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UC3MUN ‘16

Study guide of the topics

[TOPIC A]

[TOPIC B]

of the [full committee name]

[NAME OF CHAIR] & [NAME OF COCHAIR]

TOPIC A: Combatting Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) TOPIC B: Regulation for the Use of Private Military Companies in Conflict Zones

DISEC DISARMAMENT AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COMMITTEE

UC3MUN 2016 | STUDY GUIDE

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INDEX INDEX ............................................................................................................................ 2

I. Introduction / Welcome Letter ................................................................................ 3

II. Members, Powers and Functions of the Council .................................................. 4

III. TOPIC A: Combatting Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) .. 5 a. Background/History .................................................................................................... 6 b. Main measures already adopted ............................................................................ 7 c. Actors involved ........................................................................................................... 7 d. Possible solutions/measures to be adopted ........................................................... 9 e. Questions or specific issues that a resolution should cover ................................. 10 f. Sources to find out more about this topic ................................................................. 10

IV. TOPIC B: Regulation for the Use of Private Military Companies in Conflict Zones .......................................................................................................................... 11

a. Background/History .................................................................................................. 11 b. Main measures already adopted .......................................................................... 11 c. Actors involved ......................................................................................................... 12 d. Challlenges .................................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. e. Possible solutions/measures to be adopted and questions or specific issues that a resolution should cover ........................................................................................... 14 f. Sources to find out more about this topic ................................................................. 15

V. ADDITIONAL INFORMATION AND REMINDERS ..................................................... 16

VI. ANNEX I ................................................................................................................. 18

SAMPLE POSITION PAPER ........................................................................................... 18


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I. INTRODUCTION / WELCOME LETTER Most distinguished delegates, Before you frantically move on to reading the research report we have so willingly written in order to inform you on the perplexities and important details of such alarming topics in today’s world agenda concerning disarmament and international peace and security, we would first like to welcome you to our Committee. It is an honor for us to be serving as your Chairs at of the Universidad Carlos III Model United Nations 2016 in Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC). We hope that you make the most of this MUN and carry out the utmost fruitful debates. Furthermore, we hope that this research report will help you prepare for your topic thoroughly, although you will need thorough research from other sources. Please bear in mind at all times that these models are organized so that you can learn and improve in all that an MUN has to offer. If you are first-timers we strongly urge you to be calm and to be willing to be as active as possible during the debates, after all, these conferences are organized for your benefit. MUNs can be a wonderful tool for those who know how to make the most of it, be sure to appreciate all you can learn from them. Our experience has showed us that the more you participate and get involved, the more you learn to enjoy these conferences. We strongly suggest the same for you and hope that this one will be another one out of many. We wish you all a great UC3MUN 2016 session hoping that you will add to your knowledge on matters that have an important concern at this moment in time. We are at your disposal for any questions you may have or doubts you may need resolved. Kind regards, Meryem Aydin Conde Hakeem Duckworth-Porter


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II. MEMBERS, POWERS AND FUNCTIONS OF THE COUNCIL The Disarmament and International Security Committee is the first main committee of the General Assembly dealing with matters related to world peace, disarmament, international security and challenges that arise from such issues striving to seek solutions. As it is a committee of the General Assembly, its members are the 193 member states of the UN as well as the other observer members that are also allowed to attend and participate. Their first meeting was held in January 1946, soon after the first session of the UNGA, at the time it only had 51 member states at the time. DISEC, alongside, works closely with the United Nations Disarmament Commission as well as the Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament. It is also the committee that most interacts with the UN Security Council as the issues are highly similar; this is an important matter for DISEC since the topics must never overlap. Its powers and functions are listed out under Chapter IV of the UN Charter, detailing clearly that the committee can deal with disarmament and international security matters within the scope of the Charter or relating to the powers and functions of the United Nations. Its powers and functions are also established under the UNGA Rules of Procedure under Chapter XIII. Most importantly it is the only main committee that is entitled to verbatim records coverage. DISEC can create subcommittees related to the topics discussed in order to have a more accurate follow up and elect its own officers for said committees. Alongside, its decisions can also be recommended to the Secretariat or the Security Council.


