis of the Navajo Economy”

where his chapters of the book describe the Navajo business situation in 1977, including the legal

and political problems, financing Navajo businesses, cultural influences on business development,

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education & entrepreneurs, a summary, and recommendations. This text has been the foundational

analysis of the Navajo economy where it describes the Navajo problems to be: Navajos are poor,

have a lower standard of living (diet, housing, and health), a non-diversified economy, an inability to

support its population, and an absence of a well-developed business community (Gilbreath 4-6).

Describing the great anthropological, educational, archaeological, and linguistic studies that have

been on the Navajo people, Gilbreath focused on the problems of the Navajo economy at general

(Gilbreath 7).

Focusing on the development of the small business sector, Gilbreath proclaims Navajo small

businesses as an “opportunity for immediate economic benefits,” for it is possible with the

limitation of the reservation’s capital and the entrepreneurial resources (Gilbreath 6). These

individual Navajo entrepreneurs were seen as an opportunity to create a small business community

that could provide jobs and supply more business-acumen Navajos (Gilbreath 7). Gilbreath’s book

focused on the problems involved in establishing businesses by analyzing the reservation’s

community and the key issues an entrepreneur faces (Gilbreath 8).

In Chapter II, “The Current Business Situation of Red Capitalism,” Gilbreath described the

various Navajo businesses and described the trading posts as the lifeblood of certain communities,

and how approximately 80% of them were owned by non-Navajos (Gilbreath 14). Describing the

large amount of non-Navajo entrepreneurs and the lack of Navajo entrepreneurs, Gilbreath then

described how the majority of Navajos, and Navajo leaders desired more wage jobs, a sign of

demand for further economic development (Gilbreath 29). In Chapter III, “Legal and Political

Problems” he described the Navajo government’s “limited sovereignty,” the structure of the Navajo

government, the Navajo government’s attitude towards small business, the complexity of leasing

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land, obtaining a business lease, and taxes on the Navajo Reservation (Gilbreath 29-41). The Navajo

land-lease and business lease are two leases that Gilbreath focuses on for they hold multiple steps,

(business site lease has 20 steps), and are overwhelming for Navajo entrepreneurs, thus Gilbreath

described the business site process to “retard the development of the reservations’ business

community” (Gilbreath 48).

In Chapter IV, “Financing Navajo Businesses,” Gilbreath described the challenge of getting

investment capital for the Navajo people which didn’t accumulate large amounts of capital,

traditional lenders fear lending to Navajo people, the insecurity of Navajo property rights, the

Navajo and Indian Business lending programs, the role of U.S Small Business Administration, “Buy

Indian Act,” Insurance, and Franchises on the Navajo Reservation (Gilbreath 59-77). This chapter

described the great financial burdens for Navajo entrepreneurs if they are offered traditional loans

they are usually hit with high-interest return rates, and the few tribal and federal lending programs,

Gilreath described the challenges of initial investment capital to be a great hurdle for the Navajo

entrepreneur.

In Chapter V, “Cultural Influences on Business Development,” Gilbreath outlined the

difficulty of defining Navajo culture for it is difficult to define the personalities of all the Navajo

people but he described aspects of Navajo culture and the influence on small business development

(81). The role of family is seen as a potential difficulty as Gilbreath described the traditional

economic operation of the family that depended on extended family and the kinship through the

clan systems (Gilbreath 83). Over time, Gilbreath hypothesizes more weaken ties and less social and

economic obligations for the Navajo entrepreneur (Gilbreath 84). For Gilbreath, the Navajo religion

is seen to influence the entrepreneur in planning and cumulative efforts are discouraged, the

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exploitation of nature is discouraged, capital accumulation is countered by ceremonies, and there is

no glorification of “work or frugality” as described by the protestant ethic (Gilbreath 88). Gilbreath

then described Navajos to have “familistic individualism” where the Navajo individual is

individualistic in personal affairs but more dependent upon the family in the larger social and

economic matter (89). Gilbert described this “Familistic individualism” as different than American

individualism for he describes it as non-competitive individualism which doesn’t follow his idea of

aggressive entrepreneurs (Gilbreath 89).

In Chapter VI, “Education and the Entrepreneurs,” Gilbreath described the general

unfamiliarity of the market economy and the skills for entrepreneurs as issues for further business

development (Gilbreath 105). Defining “entrepreneur” through general terms as a person who

accepts risk, uncertainty, holds independence, and creates a business and industrial activity where

none existed, Gilbreath then described the manipulative, greedy, and acquisitive entrepreneur

(Gilbreath 113). But Gilbreath recognized the need to have an entrepreneur for they produce

creative economic endeavors that is only possible with them (Gilbreath 113). Gilbreath believes,

“the Navajos do not have a tradition of producing business entrepreneurs. This means that potential

Navajo businessman is not likely to have the opportunity to learn a business trade from his parents

of other relatives” (Gilbreath 113).

In order to understand the characteristics, problems, and opinions of entrepreneurs on the

reservation, Gilbreath conducted a mailed out questionnaire that received twenty seven responses

(Gilbreath 116). The survey found the entrepreneurs to be married males with children, seventeen of

twenty six respondents had college degrees, and attended religious services regularly (Gilbreath 120).

Of the survey results, he found twenty four of the twenty seven felt that there was a shortage of

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entrepreneurs on the reservation, the most cited remedy was more business education for Navajos,

followed by additional financial support and the elimination of government “red tape” (Gilbreath

122). Inquiring about the biggest hinderance to a Navajo creating a business, fourteen entrepreneurs

cited lack of education, followed by eight saying Navajo culture, and then six cited red tape, and five

saying lack of financial assistance (Gilbreath 122). But, the entrepreneurs cited their most frequent

problem to be the “red tape” as represented by the Navajo business site lease, followed by the

financial problems (Gilbreath 124). Gilbreath describes the entrepreneur to not be a common

phenomenon in Navajo society, and states:

“Entrepreneurship in the United States has a four-hundred-year history, but the development of business enterprises by the Navajo people is a very new phenomenon. Navajo society cannot rely on a business tradition to produce a body of entrepreneurs; it must turn to other sources for its businessmen” (Gilbreath 125).

Gilbreath believes more business education in the Navajo school system would create more

entrepreneurial talent for he believes they should receive an education that teaches them the role of

the economy and be able to survive in that economy (Gilbreath 126).

Michael Francisconi wrote, “Kinship, Capitalism, Change: The Informal Economy of the

Navajo, 1868-1995,” where he analyzed and described the three economic revolutions that

established the modern Diné economy. Describing the U.S. government political control, the

establishment of the trading posts happened post-1868, in which this created mercantile capital

(Francisconi). The second revolution was the 1930’s U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs stock reduction

that devastated the Diné livestock economy, and established governance welfare and wage labor for

Diné people. Then, the fourth happened post-World War II with more intensive industry and

resource extraction in the community (Francisconi). Francisconi’s research on the informal economy

shows the development of the informal economy, as the result of few opportunities for

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entrepreneurship in the formal economy (83). This informal economy is said to be preferred by the

Diné people because it builds upon the relation between each other and has been shaped from the

trading post era (Francisconi 85-6).

Francisconi then described the role kinship obligations, lack of taxes, and the lack of

government support, as immense reasons, why the informal Navajo entrepreneurship has grown

(Francisconi 87-93). Francisconi then stated how “Diné have a strong entrepreneurial tradition...

The difficulty of starting a business in the formal sector, the official tolerance of the informal

business, and the very low capital needed to start a business in the informal sector all point in the

direction of informal selling as a source of income. In fact, unlike other third world countries, the

informal sector on the Navajo nation is actively ignored by the officials. As a matter of fact, it is

often a point of pride…. family-owned Diné businesses operating in what is called the informal

sector are extremely common. The common Diné family is, in fact, an entrepreneurial unit… The

pitfalls of beginning formal business, the administrative leniency toward informal business activity,

and the very low capital requirement needed to start a business in the informal sector, encourage

informal selling as a source of income… There is deep cultural pride in the informal sector. The

openness of the informal sector means that the boundary between formal and informal is an

intellectual construct that is necessary for this study. (Francisconi 94).

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1. Research Method

a. Research Methods and Design

Summary:

This study outlines the difficulties that Navajo entrepreneurs face both on and off the

Navajo Nation as a result of various political, legal, cultural, and economic factors. Interviews with

Navajo entrepreneurs through this qualitative study provides first-hand knowledge and primary

source perspectives on the difficulties that Navajo entrepreneurs face in creating and maintaining a

business within a federally recognized tribe in the United States. This research utilized an

interview-based methodology to collect qualitative primary data from nine individuals, enrolled

citizens with the Navajo Nation, who experienced creating or supporting businesses within or

outside the boundaries of the Navajo Nation Reservation. This research aspired to collect

perspectives of Diné entrepreneurs in order to understand the economic, political, and social factors

that affect(ed) them in their aspiration to create their own business. Collecting qualitative data, the

research sought to collect a set of narratives as a lens to consider and analyze the concerns of the

Diné Entrepreneur. The interview methodology was chosen as the best way to engage with the Diné

entrepreneurs, because it provides them an avenue to share their story.

Community Involvement: Building upon the research experience as a Diné person from

Asaayii (Bowl Canyon), New Mexico which is located near the center of the Navajo Nation, as well

as the countless interactions that this researcher had with Diné entrepreneurs, this study attempts to

find understand what factors impede or influence Diné entrepreneurs, an often overlooked and

misunderstood social phenomenon. The research questions build upon the various conversations

that this researcher had with Navajo community members throughout the past years that have led to

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the development of the research questions, literature review, methodology, findings, conclusions,

and recommendations within this this inquiry. Deriving from the community, the researcher is from

the community that is the subject of this study. This research project has welcomed community

involvement and since its initial planning. Gaining that community perspective through community

members engagement, specifically those who are entrepreneurs, was the primary focus of this

research endeavor. The perspective of the Dine entrepreneur is absolutely crucial for implementing

this research. Because the researcher is from the community, the researcher is utilizing existing social

networks to get in contact with certain entrepreneurs.

Primarily internal factors, such as culture and education, were an important aspect of this

research, utilizing an interview methodology these internal aspects were a challenge to gauge and

describe. Because the concept of culture is greatly fluid, entrepreneurs may value this as an indirect

influence in comparison to other influences. But the researcher believes education will be a more

distinctive feature for those who have formal businesses compared to those with informal

businesses. Because a basis of business knowledge is usually utilized for creating a business that

keeps in good standing with various codes, the researcher believes academic and professional

experience was an influential factor.