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III. TOPIC A: COMBATTING ILLICIT TRADE IN SMALL ARMS AND LIGHT WEAPONS

(SALW) The phenomenon of modern day warfare has evolved according to the changes in the nature of modern day conflicts. Small arms and light weapons are of utmost popularity today in armed conflicts and their relatively simple access gives it all the more reason. RES 60/66 of the UNGA adopted on the 8th of December 2005 as an international instrument to identify and trace the illicit trade of SALW gave the first proper definition was given to SALW, leaving out of the definition those manufactured before 1899: “(a) “Small arms” [are] weapons designed for individual use. They include, inter alia, revolvers and self-loading pistols, rifles and carbines, sub-machine guns, assault rifles and light machine guns; (b) “Light weapons” [are] weapons designed for use by two or three persons serving as a crew, although some may be carried and used by a single person. They include, inter alia, heavy machine guns, hand-held under-barrel and mounted grenade launchers, portable anti-aircraft guns, portable anti-tank guns, recoilless rifles, portable launchers of anti-tank missile ad rocket systems, portable launchers of anti-aircraft missile systems, and mortars of a calibre of less than 100 millimeters.” As to its illicit nature, it takes into account five conditions: the trade is illicit only if, firstly, they are illicit by the law of the State where the SALW are found; secondly, if their transfer violates embargoes of the UNSC; thirdly, if they are not in sync with the provisions of A/RES/60/66/; fourthly, if they are manufactured without a license from the competent authority of the state; and finally if they are transferred without the license or authorization. Combatting illicit trade of Small Arms and Light Weapons has become an alarming issue in international relations ever since the phenomenon of globalization and the fast-growing hard-to-control networks of arms proliferation. The problem has three key aspects: their manufacturing, their transfer and their circulation. The illicit trade of SALW normally occurs in areas of armed conflict, systematic violence and organized crime where reaching these weapons, utilizing them and carrying them is much more simple in comparison to heavy arms. According to the UN, about 25% of SALW is illicitly traded without undergoing the legal requirements. According to the Arms Control Association ever since 1990 and the change in nature of conflicts, becoming internal conflicts rather than nation-to-nation conflicts, the use of such weapons has grown. To the extent that out of the 49 conflicts that have erupted since 1990, 46 only used light weapons. Thus the growing use of “man-


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portable” weapons has become as widespread as ever. This matter has proven to be not only a threat to international peace and security, specifically due to its uncontrollable nature, but also a threat to socio-economic and humanitarian issues. Henceforth, the appealing nature of SALW has made its value all the worthier thus creating this vast illegal trade market. In order to understand the character of SALW in the international agenda, a lecture of the UNSC briefing given by Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, the High Commissioner for Human Rights on small arms and the grave concern showed, is highly recommended. This Guide will explain the important aspects of the question of illicit trade of SALW, its involvement in the international sphere and the issues that need to be tackled. a. Background/History

If we are to mark a point in history where the fight against illicit trade of SALW began, we must date back to the late 19th century when States such as the United States and European nations began sending such weapons to African countries. Later on during the Cold War and the bipolar world order, camouflaged aid packages were sent with SALW to impose the different ruling orders as aid. The Soviet Union was very active on the matter becoming the most important power in the illicit trade black market. Nowadays, this has become widespread, where developed and SALW producing nations find markets to sell their weapons. States such as Syria, Colombia, Venezuela and Afghanistan are supplied by the world’s developed nations, which has led to the most important conflicts in modern day history. The main problem arose when such weapons were acquired by terrorist organizations such as FARC, Al-Qaeda, and ISIS as well as the Taliban. Although many regulations exist, from resolutions from both the First Committee and the UNSC as well as treaties and protocols, they are not followed by different groups in developed countries who have created a huge black market in exchange for large profits, resulting in privatized weapons dealers becoming an imminent threat. Some important facts to bear in mind about SALW are that in Colombia alone 1 in 10 deaths are caused by firearms, along with 80% of the homicides, 2.4 million illegal guns are in circulation whereas only 700,000 of them are registered. In Mexico, has 80% of SALW come from the exterior. Alongside, 50% of the guns used in crime in Canada are smuggled into the state. Another problem which is common in Brazil as in other countries is when legal SALW fall into the hands of crime organizations, 72% of the guns used in Rio de Janeiro during crimes had at some point been legally registered. SALW were the main source of deaths in which the number varied worldwide 80,000 and 180,000 in the first decade of the 21st century, alongside 40% of worldwide homicides were caused by SALW.