External factors are often primary influencers, as they were in this study, for Dine

entrepreneur to become business owners within their challenging ecosystem. Governmental

bureaucracy and policies seems to be a mechanism that entrepreneurs have to navigate, therefore

compared to anything else that might be revealed it is highly likely that such bureaucracy and “red

tape” will be criticized the most. But certain governmental policies and programs can be seen to

have benefitted certain entrepreneurs in building their businesses, thus some policies may be

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considered beneficial while some detrimental. Now, other factors, including culture and language for

example, are going to be more difficult to gauge without this research. In conclusion, the research is

crucial for further understanding a population that lacks academic research, therefore placing a high

need for this type of research.

Navajo Nation IRB

This research recognized the sovereignty of the Navajo Nation government and their

authority to govern their citizens, apply their legal jurisdiction, and dictate research on the Navajo

Nation and the Diné people. This research followed the Navajo Nation Department of Health,

Human Research Review Board application process and instructions in order to conduct research

with Dine people. The project submitted identical research procedures to the Harvard IRB and

Navajo Nation HRRB; describing the research to be conducted. Conducting research with citizens

of the Navajo Nation, this research understands and respects the sovereignty of the Navajo Nation

and the review board’s mission to “support research that promotes and enhances the interests and

the visions of the Navajo people,” therefore this research was approved by the Navajo Institutional

Review Board before being conducted. Securing approval to conduct a study for educational

purposes from the Navajo Nation was an exhausting and extensive process which, perhaps, reflects

the lengthy time, procedures, and approvals to secure a business on the Navajo Nation. Overall, this

study aimed to research on and off the Navajo Reservation, therefore the study had to seek both the

Harvard and Navajo Nation IRB approval, maintain a strict timeline, and work with finite resources.

This acknowledgement of the sovereignty and required procedures mandated by the

Navajo Human Research Review Board comes from a conflicted history between Native nations

and academic researchers who have previously disrespected and misused data collected on the

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Navajo Nation. Because various Institutional Review Boards have historically recognized Native

American populations as a vulnerable population, this study aimed not to expose the group to great

risk and therefore went through the Navajo Nation HRRB. Because Native American populations

have had a complicated past with academic research, the aim of this conversation focused on their

perspective, rather than the researcher’s aims, and not hiding any personal or academic agenda

behind a false description. The study secured Informed Consent agreements and gives knowledge

about the study to the Navajo Entrepreneurs. Because most entrepreneurs work with the public and

rely on outside contact, the study intended for a portion of the population to directly or indirectly

benefit to be from one that works directly with Diné people. Because the survey and interview

questions are open-ended and are focused on their work experiences, the study assumed minimal

risk.

Interviews

Conducting hour-long interviews, over the phone, with nine Navajo individuals that have

created, maintained, or supported primarily Navajo-owned businesses on and off the Reservation

within an abbreviated timeframe was intense but worthwhile. This research aspired to recount their

aspirations, journey, challenges, benefits, demographics, and business experiences as an

entrepreneur. These long-form interviews were selected from an established list of entrepreneurs

provided by the Navajo Nation’s Division of Economic Development. Diné entrepreneurs were

selected because their narratives were anticipated to provide insight and understanding within an

hour-long interview. Of those nine interviewed, five have and/or had experiences as employees of

the Navajo Nation government, non-profits supporting entrepreneurs, and/or were involved in

incubators that regulate, research, and support Navajo entrepreneurs. Four of these five

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administrators held experiences as owners of businesses and enterprises in addition to their

supportive roles, therefore their perspectives held greater roles and experiences. The

administrators/supporters of entrepreneurs entailed the following positions: one was a professor at

a nearby university off the reservation and was a former administrator with the Navajo Nation

government, two worked at a local Native American Business Incubator, and one is a CEO of a

non-profit. These interviews involved different questions (titled “Navajo Administrator Questions),

but they are aimed at further understanding difficulties, innovation, and stories.

a. Population and Sample

The Navajo Nation has the largest population of the 567 federally recognized tribes in the

United States with an enrollment that exceeds 300,000 citizens. Of those 300,000 citizens,

approximately 180,000 live within the Navajo Reservation while 120,000 other citizens live outside

of the reservation boundary. Focusing on individuals older than eighteen years old, the researcher

wanted to understand experiences that established entrepreneurs had because they had years of

professional experiences whether they were challenging or successful, in comparison to aspiring

entrepreneurs. The research population then includes Navajo people who live on and off the

reservation, are older than eighteen years old, and have been the primary owner of a profit or

nonprofit enterprise that conducts work with Navajo people.

Utilizing the Navajo Nation Business Opportunity Source List, which is updated on a

monthly basis by the Navajo Nation Division of Economic Development (DED), the research

utilized the list of all the certified Navajo businesses on the Navajo Nation as a list of potential

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interviewees. This monthly source list provided a listing of persons, firms, enterprises, organizations,

and/or other entities currently certified by the Business Regulatory Department.

The certification of a formally recognized Navajo business is noted by two designations: 1 or

2. The qualifications for a Certified Navajo Business designation, or Certification 1, is described as a

business that is primarily located on or off the Navajo Nation and is 100% Navajo-owned and

controlled. The second designation is Certification (2) describes a business that is either 51% to

99% Navajo, 51% to 100% American Indian owned and controlled, or a 100% Navajo Nation

owned and controlled economic enterprise. The certification designation of Navajo businesses was

developed by the Navajo Nation’s Division of Economic Development office. This list typically

includes their phone numbers, fax numbers, and their mailing address, and an email address.

In addition to the Navajo Nation Business list, the research conducted searches through

Harvard’s extensive Library Databases, general search engines (search “Navajo Entrepreneurs”), and

various news sources, including the Navajo Times, a Navajo Nation-owned enterprise newspaper,

and local newspapers (Gallup Independent, Albuquerque Journal, Farmington Daily, etc.). These

searches created and established a list of approximately 26 Navajo entrepreneurs for this thesis

outreach effort.

The initial list of outreach sources had a total of 26 emails, of that the response rate was

more than half at 14. From the initial response to the email, approximately four individuals weren’t

able to schedule an interview or didn’t respond to follow up emails regarding the research. Through

this outreach, nine respondents responded to the initial email, followed the instructions of the

second email, scheduled a phone interview, and signed the consent form. Therefore nine interviews

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were conducted with a group of Navajo entrepreneurs and administrators who have conducted or

supported businesses.

Danielle Chandler: Female, Design Consulting Business, has a Bachelors of Arts Degree

from a selective university. Grew up on the reservation. Currently works off the reservation in a

large metropolitan city, but has done extensive work with entrepreneurs, Navajo DED, and various

Navajo communities.

John Felix: Male, Professor and former entrepreneur in Utilities, has a Bachelor’s and

Master’s degrees from state universities. Grew up on the reservation, but currently works primarily

on and off the reservation. Had a wealth of knowledge working with and for the Navajo Nation

government and has experience working with Navajo entrepreneurs.

Wade Hendler: Male. An artist and graphic designer. Has some college experience, but no

degree. Grew up off the reservation and continues to work in a border town community off the

reservation. Has experiences working with other research subjects, but has not done work

specifically with the Navajo Nation government.

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Kaci Stewart: Female. Consultant (Environment and Nonprofit). Has a Bachelor’s in Art

from a technical college. Grew up on the reservation, but has her business off the reservation. She

has experience working on the reservation and is a certified Navajo business.

Megan Lowe: Female. Administrator of nonprofit and government experience. Has a

Bachelor’s degree from a state university. Grew up on the reservation, and works in a border town

community. Has multiple experiences working with entrepreneurs, Navajo Nation government, and

the Navajo community, specifically in this field.

Jordan Jason: Female. Administrator of nonprofit and former entrepreneur in Medical

services. Has a Bachelor’s and Master’s in Business Administration from a state university. Grew up

on the reservation and has done work off reservation, but has returned to the reservation to create a

business and to help entrepreneurs.

Jason Lee: Male. Performer, Veteran, and Public speaker. Has some college education.

Grew up in a border town off the reservation, but has many clients on the reservation as he has

maintained his business off the reservation.

Daniel Smith: Male. Entrepreneur in agriculture and current administrator of nonprofit.

Has a Bachelor’s, Master’s in Business Administration, and a doctoral degrees from state

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universities. Grew up on the reservation, but maintains work in a border town by working with

Navajo entrepreneurs.

Roberth Rush: Male. Food and Hardware. Has a Bachelor’s degree in Accounting from a

local college. Grew up on the reservation, but has experiences operating a business on and off the

Navajo reservation.

Overall, the research participants create a diverse sample group of Navajo entrepreneurs

who hold various professional, academic, and cultural backgrounds, their experiences helped outline

the relationships that Dine entrepreneur may have with the Navajo consumer, government, and

community.

b. Materials/Instruments

Recording of the call took place through the microphone on the Macbook Pro Computer

with the Microsoft Word 2011 Notebook Layout, GarageBand (Version 10.1.6), and Evernote

(Version 6.10) applications initiated to record the interviews. The interviews were always held on the

researcher’s personal cellular phone because it had speaker capability which allowed the interview to

be recorded. Conducting the phone interview on the researcher’s phone, via speaker, the call went

through the consent process, through the interview, and finished with appropriate “thank you,”

comments. Each interview usually lasted an hour to an hour and a half, but the shortest interview

was 45:00 Minutes and the longest interview was 1:15:13.

c. Data Collection, Processing, and Analysis

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Data Collection

The participant was initially contacted through e-mail and were asked if they would like to

take part in this research, through the following thesis recruitment script, that outlined the process

and reasoning of the research: “I am writing my senior thesis on the concept of Diné

entrepreneurship. If you consider yourself a current or former entrepreneur who has done work

either on or off the Navajo Nation and you would be willing to be interviewed about your

experiences, would you be able to do an interview?” When they responded in the affirmative to the

initial email, the researcher sent the purpose of the research, the gift card, the consent form, and a

doodle poll for scheduling a time for the interview. The researcher required their signature, date, and

a home/cellular phone number for the phone interview.

In order to be fully informed of the study, the researcher went through the purpose of the

research with the interviewee again during the beginning of each interview, while describing the need

for a mailing address for the guaranteed $15 gift card. During the call, all questions or concerns were

answered after they were told of the data confidentiality, privacy, storage of data, and possible risks

that were described in the protocol. Questions were answered honestly by the researcher in order to

present the intent of the research. When they agreed to take part in the study, the participant gave

written description and point of contact for the researcher, which includes the study information

and contact information for their use, if need be. The consent process for the interviews involved

each interviewee signing the Adult Consent Form for the researcher’s records.

For all these interviews, they were initially greeted in the Navajo and English language, and

then the researcher conducted the interview in English. When asked, the researcher provided the

name of the high school he attended, his home (Bowl Canyon), the four traditional Navajo clans he

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has, his extended family members, and other information the interviewees requested in order to be

honest and to build a level of trust. As an enrolled citizen and resident of the Navajo Nation, I held

personal information about individual respondents, however I built my list of outreach from the

various news articles printed by local newspapers covering the Navajo Nation. As a Harvard College

student, my previous coursework has been in governance, economic development, and a liberal arts

education. In terms of research, the researcher has conducted in-person interviews with 5 Diné

Entrepreneurs and Community leaders on the Navajo Reservation previously in a social studies

junior tutorial.

Each participant was offered a $15 gift card from a national retailer before the interview

began as well as during the consenting process. They will be notified during the consenting process

about the card. There was another email, separate from the interview, where the person entered

their name and mailing address for the mailing of the gift card. At the end of mailing, all of the

mailing and identifiable information will be disposed of to maintain anonymity.

Although identifiers (Name, Business, and Diné Relations) were collected from the research

subjects, this research maintains their anonymity. The specific data collected will be the participants’

opinions on more broad concepts that are included in their profession and public lives and won’t be

sensitive information. Their information helps build comprehensive data and will not focus on them.

Processing:

All nine audio interviews were then transcribed into word document files and

exported into PDF documents for the purpose of producing accurate findings and analysis. After

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each transcription, the researcher reviewed the transcripts and began identifying themes that are

identified in the findings.

d. Benefits

While the participants will receive no direct benefit from this research, it is hoped that the

research will impact policy considerations for the Navajo Nation tribal government as well as other

tribes who are considering policies related to tribal entrepreneurs. The data from the surveys and

interviews will be identifiable only by the information asked and gathered through the questions

answers provided by the entrepreneur. The entrepreneur in describing their business may gain a

better understanding of their work and the types of businesses or policies they may influence, but

their personal information is not published. Overall, there are no foreseeable benefits to participants

as a direct result of their participation.

e. Assumptions

The researcher’s personal experience as a community member had a different vantage,

compared to a non-Navajo person, which is an advantage and limitation in different regards. The

researcher has to recognize the personal assumptions and biases that have been built from being an

active member of the Navajo community. However, this role in the community allows the

researcher to build trust and connections that wouldn’t be noticeable to an unfamiliar researcher in

the population and field. The assumptions of the researcher had to begin open ended in a way to

consider various themes, challenges, and types of support that the researcher didn’t consider.

The respondents utilized the researcher’s definition of entrepreneurship: People who have

held a business, and those who were well known in the community. The Navajo entrepreneurs

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would list their issues with the Navajo Nation government, and as a result they may have felt some

level of discomfort in their critique of the Navajo Nation or any program(s) that they believe

support or don’t support the Navajo entrepreneur. Because the interviewees will be identified by

pseudonyms, the researcher assured them that their personal information would not be published

and thus allowing their critiques shared but nameless.

One of my assumptions was the discussion on culture that I assumed would raise a level of

discomfort regarding the role Navajo culture played in their journey of becoming an entrepreneur. I

assumed that some of the entrepreneurs may feel guarded in sharing information about their

knowledge of Navajo culture as being insensitive about their culture or being considered someone

who doesn’t value the culture. I hoped to minimize this by reminding them that they can skip any

question should they feel uncomfortable providing an answer to and that they were allowed to

withdraw from the study at any time. This reminder was constant for they should feel no pressure to

answer the question that may create discomfort.

f. Limitations

This research is not comprehensively representative of the whole Navajo population and the

entrepreneur, and the researcher understands that this is one of the greater limitations of the

research. But, this collection of entrepreneurs offers a lens of current formal entrepreneurs who

operates businesses or support entrepreneurs. This sample of individuals builds a step for future

research in this important area.

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On the ground, in-person interviews was the preference the researcher had in conducting

the interviews in the effort to build a level of trust with each interviewee. However, the researcher’s

finite financial resources and limited time did not allow the researcher to make air and ground travel

arrangements to the communities that the interviewees lived in. Considering that most of the

interviewees lived several hour drives away from the interviewee’s home and from each other, the

research locations held great distances and traveling for each in-person interview to be conducted.

Therefore, over the phone interviews were chosen as the best tool for communication in conducting

the interviews.

Need for further Navajo language skills to analyze and understand the Diné language.

Although the majority of the interviews were conducted in English, a couple of the

interviews required greater Navajo language skills than the researcher had so a fluent Navajo

language and culture person was asked to translate the Navajo terms into English.

Lacked a centralized contact source listing of Navajo entrepreneurs.

As a volunteer of the Navajo Nation Division of Economic Development in being

an unpaid-volunteer, I utilized their existing database regarding Navajo entrepreneurship, and their

contact lists as outreach to Navajo entrepreneurs with the “Thesis Recruitment Email.” The Navajo

Nation Division of Economic Development provided potential participants with the recruitment

email by utilizing their own guidelines.

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Danielle Chandler: Female, Design Consulting Business, has a Bachelors of Arts Degree from a

selective university. Grew up on the reservation. Currently, works off the reservation in a larger

metropolitan city, but has done extensive work with entrepreneurs, Navajo DED, and various

Navajo communities.

John Felix: Male, Professor and former entrepreneur in Utilities, has a BA, MA, and PhD from

state universities. Grew up on the reservation, but currently works primarily on and off the

reservation. Had a wealth of knowledge working with and for the Navajo Nation government and

experiences with Navajo entrepreneurs.

Wade Hendler: Male. An artist and graphic designer. Has some college experience, but no degree.

Grew up off the reservation, and continues to work in a border town community off the

reservation. Has experiences working with other research subjects, but hasn't done work specifically

with the Navajo Nation government.

Kaci Stewart: Female. Consultant (Environment and Nonprofit). Has a Bachelors in Art from a

technical college. Grew up on the reservation, but has her business based off the reservation. She

has had experiences working on reservation and being certified as a Navajo business.

Megan Lowe: Female. Administrator of nonprofit and government experience. Has a BA from a

state univeristy. Grew up on the reservation, and continues to work on the reservation. Has multiple

experiences working with entrepreneurs, NN government, and the Navajo community, specifically

on this field.

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Jordan Jason: Female. Administrator of nonprofit and former entrepreneur in Medical services.

Has a BA and MBA from a state university. Grew up on the reservation and has done work off

reservation, but has returned to the reservation to create a business and then help entrepreneurs.

Jason Lee: Male. Performer, Veteran, and Public speaker. Has a BA from a local college. Grew up

in a border town off reservation, but has many clients on the reservation as he has maintained his

business off reservation.

Daniel Smith: Male. Entrepreneur in agriculture and current administrator of nonprofit. Has a BA,

MBA, MA, and PhD from state universities. Grew up on the reservation, but maintains work in a

border town by working with Navajo entrepreneurs.

Robert Rush: Male. Food & Hardware. Has a BA from a local college. Grew up on the reservation,

but has experiences operating a business on and off the Navajo reservation.

Overall, the research participants create a diverse sample group of Navajo entrepreneurs who hold

various professional, academic, and cultural backgrounds, their experiences helped outline the

relationships the Diné entrepreneur may have with the Navajo consumer, government, and

community.

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Findings

1. Findings

1. Findings

The purpose of this research is to understand the challenges entrepreneurs encounter, their

aspirations as entrepreneurs, and the internal/external factors that encouraged, strengthened, and

challenged their ambition to create a business on or off the Navajo Nation Reservation. The

following results from the interviews highlight the key takeaways that respondents shared with the

researcher and underscore the research questions:

a. Results

1. Could you please introduce yourself (traditional introduction/modern introduction)?

All research participants introduced themselves in the way and the manner they wanted to

introduce themselves. Six of interviewees introduced themselves in the Diné language (Diné Bizaad)

by stating their four clans, their place of origin, and their name, while the other three introduced

themselves only in the English language. This self-introduction reflects that a majority of the Navajo

entrepreneurs identify themselves strongly as being Diné by using the Diné language and their

cultural clans. Starting with an introduction allowed the participant to be comfortable in the

interview, and allowed the researcher to build a profile of each interviewee.

a. What community/region are you from? (Born/Raised)

The participants would introduce themselves and state a relationship to a certain location or

general area of the place where they were born, went to school, where their family is originally from,

and/or where they work or live now. This question attempted to identify the various entrepreneurs

as either on-Reservation or off-Reservation entrepreneurs. However this designation seemed to be

dependent on the criteria for designating these terms. A participant, Chandler, grew up in a

checkerboard Navajo area (Tribal trust land, allotted land, or state land), went to school off the

reservation, incorporated her enterprise in California, and moved the business to Colorado thus

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indicating an off-Reservation person. But the business has had multiple projects on the reservation

and has maintained many business and community relations that may consider her work to be

on-Reservation. Therefore, the research found that it is important to describe where an

entrepreneur’s business is incorporated/based and where the primary amount of their work

happens. This further indicates their business tie, but the research also indicated their work on

Reservation.

With that definition, the research found that all interviewees described their relationship to a

place they consider home and where they conduct their business. With that, six of the nine

interviewees had spent their childhood living on the Navajo reservation, while the other three had

primarily lived off the reservation during their childhoods. But most of the participants (six)

conducted their businesses and live off the reservation, while three others primarily work on the

reservation. However, this designation of working off-reservation is not the best indicator as eight of

the nine participants have conducted, or continue to conduct, business on the reservation at some

degree. All have or collaborated with Diné consumers or interacted with other Diné businesses.

b. Tell me a little bit about yourself.

This question allowed the researcher to collect additional demographic information such as

the interviewee’s age, gender, and educational attainment.

In terms of age, the youngest interviewee was in the early 30s while the oldest interviewee was in the

mid 50s, representing various generations of entrepreneurs and their current perspectives. In terms

of gender, the group had five identifying male participants and four identifying female participants,

an almost equal distribution in terms of gender. This equal gender representation was important for

the researcher’s interest to provide a balance of perspectives from female and male participants.

Five of the seven participants had at least a Bachelor's Degree from a higher educational institution.

The academic concentrations for the Bachelor’s Degrees varied, including the following discipline:

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business, accounting, political science, economics, art, behavioral health, and product design. In

terms of degrees beyond a Bachelor’s Degree, there were two participants with a Masters in Business

Administration, one with a Master’s Degree in Economics, and one individual with a Ph.D. in

Political Science. In terms of military service, one of the participants had served in the U.S. Navy,

and returned home to become an entrepreneur.