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b. Main measures already adopted Many measures have been adopted in order to combat the illicit trade and circulation of SALW. The talks began in the last decade of the 20th century and the first UN resolution A/RES/46/36 was adopted in 1991 followed by A/RES/50/70 which expanded the mandate to create a panel of experts to research the type of small arms and light weapons that were being used in conflicts worldwide. This led to the United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms in 2001 which thus resulted in 'Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects.' The Programme set forth measures to strengthen already adopted actions, to adopt new ones for the necessities of each state and to raise public awareness on the matter as well as creating a platform where countries would report their progress. Alongside, in 2001 the only binding instrument in the illicit trade against SALW fight was adopted through resolution 55/255 - the Firearms Protocol - providing a framework to regulate illicit arms and prevent their further circulation fostering the cooperation through states. Moreover, the UNGA adopted in 2013 the Arms Trade Treaty to govern and control the trade of weapons worldwide, setting forth obligations for control. Up to date, 130 states have signed it and 72 states have ratified it. The work done by the UN and its member states is regulated by the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs (UNODA) through UN Coordination Action on Small Arms (UNCASA) a control mechanism made up of 21 agencies to coordinate its well-functioning. Furthermore, one of the most important resolutions was RES 2117 passed by the UNSC in 2013 urging all nations to commit to small arms embargoes and all protocols. The last resolutions passed by the First Committee are A/RES/67/58 in 2012, which encourages states to continue with their obligations and convenes a follow up conference in 2018, as well as A/RES/67/41 that pushes for further assistance to curb illicit trade supporting as well regional organizations such as ECOWAS in Africa for an international cooperation. In September 2015, with the adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals –composed of 17 goals to achieve peace through sustainable development – SALW were given an even more important view since goal 16 highlights the reduction of illicit arms trafficking as indispensable for sustainable development. c. Actors involved

The topic at hand involves many actors; those states that produce SALW and are thus the primary source, the states where their illicit trade is high and their circulation is even higher and finally the main NGOs involved in the research of the topic. In order to better understand the most influential areas it is convenient to analyze the different blocks involved as to give a more comprehensive view.


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Africa: The most deeply affected continent by SALW, mainly found in Sub-Saharan Africa and Western Africa, where their use and their circulation is very high. The most important factor is the weakness in regulation by the governing powers of states that do not have the sufficient resources in order to combat illicit trade. Moreover, their circulation gives way to internal conflicts. The combat against illicit trade in SALW is even more urgent in Africa due to the need to improve the continents current condition. The African Union as well sub-regional organizations such as the ECOWAS are highly involved in the fight against the illicit trade in correlation with the activities of the UN. States affected in Africa have applied to the UNODA for assistance in computerization and other means of aid to strengthen their regulations. To point out some states in Africa, Nigeria is a delicate state; firstly, its long borders the entry of illegal arms much easier than in landlocked countries as well as the regulations against legally owning arms which makes their illegal nature much more appealing. The insecurity in the country and the achievement of economic and political betterment existing through the use of arms is an imminent threat. Benin, Gabon, Cameroon, Chad and Niger are the transit countries from Nigeria where the SALW circulate. The Niger Delta is the hub of arms trade where the root problem is found. Alongside, reported sources from SALW in Nigeria come from retired authorities as well as international and national providers. Sudan is also a place of interest, as the Darfur conflict has been fueled by SALW and their illicit trade is still at is high. Besides, South Sudan is another state in the risk of falling into the illicit trade of SALW due to the amount possessed by the government passed on after the 2011 civil war that lead to their independence. There is a lack of control in both countries that poses an important threat added to the influx that comes from Libya. Alongside, in 2007 A/42/607 was adopted to create an observer status for the Regional Centre on Small Arms and Light Weapons in the Great Lakes Region, the Horn of Africa and Bordering States. Eastern Europe: The problem in Eastern Europe arises in states such as Albania and the Republic of Moldavia where after their there was an uncontrolled number of SALW circulating after their independence. The tracing and tracking has remained a complicated task and the management by privatized military companies makes the process even harder. Both countries have applied to the UNODA for assistance in organized systems of tracing. Asia & Middle East: South Asia, especially the regions in Nepal and Sri Lanka, faces a vast amount of illicit circulation that has raised violence among civilians and is not properly controlled. The Philippines has 1.1 million of untraced SALW running within the borders of the country. Alongside, the uncontrolled number of SALW in the Middle East especially in Iraq and Syria is of great concern due to terrorist organizations.