The veteran describes himself as a ‘lifetime student” where he describes his education to derive from

the Diné teachings taught by his grandparents, “Ha’zho’i In’le.” For Lee, these teachings are taught

by Iina (life), where daily activities such as tending to livestock, hauling water and wood, were valid

teachings from the elders (Jason). Jason then describes “T’aa Ho’ Aji’ teego” which he describes as

the guidance to “put in the work, push the right door and the opportunities will open” (Lee). This

guidance was a common theme through a couple of interviews for it, the term “T’aa Ho’ Aji’teego”

is associated with the entrepreneurial spirit.

c. When and how did you become a business owner/entrepreneur?

The various narratives about how each Navajo entrepreneur created their business reflects a

technical and personal attribute that helped them create a new enterprise.

Technically, the entrepreneurs gained professional experiences and networks by going to

college/school and gaining professional experiences. The professional experiences before creating a

business varied: one person served in the military, two served in the Navajo Nation government,

two worked at established non-profits, two were getting their Masters in Business Administration,

and two were working for established businesses off the Reservation. Although they began from

these various situations, they leveraged their situation to help establish their business, either through

credibility, networks, institutional knowledge, and/or business related knowledge and networks.

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Sharing their story about how they became entrepreneurs, most of them described their

resourcefulness with whatever access they had, their collaboration with other people, and staying on

their chosen path to become an entrepreneur.

Danielle and Kaci both started working at established organizations in large metropolitan

cities by finagling themselves into entry-level positions at organizations (Danielle & Kaci). After

getting inside the doors of these organizations, the learned the trades of the organization and gained

general business acumen (Danielle & Kaci). Starting at entry-level positions, both Danielle and Kaci

worked their way up to higher management positions within the six and seven years they spent at

these organizations, thus showing their professional capabilities and development in larger

organizations. During their time at these firms, Danielle and Kaci were wanting to move back home,

but the job opportunities for their positions were “few to none,” therefore they began to consider

jobs in the cities nearest to the reservation. Therefore, at a certain point they created an organization

that was meaningful for them and adopted principles from their time at the organization they

worked at. Leaving their positions at the organizations, they both founded their organizations and

began to work for it primarily by raising startup capital and doing the “initial hassle to get the things

running and off the ground” (Danielle).

In terms of the on-Reservation entrepreneurs, two entrepreneurs began their initial work

with the Navajo Nation government, including work with the executive and legislative branches of

the Navajo government. Working within the government, they began to understand the business

landscape on the reservation by doing research, working with constituents, and understanding how

business on the reservation happened. Working at the Navajo Nation Division of Economic

Development (DED, one participant was able to work on “feasibility, planning, business planning,

helping out small businesses, processing requests for releases for lending and basically doing some

counseling” as a job (Felix). Utilizing this experience with Navajo business, Felix then decided to go

into the natural resource sector to leverage his knowledge on Navajo preference and federal

contracting. Megan on the other hand, had more personal experiences working with Navajo small

business owners that encouraged her to consider work that embodied work with the community

(Lowe).

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Various participants noted the influence of family members being role models during their

childhood, this was important for them because it demystified the concept of running a business.

Robert and Danielle were inspired to work on the reservation for they had family members who had

previously owned an enterprise or did meaningful work on the reservation. Robert described his

father’s accounting business on the reservation as a primary example of how business could be

conducted on the reservation (Robert). Danielle described her cousin sister who was an engineer

who helped Navajo families get indoor plumbing and clean water to their homes. Seeing her cousin

do these projects inspired Danielle to consider ways to help people while also being independent of

the Navajo government (Danielle).

Creating their enterprises, all of the interviewees described a gap within the existing

market/environment and an opportunity to solve that issue. Kaci described her initial research in the

market to understand the “unserved gaps” and the individuals not being served by existing

businesses, nonprofits, or governments. Highlighting her meetings with various leaders, businesses,

and organizations, she found this initial research helpful in learning about opportunities and building

a network (Stewart). During these meetings at the state-level, she found many smart people solving

problems, however she found their work to only be addressing parts of the problem and she

believed that partnerships and work with the Native American population would benefit all parties

involved (Stewart). She found a niche within the market, and created a company in order to address

this lack of collaboration, and was glad she did (Stewart). Felix also utilized his access to research on

the Navajo economy. He was able to understand the various business needs on the Reservation,

which eventually led him to create his business (Felix).

Startup Costs

Two interviewees described their initial costs to “start up” their business as being $20,000

and $30,000, respectfully, for the first year with their business being off the reservation. Chandler

was able to fundraise the $30,000 for her organization from friends and family, for the standard

costs of starting up a business. Entering the ninth year of business, that enterprise has consistently

increased its revenue and has conducted 65 projects both domestically and internationally, including

having various projects on the Navajo Reservation (Chandler). Stewart secured the $30,000 startup

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costs from a local entrepreneurship project and the seed money they offered, thus she described her

costs to derive from standard costs.

Personal - Didn’t Fit the Mold

"Entrepreneurship wasn’t something that crossed my mind,” Stewart shared her lack of

consideration for entrepreneurship during her collegiate and post-college experiences. She learned

about entrepreneurialism when she was meeting many intelligent people during her time at a

non-profit. Gaining valuable professional skills and experiences in the large city she soon returned to

New Mexico and found herself not able to find work that fit her interests and expertise or accepted

her unconventional background (Stewart). Focusing on her college degree in Art, she found that

employers were unable to accept the unique major she attained and didn’t recognize her professional

experiences at the non-profit she worked at (Stewart). Therefore, unable to get in an organization

nor be taken serious, she decided to create a business that was meaningful to her after people were

stuck on a traditional applicant, and their inability to see her potential (Stewart).

Traditional Sectors:

Starting his entrepreneurial work with Navajo-family farmers, Smith described his interest in

implementing economic development strategies that were culturally based. He wanted to work with

communities that emphasized the traditional Navajo lifestyle. Working with several reservation

farms on the reservation, Smith has had experience with marketing and providing renewable energy

resources (solar, technology) to Navajo communities and farmers as a more sustainable energy for

farms (Smith). In this regard, Smith described the 30 years it took to implement some of the projects

he has worked on, but he finds it to be beneficial to the community and culture.

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2. A lot of individuals utilize “entrepreneurship” in many various contexts, how would you

define and utilize the term “entrepreneur”?

This question allowed the interviewees to define “entrepreneurship” within their context,

and this question showed various concepts of the term and the applicability to the interviewees.

Rush defined an entrepreneur as an individual with a dream and an endless pursuit to achieve a goal,

placing the concept of entrepreneurship with a great level of ambition and vision (Rush). Rush

described the entrepreneur to have business that is legal, ethical, and moral (Rush). Trying to

describe the term, Rush described a great lack of understanding “entrepreneurship,” and he

mentioned well-known American entrepreneurs such as Bill Gates, Steve Jobs, and Warren Buffet as

people that started their businesses with nothing and accumulated success (Rush). He described his

father-in-law (Michael Nelson, Sr.) as a “true Navajo Entrepreneur” for his father-in-law grew up

sheepherding and eventually went to college, worked for the Navajo tribe, and then created his own

insurance company (Rush). His father-in-law eventually shifted from the insurance industry to food

services, then to clothing, and eventually to hardware, all within the Navajo Reservation (Rush).

With that definition, Rush sees an entrepreneur as an individual with a dream and an entrepreneurial

spirit who will dedicate diligence, time, and sacrifice to make his/her dream come into fruition

(Rush).

Wade placed this concept of entrepreneurship within an artistic lens by describing the independent

music producers, who largely wrote, recorded, produced, and sold all their own art (Wade). Utilizing

this sole-proprietor type of model, he started his business as an independent person and started

producing his artwork (Wade). When his initial enterprise failed, he recollected and found an

important aspect of entrepreneurship, the “hunger” for success, and put forth focused energy and

tenacity to push through the struggles of business development (Wade). During that point, he found

networking as largely responsible for his success, and considered this entrepreneurial attitude to be

important for entrepreneurs (Wade).

With this question on entrepreneurship, interviewees described and focused on the theme of

entrepreneurship for the Navajo people. Danielle described an entrepreneur as, “... someone who is

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creative and sees a problem that they conceive a solution for that they can fix through business,”

this comes through having motivation and an idea that is sustainable (Danielle).

Kaci considered Native American people to naturally have the “entrepreneurial spirit or

entrepreneur mindset” for she understand entrepreneurs and Native American to be people who

are, “incredibly resilient, who can troubleshoot on the fly, who are able to digest complex issues, and

are able to regurgitate them for themselves,” (Stewart). In addition, Stewart considered the

entrepreneur to be a person that recognizes the importance of collaborating with other individuals

and the community, being a person of integrity, and being passionate of their issue (Stewart). On the

other side, the individuals must be humble, inclusive of others, provide feedback as they recognize

the larger concept of success (Stewart). Building upon her experiences with entrepreneurs, these

characteristics have been distinguishing facators for the successful entrepreneur (Stewart).

Believing human being to be entrepreneurial, Stewart described how Native Americans,

“have always been entrepreneurs. That it is culturally, spiritually inbred in us,” (Stewart). However,

the term “entrepreneurial” is off-putting for it turns away people because they imagine big tech

startups and a guy driving a BMW (Stewart). The language can then get people caught in the

language, instead of focusing on the issue itself, this is why Stewart treads lightly with the term

“entrepreneur” in the Navajo community (Stewart).

Felix described an entrepreneur as a Navajo sheepherder, a historic livelihood that focused on herds

of sheep and lambs as a source of income, food, and wealth (Felix). The sheepherder had to produce

a good crop of lambs, tend to the herd, harvest the wool for the weaving industry, and be

considerate of how to maintain and grow his livestock (Felix). Felix then related the Navajo weaver

as another example of an entrepreneur for they utilize the wool from the sheep, dye the wool, and

weave a textile rug for either utility or sale to consumers (Felix). From these examples, Felix

contextualized entrepreneurship within the Navajo people by stating that entrepreneurship

embodies the ability to “go ahead and dig deep inside and tap their creative spirit” in order to

produce a product or service that could be sold or traded (Felix). “Not all entrepreneurs go into a

commercial operation,” according to Felix, for many, “sell their own ideas, create and sell their own

products,” others don’t because it is a true passion (Felix).

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Conducting a lot of work with different community members, traditional elders, and cultural

people, Lowe found it to be someone who took risk to pursue something in order to provide a

service or good (Lowe). Including the informal entrepreneur and enterprise, Lowe continues to

describe them as someone working on their own business with family and/or a few people included.

For Lowe, the entrepreneur has to have grit, be ready to hustle, will wake up early, work hard, and

establish a team, if they decide to. This contrasts with James who finds entrepreneurs to be an

individual, “ who takes a need in the marketplace and figures out a way to meet that need through a

business process,” and the use of personal and capital resources (James). The need to recognize and

understand the aspects for Navajo entrepreneurialism, Smith understands it as a “need to do

something” and it requires tapping into motivation and to contribute in a manner that satisfies that

need (Smith). And the Navajo entrepreneur will consider the benefit beyond just profits, for it

describes the characteristic of greed, which is not a Navajo traditional value (Smith). In that, the

definition has been defined in varying degrees and interpretations of individuals in the Navajo

Reservation and their work.

a. Do you see Navajo culture as being incorporated in the term “entrepreneur”?

Building upon their initial definition of “entrepreneur” highlights the relationship between

the “entrepreneur” within the Navajo culture.

Describing the lack of a specific word to describe an entrepreneur in the Navajo language,

Danielle described the challenge of defining “entrepreneurship and business” for the Diné people

when the word is associated with “white culture” (Danielle). Being associated with the historic white

traders and trading posts, business had become a negative connotation for Navajo people (Danielle).

Displayed in the literature review, western academia hasn’t quite accepted a specific

definition of “entrepreneurship.” Smith recognized this and believes that the Navajo people to need

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to get their own concept of the term. By defining entrepreneurship for the Navajo, Smith believes

that the Navajo people would be able to recognize it in the community for he believes

entrepreneurship is, “inherently in us (Navajo people),” and it is shown by the arts and crafts

vendors. These vendors have bills and they utilize their skills and labor to bring in revenue from

selling, in order to address their debts (Smith). But, Smith finds a lack of outlook for a profit margin

or plan for growth because he finds it to be a foreign concept for the entrepreneur to profit and

reinvest (Smith). And Smith sides toward caution when considering the notion of “Western notion

of economic capitalism” in the Navajo community because of the negative aspects of it, as seen by

pollution of natural resources and environments (Smith). Labeling Navajo Nation as impoverished

by the outside world, Smith never felt impoverished or lacking anything (Smith).

Hendler described the need to exemplify community standards and beliefs, thus the greater

New Mexico community should have a deep sensitivity to the culture of the Diné customers

(Hendler). By involving aspects of Diné culture into his work, he was able to provide a specialized

service to his clients and the local community (Hendler). Using client feedback, Hendler included

Navajo culture into his designs and found that gap in services that local businesses and organizations

were missing from graphic designers.

Rush described the use of Hozho as a “balance, harmony” and his father-in-law's

incorporation of the term into the balancing of family and business, and practical business principles

(Rush). In addition to the Navajo culture, Rush recognized the adoption of western thinking, for he

believes it is “good, sound business acumen” that is needed for business success (Rush). Describing

scripture that says to, “count the costs before you lay your hand to the plow,” Rush described the

need to be diligent, efficient, and effective with money. This relationship and allocation of money

allows the entrepreneur to conduct day-to-day operations and be effective in their enterprises. In

terms of the use of Diné way of regarding Hozho and harmony, the would-be entrepreneur would

aspire to provide for themselves, and that would create benefit for future generations of Diné

people (Rush).

In relating entrepreneurship to culture, Jason June stated, “T’aa Ho’a’ji’teego,” which is the

conceptual idea that if “you put in the work, push the right door. Those opportunities will open,”

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(Lee). Describing a conversation with his grandmother, “she said, ‘Shiyazhi, you will come to two

roads in life. You can choose the good road or the bad road. Some people choose the bad road’… I

always wanted to choose the right road” (Lee). Choosing a profession focused on humor, Ho’dlo -

Ho’dlo’ ho’di’chi’di (Humor) he emphasized the art from of telling jokes as his professional life and

his commitment to Diné culture (Lee). Describing a certain winter ceremony, Yei’bi’chei, that is

known to be very serious, he described the need to have a clown that balances the seriousness of the

ceremony with humor to match Hozho (Lee). Lee described how his use of humor had allowed him

to be an entrepreneur, “I had to walk this road not knowing it would be a business. To balance the

Native life and Non- native life. They call this entrepreneurship” (Lee). Describing the personal

challenges and overcomings, Lee described how he found the Hozho bik’eh a’tiin (Beauty way road),

after experiencing many adversities in his life (Lee). Lee told of how his entrepreneurial work gave

him a home, finances, a career, a fan base, and his life/mind back (Lee).

Navajo people have, “a level of grit and hustle...to do what it takes to make this thing

succeed,” and this comes from the Navajo culture (Lowe). The value of commitment to a project is

seen to be the path to success, and Lowe finds the aspect of the Navajo prayer and the Navajo

perspective of life to be the answers to the issues (Lowe). From this, Lowe thinks the Navajo people

have “issues on what government can do,” the way it regulates and maintains power and the way to

invests (Lowe). Describing the inability for government to be creative, Lowe critiques the reliance

on the Navajo government for economic and business development while she urges the Navajo

people to do it themselves. Describing the notion of, “being resilient, being strong, people would get

up in the morning and would run,” Lowe sees the value and resilience of Navajo people as being

important to being an entrepreneur. Pointing this attitude out, Lowe referenced a conversation with

a farmer who considered his farming as a failure, but she points to the need to plant to even

consider the option of failing and thus implying a greater role of building entrepreneurs that are

resilient.

When Lee found business success with his comedy, he found the teachings, Na’ni’tin, of the elders

to be A’a’nii (True), for this duality of ambition worked in this modern world (Lee). Using the

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teachings of the elders Lee believes the combination of education and the traditional teachings to

give him hope for the future and the Navajo Nation (Lee).

In this Business life people started to hire me for the way I thought. My life was meaningful, it was

for a lesson. Combined that lesson of life I learned with what our elders taught us. Like a ceremony,

they laid it out for us. It was a lesson, Na’ni’tin. It is true. That’s what they believe in, and it works

even in this modern world. Exampling Navajo grandparents, Lee believes Dine people should not

just listen with our ears, but also hear with our hearts (Lee). Lee found the modern world to

consider him an entrepreneur for his work, and considers his comedy work new for him, and how

there is no Navajo word for “entrepreneur” (Lee).

Felix, described the benefit of cultural integrity and appreciation to be a lot of support for an

entrepreneur for a culture has the ability to support them (Felix). A physical place for cultural and

idea exchange offers an opportunity to take knowledge and apply it to create something that is

original, unique, and initiated by a community (Felix).

Kaci described the tension between Navajo culture and entrepreneurship when an individual

gains too much success or when success happens quickly (Stewart). Stewart described this cultural

tension to reflect the varying thoughts of an individual’s role and success for society. Describing a

“crab in the bucket” mentality, she described the difficulty for Diné people to celebrate one person's

success, for she finds the community should celebrate that person for the community of people will

rise together, not separately (Stewart). This cultural tension is not seen at the same level in America,

Stewart believes this social conscious should be balanced between the individual and the community

(Stewart).

Believing in the Navajo entrepreneur, Stewart believes in having various opportunities and

access on the reservation so people can stay on the reservation (Stewart). With this, Stewart believes

the network of Navajo professionals on and off the reservation should be better accessible and

resourceful for people to communicate effectively (Stewart).

Believing the need for the Navajo government to consider changes in infrastructure and

government policies, Stewart believes the way the Navajo government was developed and the

policies that affect small business and entrepreneurship is ridiculous (Stewart). She believes the

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current policies and government can’t support entrepreneurship, and it won’t because the

government embodies a “why fix it if it’s not broken mentality” (Stewart). But, through that belief,

she sees an opportunity to support the Navajo entrepreneur who is able to get enough cash for their

bills, or enough gas for their vehicles (Stewart).

Stewart sees individuals, who did fit non-traditional entrepreneurship, but they are resilient and able

to solve everyday challenges (Stewart). Stewart believes Navajo people need to see the “spectrum of

entrepreneurship” in order to position themselves to: speak up for themselves, consider themselves

good enough, and appreciate people who say, “they’re good enough” (Stewart). To address these

cultural tensions, Stewart considers entrepreneurship to be, “one of the absolute ways for the nation

to grow, build, and do this” (Stewart).

James listed various attributes of the Navajo culture as being relevant for the Navajo

entrepreneur. She finds that the cultural teachings emulate a lot of the inherent values that

entrepreneurs hold, such as being practical, resourceful, and having good time management (James).

The teachings of being practical and utilizing everything that is available is also a valuable resource

for the entrepreneur because they need to be able to be effective and efficient with their resources.

With this, time is a valuable resource and James finds that the entrepreneur who has this value of

time can find greater effectiveness with their mission work and accomplish those daily management

tasks (accounting, management, meetings, etc.). Thus, the value of balancing work and time is crucial

for the entrepreneur to satisfy all the challenges of operating a business, and the Navajo culture

dictates a person to get up early, get things done, and take care of yourself, all of which ensures all

things are done during daylight hours (James). James finds the values of the Navajos to strive for

“sustainability and for surviving and forming a life that is traditionally good” (James).

b. How would you define/describe a “Diné Entrepreneur”?

This question found varying degrees of correlations, descriptions, and values that create a general

concept of Diné Entrepreneurship for those interviewed.

Danielle, and Hendler believe that the Diné Entrepreneur is an individual who is motivated to solve

problems and challenges that exist in their community by using their business to “make life better

for those all around them instead of just themselves” (Chandler, Hendler). Describing her great

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interest in the rise of social entrepreneurship, the concept of business providing a social value to the

community, Chandler correlates a relationship between Diné Entrepreneur and social

entrepreneurship (Chandler).

In addition to the community benefitting from his business, Hendler described the Diné

Entrepreneur as an individual who has a willingness to represent, willingness to learn from other

indigenous people, speaking out for the community needs, promoting positivity, and helping other

indigenous business/activism/social efforts (Hendler). Using these characteristics as the hallmarks

of a Diné Entrepreneur, Hendler builds themes of leadership and community involvement that

incorporates culture, communication, and support of other entrepreneurs (Hendler).

Robert describes a Diné Entrepreneur as an individual who enters the world of business for

themselves, thus placing a greater emphasis on the individual in their pursuit of a dream, as long as

the process is legal, moral, and ethical (Rush). Now that individual should pursue those dreams

wholeheartedly, and think outside the box to make this happen (Rush). Rush then emphasized the

“true Dine Entrepreneur” to have a mentor that is good in business and learn the disciplines of

business from them.