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European Union: The EU where members such as France are the highest producers of SALW has long been in the fight against the illicit trade of SALW. In 2005 they adopted the EU Strategy to Combat Illicit Accumulation and Trafficking of SALW and their ammunition, with the aims of creating an integrated policy. They also work within the framework of the National Plan of Action and assists third countries to create a multilateral policy, their main areas of interest being Sub-Saharan Africa and Eastern Europe. The strategy has helped increase the assistance especially through sales assistance programmes of member states, but they have not fully achieved to implement a border control on SALW. International Action Network on Small Arms: The most influential NGO that deals with the fight against SALW, it works with civil society organizations in order to better tackle the root of the problem. It improves controls and transfers through campaigns at all international, national and regional levels. Its main achievement is that it is the voice of all civil society actors in UN programs thus reflecting the needs of such actors and how policies need to be adopted taking into account human security and socioeconomic wellbeing. Small Arms Survey: An independent organization based in Switzerland that carries out surveys on the use and impact of small arms and light weapons as well as their illicit use. They publish annual reports on the illicit trade through different themes focusing on specific countries where the issue is at its peak, providing reliable data. The 2015 report published only recently analyzes conditions of main countries in Africa such as Mali and Nigeria. d. Possible solutions/measures to be adopted

The task is complicated and as seen above resolutions have been adopted for a long time now and the combat has been varied, but nevertheless, weak. Thus, the issue is far from being solved and keeps flourishing even more. An asset of this topic is how multilateral it is, covering those states that supply such arms and weapons to those states which illegally acquire said weapons. You must focus on the root of the problem, being where these arms come from, meaning from where they are manufactured to where they are transferred and the circulation within the area. Control systems have to be taken into account in order to properly trace the SALW. First of all, the control has to be done from the manufacturing countries to better control what is produced and how it is distributed. Secondly, the countries where these arms will most likely be transferred to and the crime organizations that are most active on the matter must be controlled. Thirdly, one must also take into account regulations against hot spots such as the Niger Delta and the control and tracing of arms within those regions. Special implementations should be adopted in case of internal armed conflict, occasions in which SALW is most run to.


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e. Questions or specific issues that a resolution should cover Specifically, you must ask yourself the questions, who, what, when, why and how. Who the resolution addresses taking into account the parties involved. What the question is being the illicit trade of SALW and not the other aspects of SALW. When, your resolution should address the problems that have risen, the already illegally circulating SALW and the ones that could be circulating in the future. Why, not just the effects on peace and security, but also the socioeconomic and humanitarian impacts of internal armed conflicts where such weapons are most used. Finally, how, you must bear in mind the resources of the UN, its different programmes and the work of UNODA which remains highly active on the matter.

f. Sources to find out more about this topic

Arms Control Association Briefing by OCHCR Firearms Protocol Small Arms Survey UN Office for Disarmament Affairs (UNODA) UN Program of Action Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects UN Resolutions on SALW International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA)


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IV. TOPIC B: REGULATION FOR THE USE OF PRIVATE MILITARY COMPANIES IN

CONFLICT ZONES a. Background/History

As compulsory military conscription increasingly falls out of fashion within today’s world, the role of Private Military Companies (PMCs) in current conflicts is becoming ever more crucial. What are the advantages and pitfalls of the mercenary forces provided by private companies? Questions of democratic accountability and potential conflicts of interest are certainly pertinent, but on the other hand it could be argued that the model of conscription armies is no longer viable. How much privatization can international conflicts sustain, and what effect do Private Military Companies have on the stabilization of conflict zones? As wars change, so do the armies which fight them. Global conflicts are moving away from the massive total wars of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and are shifting further towards the asymmetrical conflicts of the contemporary world. The conventional, conscripted national armies, which fought the Napoleonic Wars, and the First and Second World Wars are no longer a viable solution to today’s security challenges. These forces have been replaced with small, highly trained professional all-volunteer militaries as well as their privatized counterparts: PMCs. The term PMCs (or PMSCs) refers to any corporate entity which is employed by governments as a supplement to national military forces. Though mercenary armies have existed throughout practically all of human history, the corporate security organization is a unique phenomenon of the last half-century set in a stark contrast to the massive conscript armies of the major wars of the last two centuries. b. Main measures already adopted