“We were always entrepreneurs,” said Lee who understands that the Diné people have

always had an entrepreneurial spirit. Listing weavings, sandpainting, and silversmithing, Lee

described that, “there was always an entrepreneur in our traditional world,” but currently, “a lot of

our people are entrepreneurs but they don’t realize it.” This lack of realization is derived from a

current misunderstanding of the concept of “Dine Entrepreneurship” because, like a seed, it’s small

and needs to be cultivated to take a spotlight in the community. Finding Native Americans and Diné

people as intelligent and capable people, the concept can take shape once a leader sheds light and

shows the Diné people first (Lee). Understanding the concept of entrepreneurship for our ownself,

“Not just for the white man,” Lee believes the Diné people are able to go to that next level, but it’s

dependent on the Diné people looking up and supporting the Diné entrepreneurship movement.

The Navajo Code Talkers were a great example of Diné entrepreneurship for Felix as it

reflects upon the “ability of individuals to collaborate and to work as a unit to solve a need that

exists,” which in this case was the World War II attack on the United States. The Navajo Code

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Talkers were a group of young Navajo men who enlisted in the Marine Corp. and who faced the

challenge of creating a code using the Diné language, and creating a new method to address a

problem (Felix). As a result of this code, which is ultimately unbreakable by the Japanese, the United

States and its allies claimed victory. Overlooking the aspect of creating an enterprise, this example

reflects upon a new use of language without a guiding principle, which reflects the entrepreneurial

spirit. Felix believes the Navajo Code Talkers to be an epitome of Diné Entrepreneurship, in terms

of language development and application, and it has been a successful.

Working with multiple Navajo entrepreneurs, Kaci finds the Diné Entrepreneur to be a

multi-tasking individual, as she knows several people who are attempting to start a business while

holding down full-time jobs. The Diné entrepreneur has an incredible idea but has to seek the

technical, capital, and equipment resources that are need to start the enterprise (Stewart). Trying to

include and support the community, the entrepreneur has struggles just focusing on the industry and

business (Stewart). With all these factors taken into consideration, Kaci describes the ability of the

Diné entrepreneur to deal with being overwhelmed while playing against all odds. Facing these

challenges, especially on reservation, Kaci describes the need for the Diné entrepreneur to have grit,

and if they don’t have that attribute, you can’t quite learn it (Stewart).

The isolated Navajo entrepreneurs is resourceful because he/she must resolve issues in

creative ways, “whether it’s your sheep, the household, the car,” they all have impressive

problem-solving skills (Smith). They don’t over-analyze issues, but it is there and used in various

ways of learning and problem-solving. Smith finds comfort with certain types of learning to be

crucial for Navajos as they create businesses, for it can be intimidating to consider starting a formal

business. Once the community is able to support this process, more Navajos would be formal

entrepreneurs, because entrepreneurship is innate to the Navajo people (Smith).

The personal characteristics of Diné entrepreneurs are identified through the shared

narratives offered by the various interviewees/entrepreneurs. In addition to being individuals who

are willing to fail, learn from failure, be creative, seek feedback and mentorship, be resourceful, the

following are shared characteristics:

● Have grit

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● Discipline to the enterprise

● Mental toughness

● Willing and able to accept criticism

● Be tenacious

● Conscious of the benefit to the community

3. Please tell me a little about your professional occupation/business operation.

The interviewees held varying business types which the researcher divided into the following general

fields of work: product design consulting, utilities, arts & crafts, medical supplies, performing arts,

hardware, nonprofit management, and environmental consulting. Four of the businesses were based

primarily on the reservation while the other five were based off the reservation, with two being in

large metropolitan cities while the other three were in border towns.

Name Industry Location

Danielle Chandler Design Consulting Off Reservation

Wade Hendler Arts & Crafts Off Reservation

Robert Rush Hardware - Supplies On Reservation

Jason Lee Performance Arts Off Reservation

John Felix Utilities On Reservation

Kaci Stewart Environment Consulting Off Reservation

Daniel Smith Agriculture On Reservation

Megan Lowe Non-profit Management Off Reservation

Jordan Jason Medical Supplies On Reservation

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During the interview, Kaci described her business as being “100%-owned by a Native American and

Women,” priding herself as being a Diné woman. Kaci then described her business plan in

environmental consulting for tribal communities, highlighting native-led, literally appropriate, and

faith-based capacity solutions. Kaci’s overall business model includes using participatory-based

practices and pilot programs in order to strengthen native communities (Stewart). This depiction

reflects a personal drive to distinguish herself and her business operation as different from other

businesses.

a. Who were the key individuals and groups that have/continue to support you?

Listing supportive individuals and groups who support them, the common answers that the

entrepreneurs were family, friends, and the establish network of Navajo entrepreneurs.

The family was a leading factor in establishing a business. Family members were role models and

they provided emotional support that was needed when creating a business (Hendler). Danielle’s

cousin sister was a civil engineer and she would take her along to work sites as she connected homes

with indoor plumbing (Chandler). This experience was influential for Danielle because she saw a

relative attain a college education and return to the Navajo Reservation to improve the standards of

living for Diné people. That family member would be a guiding figure to follow in terms of creating

her business. She found the emotional stability of her parents and her partner to be crucial during an

unstable professional time. Danielle described the time of great risk as the time to have some stable

forces to reduce the stress in facing the challenges of being an entrepreneur.

In addition to family, the interviewees cherished certain professional friends who aided them

during those fundamental years of growth and development. “ When you’re in small business, you

will find that it’s not easy to get friends,” as told by Felix who found friends to be valuable,

especially as he started his business with several crucial handshakes and understandings. When Felix

needed to lease a large truck for his enterprise, his limited capital required him to call in favors with

a distant friend with a simple promise to pay him back (Felix). That friendship was valuable because

it got everything started, but Felix also saw friendship with the initial staff of his business to be a

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huge factor for the development of his company stating that they were able to do things he wouldn’t

have been able to do. The peer support and collaboration offers the entrepreneur an informal

friendship that has potential to support the creation or management of an enterprise.

The networks of Navajo and non-Navajo entrepreneurs were seen to be supportive of the

entrepreneurs who werer interviewed because they offered advice, opportunities to collaborate, and

shared experiences. Kaci attributed the strong network of entrepreneurs as one of the greatest

resources she had access to for they established important connections. In a larger city, Danielle

utilized a network of engineers and entrepreneurs as co-founders of her organization and then

further established her work with peer-validation and support. On the Navajo Nation, as opposed

to the off reservation networks, a network of business owners has been growing through the works

of business incubators and the Dineh Chamber of Commerce. The Dineh Chamber of Commerce

has been cultivating a strong network of Diné entrepreneurs of which Hendler attributes his

personal success to (Hendler).

b. Who were the key individuals and groups that have/continue to challenge you?

Rush contextualized the various actors that the entrepreneur engages with by identifying

three key groups that the entrepreneur engages with who challenge his family hardware business,

including the customer, the off-reservation competitor, and the Navajo Nation government (Rush).

The reservation customer has the choice to either stay on the reservation to “Buy Navajo,” of head

to neighboring border towns to purchase their goods and service to help their family (Rush). Rush

described the potential benefit of educating those consumers about the benefits (Navajo sales tax) to

the Navajo community if they purchased their goods and services on the reservation (Rush).

Educating the community about “Diné entrepreneurship,” Felix described a conversation with a

family member who didn't see his enterprise as being a “real job.” In describing this lack of support

for his entrepreneurial endeavor, he described how every product and service was created by an

entrepreneur’s idea. Cementing the lack of respect or consideration of the Navajo entrepreneur, the

individual must be able to accept the challenges of doing business on the reservation. It is ironic that

Navajo entrepreneurs are wanting to provide services and goods on the Navajo Nation so Navajo

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consumers can access such goods and services on or near their homes, yet consumers are leaving the

reservation to purchase their goods and services from non-Navajo, off reservation, businesses. This

is a point of frustration for Diné entrepreneurs face on a daily basis.

As a generality, off-reservation businesses are described as taking advantage of the Navajo consumer

because they analyze and accept the risk of Navajo consumers by offering high interest, in-house

financing (Rush). Describing “predatory lending,” Rush described the business model of financing

to be conflicted with his moral beliefs, therefore he doesn’t offer that type of service to his

consumers (Rush). Rush pushes back upon the idea of a mirror of his off reservation competitor,

but Smith also pushes this idea that Navajo Nation should follow the economic plan of a border

town because it’s the same narrative (Smith). In this hypothetical situation, the Diné entrepreneur

would consider the opportunities that an off-reservation business model offers which Smith believes

the Navajo economy should emulate rather than always building industrial parks. He urges

following Flagstaff’s standards (Smith).

The Navajo decision makers, policy makers, council delegates, and Navajo Nation Division of

Economic Development, including the Regional Business Development Office, were seen to be

challenges for Navajo entrepreneurs. Regulating commerce/business on the reservation, these

offices and groups were/are viewed by the interviewees to make business creation on or off the

reservation as difficult, especially with the layers of bureaucracy and red tape that Navajo

entrepreneurs have to encounter (Rush). They are important for the process, but they can be a

bottleneck that holds Navajo entrepreneurs from advancing (Rush). Engaging with the Navajo

Nation government, Rush described a need to maintain good relations with everyone, thereby

forcing business owners to have some political knowleldge (Rush).

As a government, the Navajo Nation holds multiple biddings for contracts and government projects

on the Reservation. Felix realized that he never received one contract from the Navajo Nation when

he was operating his business, even with his Navajo preference certification as a Priority 2 of a

three-tiered priority system (3, 2, 1). Registering his company with the Navajo Nation and

submitting bid according to the standard Request for Proposal process, he recalled never getting the

opportunity to supply the Navajo Nation with his service, which he understood to be the Navajo

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government’s lack of support for the Diné Entrepreneur (Felix). Jason described the process in

which Indian Health Services (IHS) offices would always request for quotes/proposals from her

medical supplies company, but they would always choose the large non-Navajo corporations instead

of her Navajo owned business. Jason’s unwillingness to accept the results of this process eventually

surfaced an issue where Navajo or businesses/organizations operating on the Navajo Nation were

not respecting or adhering to Navajo preference laws and the consequences didn’t seem to matter to

such entities as Jason mentioned. That was a moment when Jason realized that the process and

Navajo preferences laws, as well as the non-supportive opinions of Navajo entrepreneurs as not

being accountable and enforced, thus creating an unclear business environment.

The Navajo business lease was the most cited challenge that the interviewees had with the

Navajo Nation government’s bureaucracy which the entrepreneurs saw as an exercise of jumping

through multiple hoops and jumps (Stewart). Applying for Priority 1 business, the process was seen

to be cold, unsupportive, and unresponsive to the applying entrepreneur (Stewart). When the

process was delayed for some time for unknown reason, Kaci had to call a Navajo Nation employee

to push her application through. Overall, the process to secure a business license for Kaci totaled

three months, comparatively longer than the United States but seen as a fast turnaround for a

Business Site Lease on the Navajo Nation (Stewart). Although, not proud of calling a close friend

during the application process, she leveraged the power of calling another tribal employee as an act

of pulling the strings (Stewart). This is an example of how the Navajo Nation government was not

too supportive of granting a Navajo business site lease and the need to call personal and/or political

allies to get things done.

4. If you are an entrepreneur, what made you become an entrepreneur? What

role did your immediate family and extended family play in becoming an entrepreneur?

The family support and use of Dine values were seen to be the general themes of this question and

shared similar answers to the Question 3a, where they list the types of support and they list their

family and friends as large supporters.

Chandler was inspired to become an entrepreneur because growing up on the reservation

made her an angry person because of the various economic, social, and political issues in the

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community. Instead of being angry and doing nothing, Chandler was inspired to be angry and do

something positive and beneficial for the community. Chandler stated, “Looking at Navajo, I’m mad

that people still don’t have running water, I’m mad people don’t have electricity in some homes, I’m

mad people don’t have internet access, I’m mad that standards of living is just sub-par,” this

motivation of anger of the issues has been helpful for Chandler.

With that motivation though, Chandler described the emotional support from individuals to be

huge, “because you go through a lot of ups and downs. I guess the other person, in terms of family

support, my cousin Genie she used to be a civil engineer for IHS in Many Farms. She was the one

who made me feel like this work was important. She was a huge role model, she was the first in our

immediate family to go to college amidst a set of kids” (Chandler).

Jason noted, “that adversity pushed me to be somebody different. I have a lot of family support

from my mom and my kids. They were small at the time. My wife of course. my sister in-law. We

didn’t have a vehicle or sound equipment. Goes back to what they taught us about looking up.

Obstacles become smaller. Whenever you face something, look up. If you face obstacle, look up.

That obstacle becomes smaller. Driven to see what was on that other side, that hill! I always wanted

to be a businessman in Farmington and if you believe in T’aa Ho a’ji’teego you can achieve your

goals. We need a representative. That is true, this was in the early years in Stand Up Comedy. It was

a road we had not yet taken” (Lee).

5. Overall, do you think the Navajo Nation Government has been successful in creating a

community that supports Navajo entrepreneurs? Why?

All participants with professional experiences found the Navajo Nation government has not been

successful in creating a community supportive of the Diné entrepreneur. They all described a variety

of reasons why they found the Navajo government as not being supportive.

Respondents recognized the efforts that the Navajo Nation has provided in supporting the

movement of entrepreneurship, however they found that they (Navajo Nation) don’t do nearly

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enough to build a supportive community. In many regards the Navajo Nation leaders get stuck on

large economic development projects to create a casino or lure a manufacturer to the Reservation

(Chandler). These large projects convey the creation of many jobs and a quick creation of wealth in

the community, but pushing back upon that narrative Chandler mentioned the potential downsides

when that happens. But when considering the role of small businesses in off reservation towns and

cities, enterprises and businesses are a valuable sector of the tax base, employment, and other

developing work.

Housing the Navajo Nation Division of Economic Development (DED) under the Office

of the Navajo Nation Executive Office, the Navajo Nation Presidents appoints the Director of the

DED (Stewart). This process then creates a NN DED that is politically motivated around the

President's initiatives and plans, instead of maintaining separation from politics (Stewart). Describing

this issue, Kaci described the inability of the DED to create a comprehensive Economic

Development growth plan that is independent of the Navajo president’s office. This situation

describes the Navajo Nation as being stuck on their own political agenda, rather than considering a

sustainable development plan (Stewart).

The attitude of Navajo leaders and administrators towards entrepreneurs were recognized by

the interviewees as being unsympathetic and focused on the large economic projects instead of

entrepreneurial solutions. Conversations with employees at the Navajo Division of Economic

Development were seen to be very off putting when describing the inability of Navajo people to

complete the business site lease properly (Chandler). Their belief that the Navajo entrepreneurs will

“...just need to figure it out,” reflects an unsupportive attitude that can limit support for the Navajo

entrepreneur. The Navajo business site leasing is a twenty-plus step project that is extremely

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complex and time intensive, that even though it’s straightforward, Chandler describes it as hard to

understand. And Chandler believes just as the Business site leasing process is difficult, it is a general

testament of having a limit of resources of creating a business on the reservation. Perhaps a

business to help Navajo entrepreneurs create a business needs to be established by those who have

been through it and those who know the key decision makers within the Navajo government.

6. From your opinion, what types of barriers greatly influence Navajo entrepreneurs on and

off the Navajo Nation?

The general sentiment of the entrepreneurs identified the unending government bureaucracy, the

lack of funding or capital resources, including loans for start-up, and the limited education programs

that do not support an entrepreneurial sector on the Navajo Nation challenge entrepreneurs.

Jason describes the Navajo bureaucracy as, “the (Navajo Nation) Division of Economic

Development are challenging in terms of when you try to talk to someone about something or about

an issue that a business is having. It’s always, you know they don’t, they decide that they don’t want

to help the business, or they decide that it’s the businesses fault that they are having trouble” (Jason).

This system shows the ability for the Navajo Nation governmental employee and system to turn

down a person or fault them. The bureaucracy is clear when Jason describes attempting to solve an

issue, “these are the problems that you have to figure out how to solve and then they’ll refer me to,

you know if you go to the land department for example, they need to do this, and until they do this I

can’t do anything else. So it just becomes this web of going here, going there. And they don’t get a

resolution. It’s kind of sad because when you get to the point when no body can help you you have

to get political you have to go to your council delegate”.

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Jason outlined the lack of funding opportunities when she said, “you can’t get a business

loan if you are a business on the reservation. And that’s pretty obvious to anybody who studies

Indian law”. This comment displays the unique land status, the need for Navajo leaders to better

understand the tribal economic ecosystem. But, Jason describes that, “council delegates don’t realize

that,” and it appalls Jason that she has to teach leaders about the inability to take a loan for a small

business loan on the reservation. On the topic of funding, Smith stated that, " I think in that

manner, they can help, but it’s really what do you need help with? And, how are you going to do

that? The whole emphasis is sustainability. It’s like, ‘we’ll give you a dollar, but we don’t want to give

you a dollar next year or the year after or the year after’” (Smith). You have to be sustainable at a

certain point. From the states, I think there are differences. New Mexico is very receptive to Navajo

entrepreneurs. But Arizona, there’s really no focused efforts in terms of helping Navajo

entrepreneurs. New Mexico is very receptive and willing to help. They give support, like they give

Navajo Nation infrastructure support. It’s Navajo Nation that’s not completing those projects, so

from the state it’s like, “well, we gave you all this money and you didn’t spend it. We could’ve used it

someplace else. You have to expend it the way you’ve indicated” (Smith).

“It’s challenging in that way that the level of knowledge is so below what you would think,

that you’re starting from the very bottom to educate people about entrepreneurship and why there

isn’t entrepreneurship,” in the Navajo Reservation, according to Jason. Disproving claims that

there’s no interest in entrepreneurship on the reservation, Jason recalls her 12 week classes of 25-30

students who were interested in entrepreneurship. Students in those classes were considering

pursuing business, but some came for the discussions on business and economic-related issues

(Jason). Jason believes, “Dine people that want to see more native owned, Navajo owned

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businesses,” and they don’t see this potential entrepreneur population because they lack a level of

education around entrepreneurship.

7. From your opinion, what kinds of support from the Navajo Nation, the federal government, the

local community would be of most benefit to Navajo entrepreneurs?

Dine entrepreneurs wanted to have Improved access to Funding and Financing, and support of the

incubators and organizations that support Entrepreneurs, and a compiled list of support desired.

Improved access to Funding and Financing

Funding and easier lending was seen to be an important type of support that could come

from the Navajo Nation, the federal government, and the local community (Hendler). The aspects

of sovereignty and the land status on the Navajo Reservation has resulted in a limited number of

lenders who lend to entrepreneurs on the Reservation, thus creating a market of loans with high

interest rates, if even offered (Felix). Because a large population of the Navajo people don’t have

access to financing or funding, these limited financing mechanisms create a social justice issue for

Stewart. Therefore, it is suggested that better structures or avenues for financing mechanisms be

implemented in order to overcome another huge barrier (Stewart).

Support the local governments and institutions that support Entrepreneurs

Initiatives such as the Dineh Chamber of Commerce, Native American Business Incubator

Network, Navajo Technical University Innovation Center, and Change Labs were well-known, and

well recieved organizations that supported Dine entrepreneurs. These non-governmental initiatives

that have begun work with emerging and established entrepreneurs in the Navajo community,

however their work could improve with the support of the Navajo Nation government specifically

for expansions in space (Chandler). These incubator and community co-working spaces offer initial

space for formation of ideas, while offering crucial startup resources to establish more businesses

(Hendler). This investment in the spaces, funding, and support offered by the incubators would

establish a commitment to Dine Entrepreneurship.

Compiled list of support desired:

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● Additional Physical Space for Businesses and Development (Rush, Hendler, Chandler)

● Decrease complexity and time commitment of Business Site Leases (Chandler, Rush)

● Increase support of Department of Economic Development, specifically Regional Business

Development Officers (Chandler, Felix)

● Conduct current research on the Navajo Economy (Felix, Stewart)

● Support Dine Entrepreneurship Network and Connectivity (Stewart)

● Improve entrepreneurship local governance through innovation districts (Stewart).

8. Based on the experience, what are key takeaways that you would like to share with the

Diné people/leaders on the topic of entrepreneurship and business development?

The three large takeaways for the Diné entrepreneurs follows three concepts: Recognize and

Understand Diné Entrepreneurship, Include and Communicate with Diné Entrepreneurs, and

Invest in current and future Diné Entrepreneurship programming.

Recognize & Understand Diné Entrepreneurship

The first step forward is to define “entrepreneur” in the Diné language and culture.