Though former Secretary General Kofi Annan personally offered a blanket condemnation of the use of PMCs, the UN does have two official sets of suggested, non-binding regulations for PMCs to sign on to. The Montreux Documents (A/63/467-S/2008/636) and The International Code of Conduct for Private Security Service Providers (ICoC) provide basic guidelines for the use of PMCs in conflict zones. The preamble of the ICoC explains that the document outlines “human rights based principles for the responsible provision of private security services. These include rules for the use of force, prohibitions on torture, human trafficking and other human rights abuses, and specific commitments regarding the management and governance of companies, including how they vet personnel and subcontractors, manage weapons and handle grievances internally” (The Law Library of Congress). Essentially, this agreement attempts to apply to PMCs the core of international law pertaining to regular military forces.


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Despite the positive intentions of previous legislation, one of the issues which makes the topic of PMCs so pertinent to today’s conflicts is the complete lack of enforcement of these aforementioned documents. No significant binding resolutions have been adopted which specifically deal with the employment of private security forces. This is partially due to the influence of security companies in influential governments’ policy-making apparatuses, but also because the tools at the disposal of the Security Council which are able to make resolutions binding (intervention, sanctions, etc.) are entirely ineffective against non-state entities. c. Actors involved

The current international order is defined in terms of coequal, independently sovereign nation-states which act in general national interest within the global system. A major grievance of opponents of PMCs concerns companies’ lack of loyalty and predictability within this system. Simply put, PMCs act as any other corporation would: they pursue strategies which will maximize profit. In the arms trade world, this has often lead to the military-industrial complex lobbying governments for aggressive foreign policies in order to stoke the fires of the conflicts which offer the companies sustenance. Thus, a significant conflict-of-interest is created between governments existing in a liberal international order whose actions tend towards conflict resolution versus the companies which provide them the material implements for security whose interests are aided by increased conflict and instability. There are two perspectives on PMCs and related policy which are necessary to consider in any agreement on the topic drafted by the international community: states and NGOs. Any given state’s perspective on PMCs will depend entirely on whether or not that state is financially capable of employing them. Underdeveloped states are often the some of the more vocal opponents of laissez-faire PMC regulation, mostly because such companies’ services are far too expensive to be of use to these governments. Poorer states’ internal functions are often left at the whims of wealthy interests in the rich world’s military-industrial complexes and security establishments. Rich nations’ opinions generally depend on each government’s policies concerning the use of force and interventionism. The primary issue governments raise with the continued use of PMCs is one of state sovereignty. PMCs, by their privatized nature, degrade the sanctity of the state’s monopoly on the use of force. This concept has been central to Westerns standards of the nation-state since its first discussion in seventeenth century France during the rule of Louis XIV. A 2004 German Bundestag document claims that PMCs’ increased employment will lead to “a fundamental shift” in the relationship between militaries and governments which will cause “a hollowing-out of the state” (The Threat of Private Military Companies, GlobalResearch.ca).


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The NGO perspective on the regulation of PMCs is a confusing one, because these organizations exist both as idealistic charities and as real, functioning bureaucratic entities. Though one might find it hard to believe a charity organization could be in support of lax regulations for mercenaries, PMCs’ connections to the charity world are more complex. NGOs and PMCs tend to suffer from the same red tape of regulations on foreign-operating organizations in their respective home countries which can lead to increased costs of operation. Furthermore, in conflict areas, PMCs are often tasked with the kind of civilian security operations which provide the safety necessary for NGOs’ civilian personnel to conduct their work. d. Challenges

The existence of PMCs along with their development and expansion have reshaped the mechanics of modern warfare and military operations. Since the first PMCs operations in Angola, then their major role in Sierra Leone Civil War and in the Bosnian War and in light of the recent PMCs operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, the actions of PMCs against civilians have exposed weaknesses in their accountability under the rules of international law. Such perpetual phenomenon raises the question of accountability and ethics and leads to the detailed examination of the ratio between legal activities and unlawful crimes, bringing to light a number of important challenges. First and foremost, the definition of the nature and role of the PMCs needs to be defined, in order to explore the current legal status of PMCs. PMCs are defined as “private business entities that provide military and/or security services, irrespective of how they describe themselves.” This definition presents itself as the most encompassing description of PMCs applicable at this time. Secondly, it is here that a both ethical and political issue arises, whether the service of groups usually referred to as “mercenaries” is provided. “The recruitment, use, financing and training of mercenaries” is proscribed by UN. However, the categorization of PMCs as mercenaries would constitute their effective criminalization. The most commonly cited definition for “mercenary” is provided within the scope of Article 47 of the Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I). Moreover, the accountability of PMC activities in armed conflicts should also be analyzed. It mainly concentrates on the following issues. At first place, it focuses on the issue against whom responsibilities may lie, either against the PMCs or against the hiring or home state of the PMCs and their personnel. Then, it analyses the kind responsibility – civil, criminal or both – that may arise and how far PMCs and their personnel are subjects of international law, in order to be adjudicated before international courts and tribunals.