Redefining this term will dismantle the misconception of entrepreneurship by having the community

embracing Navajo culture (Chandler). At the moment, the term is perceived outside of Navajo

culture and values, however Navajo entrepreneurship is not a new social phenomenon as exampled

by Navajo weavers, jewelers, sheepherder, and other professions (Chandler and Felix). Defining

Diné Entrepreneurship requires government support because this embrace of Diné

entrepreneurship needs to occur at all angles for it to be successful (Chandler). The Navajo

government should engage in proactive efforts to support, guide, and/or fund this movement to

define “entrepreneurship” for Diné people, for it is direly needed (Chandler).

Include and Communicate with Diné Entrepreneurs

After recognizing Diné Entrepreneurs, include entrepreneurs in planning, collaborating, and

leading the Navajo government and community (Lee, Felix, and Smith). Diné Entrepreneurs have

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engaged in impressive work on and off the Navajo Reservation and they desire to have their

respective and collectives voices, ideas, and experiences to be heard and understood in creating a

business friendly environment (Lee). Working without a stable income and balancing their work two

distinct worlds, the Diné Entrepreneur should be respected and treated as an equal instrumental

partner helping the Navajo Nation sustain its culture (Lee). If they are included in a thoughtful

matter, the Diné entrepreneur’s expertise and experience can be shared with community members,

teachers, faculty, students, government employees, and Diné leaders (Lee). Holding a perspective

outside of government confines, their ideas and talent offer innovation, talent, and

culturally-relevant ideas that will ultimately benefit the Diné people.

Invest in current and future Diné Entrepreneurship

The Navajo people and government must recognize and appreciate the emerging talent from young

Diné people who have developed their talents using modern informational computer technology,

and their crucial skills (Felix). Current investment in, development of, and inclusion of Diné

entrepreneurship will establish future success for the economic development environment for the

Navajo Nation (Felix). The investment in formalizing entrepreneurship education programs in the

Navajo education systems will establish an entrepreneurial mindset for our future leaders and help

reshape the Navajo community by investing in our youth (Smith).

9. I am trying to understand how entrepreneurs in the Navajo Nation navigate being an

entrepreneur in a tribal community, and I am using interviews and surveys as a way to look at this.

Is there anything I should have asked you that I didn’t, or anything you would like to add?

“T’aa ho’a’ji’teego - It’s all up to you”, this mindset is not just Navajo, it’s inclusive of all for

all entrepreneurs have this mindset to do it (Lee). Holding talent and intelligent minds,

entrepreneurs have much to offer the world for their failures reflect their work and the constant

struggle they face (Lee). Applauding other entrepreneurs, Lee describes his desire to is optimistic of

the youth and their ability to fulfill the current gaps and issues (Lee).

Envisioning the future of the Dine people, the interviewees discussed the expansion of

business-related coursework in classes across the nation. Stewart and Felix described a need to

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establish coursework that teaches, “entrepreneurship, business development, check balancing, and

financial literacy,” to the youth (Stewart). Describing the need to teach economics and commerce

beyond the Navajo Reservation, Stewart was genuinely chocked to meet a mother of three children

who only had a savings account, and not a checkings account. Through that belief, Stewart and Felix

believe in teaching the young children about economics within different contexts and talk about the

ability to solve problems without a formal college degree.

Beyond classrooms, Stewart describes a lack of “organizations out there dedicated to hands

on, custom, one-on-one approach support services for these small businesses,” on the Reservation.

Stewart describes the need to have more people, “on the ground being creative and innovative with

these small businesses,” in order to increase the, “access to trainings, workshops on how to be

competitive in a global market, get people to use online systems, (and) sell their work online if they

can”. Stewart recommends the tribe consider investing in some of the basic structure and support

services to support entrepreneurs.

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Implications, Recommendations, and Conclusions

a. Implications

Navajos have been entrepreneurial and maintain entrepreneurial concepts - Misconception

Entrepreneurship is inherent to the Diné people, it has been a feature in Diné culture

through various Diné values, concepts, and ways of life. The interviews highlight the Diné culture as

being conducive to support an entrepreneurial spirit.

Diné entrepreneurship is unique from the standard type of entrepreneurship, for it embodies

a greater commitment and consideration of the community, environment, and Diné people in

creating a business. The interviews confirm that Diné entrepreneurs are resilient, tenacious,

resourceful, culturally-relevant/appropriate, leaders in the community, motivated, and are able to

balance being a Diné person and a 21st century business person.

Entrepreneurship on the Reservation is not being properly facilitated, nurtured, addressed -

Miscommunication

Diné entrepreneurs face great legal, economic, and social challenges in creating and

maintaining a formal business on the Reservation. The interviews praised individuals and groups

able to create sustainable business on the Reservation.

The Navajo Nation Government has not created a supportive environment for small

business entrepreneurs. The interviewees found the Navajo Nation business site lease, business

certification, and the procurement/bidding processes to be overly complicated, unaccountable, and

non-beneficial for the Diné entrepreneur.

Various Navajo local governmental bodies and non-profits/incubators are seen to be

receptive and supportive of the Diné entrepreneur. The interviews found such entities to be viable

environments and conducive places for entrepreneurship to develop and prosper on the Navajo

Reservation.

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Missed Opportunities to Invest in the Future

Diné Entrepreneurs need support from the Navajo government by creating more business

friendly regulations and policies that also protect Navajo communities and the environment.

Diné Entrepreneurs seek additional capital investments and opportunities that work within

the confines of Navajo sovereignty and the unique trust land status.

Education opportunities from Navajo educational systems (K-12, and post-secondary) need

to develop and offer courses on entrepreneurship, personal finance, economics, business

management, and other business-related coursework to educate the youth and future potential

entrepreneurs who will contribute to the Navajo economy.

Recommendations

Further research is needed to address and understand the following:

- The implementation of the suggested key takeaways for the Navajo government,

community, etc.

- Local governance and community roles with entrepreneurship

- Understand the Diné consumer and their desires

- Use Quantitative Research to understand the current Navajo Economy

- Specify research on the nonprofits and incubators and their roles in the Navajo

Economy.

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Conclusion

This research on Diné Entrepreneurship analyzed “entrepreneurship”, a social phenomenon

through the lens of Diné individuals and their aspirations, challenges, and role within Diné society

and culture. This individual role within the greater society reflects a conflicting history between the

Diné people and the various colonial bodies that have attempted to exterminate, enslave, and

assimilate an indigenous population into submission. As modern products of colonization,

assimilation, and now self-determination; the Diné entrepreneur represents a balance of standard

business management and the social, cultural, and political nuisances of the Diné people and

governance. Finding the themes of the research to be understood through the 3 M’s:

Misconception, Miscommunication, and Missed opportunities. This research correlated to the

Nation Building Attitudinal Changes, Institutional Changes, and Investment needed for Citizen

Entrepreneurship in the Nation Building Approach.

Analyzing this difference in culture has indicated an innate entrepreneurial drive for Diné

people, however the Diné entrepreneur now faces great political, economic, and legal hurdles that

are exist within the Diné communities. As the conceptual framework of “Nation Building”

established the needs for attitudinal changes, institutional changes and investment for Native

entrepreneurs. This research supports this claim within the frameworks of Diné entrepreneurship

and implies greater educational, cultural, academic, and professional collaboration, communication,

and collective progress needed.

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Appendix: 1.2

Recruitment Email

To Whom It May Concern:

Hello, my name is Damon J. Clark, and I am a senior at Harvard College. I am writing my senior

thesis on the concept of Diné entrepreneurship for Navajo entrepreneurs. If you consider yourself a

current or former “entrepreneur” who has done work on or off the Navajo Reservation and you

would be willing to be interviewed about your experiences, please email me at

damonclark@college.harvard.edu. The interview will be between one hour to one hour and a half.

Thank you so much for your consideration! I look forward to hearing from you.

Have a beautiful day,

Damon J. Clark

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Appendix 1.2

Study Title: Diné Entrepreneurship

Researcher: Damon Jack Clark

Participation is voluntary It is your choice whether or not to participate in this research. If you choose to participate, you may change your mind and leave the study at any time. Refusal to participate or stopping your participation will involve no penalty or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. What is the purpose of this research? The purpose of this research outline the difficulties that Navajo entrepreneurs face on and off the Navajo Nation Reservation as a result of various political, legal, cultural, and economic factors. How long will I take part in this research? Your participation will involve one one-hour to one and a half hour interview. What can I expect if I take part in this research? While the participants will receive a $15.00 gift card as a direct benefit from this research, it is hoped that the research will also impact policy considerations for the Navajo Nation tribal government and other tribes for future policy considerations. The data from the surveys and interviews will be identifiable by only the information asked gathered by the questions answered by the entrepreneur. The entrepreneur will describe their business as a better understanding of their work and the types of businesses studied, but their personal information is not published. What are the risks and possible discomforts? No risks are anticipated, but the participant should be reminded that they can skip any question that that they do not feel comfortable answering and also they can withdraw from the study at any time. If I take part in this research, how will my privacy be protected? What happens to the information you collect? The notes of the interview will be kept encrypted on the researcher’s computer, which is password-protected. The Thesis Adviser may review the notes with your name on them as he checks to make sure that the research has been done properly. I will identify you in the paper as a pseudonym, and the key code linking your name to the pseudonym will also

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be kept on my password-protected computer. Per the Navajo Nation Institutional Review Board policies, I will also share the collected data with the Navajo Nation IRB to be archived. If I have any questions, concerns or complaints about this research study, who can I talk to? This research has been also been reviewed by the Navajo Nation Department of Health Navajo Nation Human Research Program. Ms. Beverly Becenti-Pigman, Board Chair, can be reached at 928-871-6929, P.O. Box 1390, Window Rock, AZ 86515, or bbp_pqih@yahoo.com for any of the following:

● If you have questions about your rights as a research participant. ● If you have questions on Diné Cultural or Traditions, ● If you have questions on the Policy and Procedures of the Navajo Nation Institutional

Review Board. The researcher for this study is Damon Clark who can be reached at (505) 409-2667 and DamonClark@college.harvard.edu. The faculty sponsor is Joseph Kalt, who can be reached at joe_kalt@harvard.edu .

● If you have questions, concerns, or complaints, ● If you would like to talk to the research team, ● If you think the research has harmed you, or ● If you wish to withdraw from the study.

This research has been reviewed by the Committee on the Use of Human Subjects in Research at Harvard University. They can be reached at 617-496-2847, 1414 Massachusetts Avenue, Second Floor, Cambridge, MA 02138, or cuhs@fas.harvard.edu for any of the following:

● If your questions, concerns, or complaints are not being answered by the research team, ● If you cannot reach the research team, ● If you want to talk to someone besides the research team, or ● If you have questions about your rights as a research participant.

I consent to participating in this research: Interviewee Signature: Date:

Work Number: Cell Number:

96

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