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The issue is further complicated by the fact many UN Peacekeeping operations have relied on PMCs for a broad range of operations, such as the UN operations in Kosovo in 2000. For many years, supporters of PMCs have argued whether they can play an important role during UN Peacekeeping or peace enforcement operations. Since PMCs are more effective, flexible and more quickly deployed, they can definitely bolster UN Peacekeeping operations. Thus, PMCs have played an important role in combat, while the UN have depended upon especially since their personnel often becomes common target in conflict zones. One final issue worth addressing is that of the feasibility of implementing a complete restriction to the use of PMCs, since that would mean the end of an integral part of warfare. It would also signify the strict regulatory procedures all signatories need to abide by, especially in accordance with other treaties, such as the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), with Israel, DPRK, India, Pakistan and South Sudan not to be contracting parties. Countries using PMCs, such as Afghanistan, Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Japan, Netherlands, Peru, Republic of Korea, South Africa, UK, USA benefit economically from having based PMCs based within their territory while achieving many of their military goals where it could be impossible due to the regulations of international treaties. On the other hand, countries such as Argentina, Brazil, Cameroon, China, Congo, DPRK, Germany, India, Iraq, Italy, Nigeria, Libya, Russian Federation, Senegal, have little interest from the use of PMCs. While some of them try to establish peaceful and stable democratic regimes and want to remove the burden of PMCs, the rest of them have no interest in using PMCs, due to their large national armies. All in all, PMCs are universal businesses that call for global standards. The issues of lack of coordination among different security provides, the lack of effective oversight and accountability and the asymmetry in security provision always rely within the effective oversight and accountability mechanisms. In order to efficiently deal with the aforementioned problems, the role and the involvement of the PMCs should be examined through a modern perspective and the development of new universal legislation, in order to regulate PMCs behavior. e. Possible solutions/measures to be adopted and questions or specific issues that a

resolution should cover

• What is the exact role in conflict situations? • What are the advantages and the disadvantages of the use of PMCs? How

can the former be preserved while minimizing the latter? • What rules apply to States with regard to PMSCs? • Under which circumstances is the use of PMCs legal? • Is national sovereignty affected by PMCs?


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• How the issue of accountability of the use of PMCs can be solved under international law?

• How can the use of PMCs be controlled? • What rules apply to PMCs and their personnel? • Are PMCs employees mercenaries? • How will PMCs be included in the UN Conventions concerning mercenaries? • To what extent can PMCs play a role during UN peacekeeping operations?

f. Sources to find out more about this topic Private military companies: their status under international humanitarian law and its impact on their regulation. United Nations: Working Group Says Private Military Companies Should Be Regulated Determining the Status of Private Military Companies Under International Law: A Quest to Solve Accountability Issues in Armed Conflicts. “PMCs, Myths and Mercenaries” Global Policy Forum Separating Private Military Companies From Illegal Mercenaries in International Law: Proposing an International Convention for Legitimate Military and Security Support the Reflects Customary International Law. The Threat of Private Military Companies International Committee of the Red Cross, (2009). The Montreux Document Select Committee On Foreign Affairs; “The House of Commons Select Committee On Foreign Affairs, PMC Draft Research UNGA/SC Resolution A/RES/44/34 (December 1989). International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries.


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V. ADDITIONAL INFORMATION AND REMINDERS We hope that this report has given you some insights on how the scope of the topics must go along. We have tried to point out the most important and relevant aspects of the topics in hand in order to guide you with your research. Now it is time for you to take a step forward and research thoroughly beyond this Chair Report. You must do some research of your own, not just on the topic in general but most importantly on the position of your state and the measures they have adopted as they are what you will be defending during the Model. The trick to an excellent delegate is a delegate who is interested in what he/she is doing and comes well prepared to the sessions. It is vital that you use reliable and official sources in your research such as the UNGA Official DISEC website as well as other official UN pages, the CIA World Factbook (especially for your position papers), EuroStat, OECD reports and so forth. Conference policies are also to be kept to, such as that our committee is in English and all its documents and its dialogues must be in English, you must keep to the Rules of Procedure and behave accordingly at all times. Respect is vital for the smooth-running of the committee. Alongside, if you have any special circumstances concerning accessibility or food allergies you must notify the Organization as soon as possible. As to the dress code, Western Business Attire is mandatory; meaning full suit or blazer and formal trousers (no jeans accepted) shirt, tie or bow-tie and formal shoes, no sneakers nor cocktail clothes will be accepted. Females will be able to wear blouses and formal dresses in addition to the before-mentioned requirements. Equally, where appropriate delegates may also wear typical dresses, accessories or badges of the state they represent. As to your job from this moment on, it is to write your position papers. A position paper is a document where the represented state’s position on the agenda item in question; in this case meaning one position paper for each agenda item. In this paper you must include the position of the state in hand, how it addresses the conflicts or issues taking place on the matter and what they propose. These papers are needed in order to inform the other delegates and the states they represent of the position of each state, as they will inform them beforehand and thus lead to a better preparation. This is vital for fruitful debates during the sessions in order to better understand the policies of each state and moreover who to make alliances with. It is important that you comprise your position paper with clear and concise information on the policies of your state towards the two topics that will be debated throughout the sessions.


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Therefore, 3/4 of a page shall be enough to express your state’s position on each agenda item equaling 1,5 pages at the most for both topics. Points to include:

• Introduce the topic in relation to how it concerns your state, • Important facts such as its geographical location, population and political

system, • Membership in relevant international governmental organizations, • The position of your state and its policies, • Any facts or statistics to support your arguments on the states official position, • Any actions taken by the government on the matter, • Any resolutions or conventions signed, • What the state’s objectives are on the matter, • Finally, remember to never write in first person, as you are a representative of

the state in hand. On the following page you may find a sample position paper to guide you and to show you the correct format that you should follow


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VI. ANNEX I SAMPLE POSITION PAPER Committee: Human Rights Council Delegation: Kingdom of Morocco Topic A: The Arab Springs The wave of protests and uprisings that the Arab countries have been experiencing since January 2011 have given way to a new era of change and reforms in order to achieve stronger democracies and a higher protection of Human Rights. They are characterized by their unexpected emergence, fast development and spread. The high rates of young population, the unemployment problems, corruption and lack of transparency were the main facts that triggered all the changes that we have seen. However, one must not place all the countries in the same frame and that is why the Kingdom of Morocco has addressed the Arab Spring in a very particular way. Morocco is a kingdom since 1791, which is a key factor of stability for the country itself and for the region. Since its independence, the kingdom of Morocco has never been a one-party regime. His Majesty King Mohamed VI acceded to the throne in 1999, being a young man very close to his people and having different parties at the government. His Majesty has made reforms in order to reach equality between men and women and to improve our profound respect for Human Rights, as the Equity and Reconciliation Commission of 2004 can prove. One of the main points that makes Morocco different is that the population has taken part in those reforms. The protests that the kingdom of Morocco lived as a consequence of the Arab Spring, were rapidly responded by His Majesty. On the 9th March of 2011, Mohamed VI gave a speech announcing a reform of the Constitution, answering to the demands of change made by the people. The Kingdom of Morocco has been a referent on the management of such crises as the Arab Spring, by giving up some of the King’s power to the people. Thus, the Moroccan democracy has gained strength and quality. Facing the events occurring in neighbor states, such as Tunisia, Libya or Egypt, the Kingdom of Morocco kept a spirit of dialogue, willing to maintain stability and unity of Arab countries. As a member of the G11, G-77 and the Arab Maghreb Union the Moroccan delegation stresses the high necessity of finding a solution for the Syrian situation. The events taking place in the Syrian Arab Republic are inadmissible and a clear violation of Human Rights. In the up-coming meeting of the Human Rights Council, we will be called to discuss the situation of the Arab countries in the context of the respect of Human Rights.


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